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From die 

Fine Arts Library 

Fogg Art Museum 
Harvard University 



















■ •»■ 

SECTS, AND DOCTRINES. By Various Writers. Edited by Wm. 
Smith, D.C.L, and Henry* Wace, M.A. Vol. L Medium 8ro. SU. 6</. 



uixywn ASH aom, ctawobd stBER 





C. B. Rev- CuuRCHiLL Babikgton, B.D., F.L.S., 

Disney Professor of Archaeology in the University of 
Cambridge ; late Fellow of St. John's College. 

E B— T. Bev. Henry Bailey, D.D., 

Warden of St. Augustine's College, Canterbury, and 
Honorary Canon of Canterbury Cathedral ; late Follow 
of St. John's Collie, Cambridge. 

J. B— Y. Bev. Jambb Barmby, B.D., 

Principal of Bishop Hatfield's Hall, Durham. 

E. W. B. Bev. Edward White Benson, D.D., 

Chancellor of Lincoln Cathedral ; late Fellow of Trinity 
College, Cambridge. 

C. W. R Bev. Charles William Boasb, M.A., 

Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford. 

H. B. Henry Bradshaw, M.A., 

Fellow of King's College, Cambridge ; Librarian of tho 
University of Cambridge. 

W. B. Bev. William Bright, D.D., 

Canon of Christ Church, Oxford; Begins Professor of 
Ecclesiastical History in the University of Oxford. 

H. B. The late JRev. Henry Browne, M.A., 

Vicar of Pevensey, and Prebendary of Chichester Cathedral. 

L B. IsAMBARD Brunel, D.C.L., 

Of Lincoln's Lan ; Chancellor of the Diocese of Ely. 

T. R. B. Thomas Byburn Buchanan, M.A., 

Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford. 

D. B Bev. Daniel Butler, M.A., 

Hector of Thwing, Yorkshire; late Head Master of tho 
Clergy Orphan School, Canterbury. 

a 2 



J. M. 0. Bey. John Moore Oapes, M.A., 

of Balliol College, Oxford. 

J. G. C. Rev. John Gjbson Cazenove, M.A., 

late Principal of Cnmbrae College, N.6. 

C. Rev. Samuel Cheetham, M.A., 

Professor of Pastoral Theology in King's College, London^ 
and Chaplain of Dulwich College; late Fellow of 
Christ's College, Cambridge. 

E. B. C. Edwabd Btles Cowell, M.A., 

Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Cambridge. 

J. LI. D. Rev. John Llewelyn Davies, M.A., 

Rector of Christohurch, Marylobone ; late Fellow of 
Trinity College, Cambridge. 

C. D. Rev. Cecil Deedes, M.A., 

Vicar of St. Mary Magdalene, Oxford. 

W. P. D. Rev. WnxTAM P. Dickson, D.D., 

Regius Professor of Biblical Criticism, Glasgow. 

S. J. E. Rev. Samuel John Eales, M.A., 

Head Master of the Grammar School, Halstead, Essex. 

J. E. Rev. John Ellerton, M.A., 

Rector of Hinstock, Salop. 

E. S. Ff. Rev. Edmund S. Ffoulkes, B.D., , 

Late Fellow of Jesus College, Oxford. 

A. P. F. The Right Rev. Alexander Penrose Forbes, D.C.L., 

Bishop of Brechin. 

W. H. F. Hon. and Rev. William Henry Fremantle, M.A., 

Rector of St. Mary's, Marj'lebone ; Chaplain to the Arch - 
bishop of Canterbury. 

J. M. F. Rev. John M. Fullej?, M.A., 

Vicar of Bexley. 

C. D. G. Rev. Christian D. Ginsburg, LL.D. 

W. F. G. The late Rev. William Frfj)ERick Greenfield, M.A., 

Master of the Lower School, Dulwich College. 

A. W. H. The late Rev. Arthur West Haddax, B.D., 

Rector of Barton-on-the-Heath and Honorary Canon of 
Worcester Cathedral ; formerly Fellow of Trinity 
College, Oxford. 

E. H. Rev. Edwin Hatch, M.A., 

Vice-Principal of St. Mary Hall, Oxford. 



EL C. H. Bev. Edwards Comerford Hawkins, M.A., 

Head Master of St. John's School, Leatherhoad. 

L. H. Bev. Lkwis Hbnsley, M.A., 

Vicar of Hitchin, Herts ; late Fellow of Trinity Gcllogo, 

H. Bev. Fenton John Anthony Hort, M.A., 

Fellow of Emmanuel College, Cambridge; Chaplain to 
the Bishop of Winchester. 

B. J. H. Bev. Henry John Hotham, M.A., 

Yioe-Master of Trinity College, Cambridge. 

J. H. John Hullah, 

Late Professor of Music in King's College, London. 

W. J. Bev. William Jackson, M. A., 

Late Fellow of Worcester College, Oxford; Hampton 
Lecturer for 1876. 

G. A. J. Bev. George Andrew Jacob, D.D., 

late Head Master of Christ's Hospital, London. 

W. J. J. Bev. William James Josling, M.A., 

Beotor of Moulton, Sufiblk ; late Fellow of Christ's College, 

L. Bev. Joseph Barber Lightfoot, D.D., 

Canon of St. Paul's ; Lady Margaret's Professor of Divinity 
in the Univereity of Cambridge; Fellow of Trinity 
College, Cambridge. 

R. A. L. B. A. Lipsius, 

Professor in the University of Kiel. 

J. M. L. John Malcolm Ludlow, M.A., 

Of Lincoln's Lin. 

J. IL L. Bev. John Bobe»t Lunn, B.D., 

Vicar of Marton, Yorkshire; late Fellow of St. John's 
College, Cambridge. 

G. F. M. Bev. George Frederick Maclear, D.D., 

Head Master of King's College School, London. 

8. M. Bev. Spencer Mansel, M.A., 

Vicar of Trumpingtbn, Cambridge; Fellow of Trinity 
College, Cambridge. 

W. B. M. The late Bev. Wharton B. Marriott, M.A., 

Of Eton College; formerly Fellow of Exeter College, 

G. M. Bev. George Mead, M.A., 

Chaplain to the Forces, Dublin. 

FeUow o/v^^^^ij's CoUege, Cambridge, 



F. M. Bev. Fredsbigk Metrick, M.A., 

Beotor of Blioklin^, Norfolk; Prebendary of Linooln 
Cathedral; Chaplain to the Bishop of Linooln; late 
Fellow of Trinity College, Oxford. 

W. M. Bev. WiLUAM MlLLIGAN, D.D., 

Professor of Biblical Criticism in the Uniyersity of Aber- 
deen. I 

0. H. M. Bev. Gbobob Herbert Moberly, M.A., I 

Chaplain to the Bishop of Salisbury; Bector of Dunst- i 

bourne Bouse, Gloucestershire. ! 

H. C. G. M. Bev. ELihdlet Carr Gltk Moule, M.A., 

Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. 

1. B. M. John Bickards Mozlet, M.A., 

late Fellow of King's College, Cambridge. 

A. N. Alexander Nesbitt, F.S.A., 

Oldlands, Uckfield. 

P. 0. Bev. Phipps Onslow, B.A., 

Beotor of Upper Sapey, Hereford.' 

G. W. P. Bev. Griqort Walton Pennethorne, M.A., 

Bector of Ferring, Sussex; late Yioe-Principal of the 
Theological College, Chichester. 

W.G.F.P, Walter G. F. Phillimore, B.C.L., 

Lincoln's Inn ; Chancellor of the Diocese of Lincoln. 

E. H. P. Bev. Edward Hayes Plumptre, M.A., 

(sometimes Professor of New Testament Exegesis in King's College, 
P.) London ; Prebendary of St. Paul's Cathedral ; Vicar of 

Bickley ; formerly Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford. 

DE Pressens^. Bev. E. de Prbssens^, 

of Paris. 
J. B. Bev. Jajces Baine, M.A., 

Prebendary of York ; Fellow of the University of Durham. 

W. B. Bev. WnjJAM Beeves, D.D., 

Beotor of Tynan, Armagh. 

G. S. Bev. Gboroe Salmon, D.D., 

Begins Professor of Divinity, Trinitv College, Dublin. 

P. S. Bev. Philip Schaff, D.D., 

Professor of Theology in the Union Theological Seminary, 
New York. 


Hectxir of Jjf^^ingham ; late Fellow of St. John's College, 
J* 8. BBv.JoHifStt, ^^ M.A., 




B. S. Benjamin Shaw, MA., 

Of Lincoln's Inn ; late Fellow of Trinity College, Gam- 

B. S. Bey. Robert Sinker, M.A., 

Librarian of Trinity College, Cambridge. 

L G. S. Bev. L Gregory Smith, M.A., 

Beotor of Great Malvern, and Prebendary of Hereford 
Cathedral ; late Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford. 

J. 8 — ^T. John Stuart, LL.D., 

Of the General Begister-Honse, Edinburgh. 

& Bev. William Stubbs, M.A., 

Begins Professor of Modem History, in the Uydversity of 
(mord ; Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford. 

C A. 8. Bev. Charles Anthony Swainson, D.D., 

Norrisian Professor of Divinity in the University of 
Cambridge, and Canon of C^ohester Cathedral; late 
Fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge. 

E. S. T. Bev. Edward Stoart Talbot, M.A., 

Warden of Keble College, Oxford. 

B. St. J. T. Bev. BicHARD St. John Tyrwhitt, M. A., 

Late Stndent and Bhetorio Lecturer of Christ Church, 

E. V. Bev. Edmund Venables, M.A., 

Canon Residentiary and Precentor of Lincoln Cathedral ; 
Chaplain to the Bishop of London. 

W. Bev. Brooke Foss Westoott, D.D., 

(someiimefl Canon of Peterborough ; Begins Professor of Divinity in 
B. F. W.) the University of Cambridge ; late Fellow of Trinity 

Collie, Cambridge. 

H. W. Bev. Henry Wage, M.A., 

Cbaplain of Lincoln's Inn, and Professor of Ecclesiastical 
History, King's College, London. 

O. W. Bev, George Williams, B.D., 

Bector of Bii^wood, Hants ; late Fellow of King's College, 

J. W- Bev. John Wordsworth, M.A., 

Prebendary of Lincoln; Examining Chaplain fo the Bishop 
of Lincoln ; late Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford. 

W. A. W. William Aldis Wright, M.A., 

Trinity College, Cambridge. 

E. ]£. Y. Bev. Edward Mallet Young, M.A., 

Assistant Master of Harrow School ; Fellow of Trinity 
College, Cambridge. 

H. W. y. Bev. Henry William Yule, B.C.L., M.A., 

Bector of Shipton-on-Cherwell, and Vicar of Hampton 
Gay, Oxon. 


This Work is intended to furnish, together with the * Dictionary of 
Christian Biography, Literature, and Doctrines,* which will shortly 
follow, a complete account of the leading Personages, the Institu- 
tions, Art, Social Life, Writings and Controversies of the Christian 
Church firom the time of the Apostles to the age of Charlemagne. 
It commences at the period at which the ^ Dictionary of the Bible ' 
leaves off, and forms a continuation of it : it ceases at the age of 
Charlemagne, because (as Gibbon has remarked) the reign of this 
monarch forms the important link of ancient and modem, of 
ciyil and ecclesiastical history. It thus stops short of what we 
commonly call the Middle Ages. The later developement of Bitual 
and of the Monastic Orders, the rise and progress of the great 
Mendicant Orders, the Fainting, Sculpture and Architecture, the 
Hagiology and Symbolism, the Canon Law, and the Institutions 
generally of the Middle Ages, furnish more than sufficient matter 
for a separate book. 

The present Work, speaking generally, elucidates and explains 
in relation to the Christian Church the same class of subjects that 
the * Dictionary of Greek and Boman Antiquities * does in reference 
to the public and private life of classical antiquity. It treats of 
the organization of the Church, its officers, legislation, discipline, 
and revenues ; the social life of Christians ; their worship and 
ceremonial, with the accompanying music, vestments, instruments, 
vessels, and insignia; their sacred places; their architecture and 
other forms of Art ; their symbolism ; their sacred days and seasons 
the graves or Catacombs in which they were laid to rest. 

We can scarcely hope that every portion of this wide and varied 
field has been treated with equal completeness ; but we may venture 
to assert, that this Dictionary is at least more complete than any 
attempt hitherto made by English or Foreign scholars to treat in 
one work the whole archaeology of the early Church. The great 


work of Bingham^ indeed, the foundation of most subsequent books 
on the subject, must always be spoken of with the utmost respect ; 
but it is beyond the power of one man to treat with the requisite 
degree of fulness and accuracy the whole of so vast a subject ; 
and there is probably no branch of Christian archaeology on which 
much light has not been thrown since Bingham's time by the 
numerous scholars and divines who have devoted their lives to 
special investigations. We trust that we have made accessible 
to all educated persons a great mass of information, hitherto only 
the privilege of students with the command of a large library. 

In treating of subjects like Church Government and Bitual it 
is probably impossible to secure absolute impartiality ; but we are 
confident that no intentional reticence, distortion or exaggeration 
has been practised by the writers in this work. 

It has been thought advisable not to insert in the present work 
an account of the Literature, of the Sects and Heresies, and of 
the Doctrines of the Church, but to treat these subjects in the 
'Dictionary of Christian Biography,' as they are intimately con- 
nected with the lives of the leading persons in Church History, 
and could not with advantage be separated from them. 

It has not been possible to construct the vocabulary on an 
entirely consistent principle. Where a well -recognized English 
term exists for an institution or an object, that term has generally 
been preferred as the heading of an article. But in many cases 
obsolete customs, offices, or objects have no English name; and 
in many others the EngUsh term is not really co-extensive with the 
Latin or Greek term to which it seems at first sight to correspond. 
The word Decanus (for example) has several meanings which are not 
implied in the English Dean. In such cases it was necessary to 
adopt a term from the classic languages. Cross-references are given 
from the synonyms or quasi-synonyms to the word under which any 
subject is treated. The Councils are placed (so far as possible) 
under the modern names of the places at which they were held, a 
cross-reference being given from the ancient name. In the case of 
the Saints' Days, the names of the Western saints have been taken 
from the martyrology of Usuard, as containing probably the most 
complete Ust of the martyrs and confessors generally recognized in 
the West up to the ninth century ; the occurrence of these names 
in earlier calendars or martyrologies is also noted. In the letters A 
and B, however, the names of Saints are taken principally from the 
* Martyrologium Romanum Vetus,* and from the catalogues which 
bear the names of Jerome and of Bede, without special reference 


to UsnanL In the case of the Eastern Church, we have taken 
from tbe calendars of Byzantium, of Armenia, and of Ethiopia, 
those names which fall within our chronological period. This 
alphabetical arrangement will virtually constitute an index to the 
principal martyrologies, in addition to supplying the calendar, 
dates of events which are fixed — as is not uncommonly the case in 
ancient records — by reference to some festival. The names of 
persons are inserted in the vocabulary of this Work only with 
reference to their commemoration in mcurtyrologies or their repre- 
sentations in art, their lives, when they are of any importance, 
being given in the Dictionary of Biography. 

Beferences are given throughout to the original authorities on 
which the several statements rest, as well as to modem writers of 
lepute. In citations from the Fathers, where a page is given without 
reference to a particular edition, it refers for the most part to the 
standard pagination — ^generally that of the Benedictine editions — 
which is retained in Migne's Patroloffia. 

At the commencement of this work, the Editorship of that por- 
tion which includes the laws, government, discipline, and revenues of 
the Chun^h and the Orders within it, was placed in the hands of 
Professor Stubbs ; the education and social life of Christians in those 
of Professor Flumptre ; while the treatment of their worship and 
ceremonial was entrusted to Professor Cheetham; all under the 
general snperintendence of Dr. William Smith. As the work pro- 
ceeded, however, a pressure of other engagements rendered it impos- 
sible for Professors Stubbs and Flumptre to continue their editorship 
of the parts which they had undertaken ; and from the end of the 
letter C Professor Cheetham has acted as Editor of the whole 
work, always with the advice and assistance of Dr. William Smith. 

In conclusion, we have to express our regret at the long time 
that has elapsed since the first announcement of the work. This 
delay has been owing partly to our anxious desire to make it as 
accurate as possible, and partly to the loss we have sustained by 
the death of two of our most valued contributors, the Eev. A. W 
Haddan and the Bev. W. B. Marriott. 








A aad «. (See B«t. xxii. 13.) Of these I 
ifBbolic letters the m is always given in the j 
■iaoaciilar form. The symbol is generally oom- 
Ufted with the monogram of dmst. pfONO- 
ABAX.] In Boldetti's Osaervcaioni topra i cinUterif 
Ibc Rom. 1720, foL tav. iii. p. 194, no. 4, it is 
feoad, with the more ancient decussated mono- 
gram, on a sepolchrml cnp or vesseL See also 
Dc Bocd {InaenpUonSf No. 776X where the letters 

are suspended f^m the arms of 

the St. Andrew's Cross. They 

are combined more frequently 

_ with the upright or Egyptian 

'" y/lV monogram. Aringhi, Bom. 

/ ^^ 8ySbL Tol. L p. 381, gives an 

^ ^ engraving of a jewelled cross, 

with the letters susjiended 

by disins to its horizontal arm, as below. And 

the ame form oocnrs in sepulchral inscriptions 

in De Rossi, Inacr, Ovr. Horn. 
U i. nos. 661, 666. See also 
Boldetti, p. 345, and Bottari, 
tav. zliv. voL i. 

The letters are found, with 
or without the monogram, in 
almost all works of Christian 
antiquity ; for instance, right 
Mad left of a great cross, on which is no form or 
nca symbolic Lamb, on the ceiling of the apse 
«f St ApolHnare in Classe at Ravenna, circ a.d. 
673. Iney were worn in rings and sigils, either 
sloM, as in Martigny, s. v. AimeauXy or with 
the monogTsm, as in Boldetti, ms. 21-31, 30-33. 
Oa coins they appear to be fint used imme- 
diately after the death of Constantine. The 
tarliett instances are an aureus nummus of Con- 
itaatios (Banduri, v. iL p. 227, Iifumismata Imp, 
itoshmomm, &c.); and another golden coin bear- 
iag the effigy of Constantine the Qreat, with the 
voids "Victoria Maxima." Constantine seems 
■ot to have made great use of Christian em- 
'^'— on his coin till after the defeat of Lici- 





Dies in 323, and especially after the building 
fiT CSHtaatinople. (See Martigny, s. v. ^tants- 

Ths use of these ajmbolic letters amounts to 
t'qaoUtion of Rev. zjtii. 13, and a confession of 
6nh in our Lord's own assertion of His infinity 

OLMlgt. AXT. 

and divinity. There is one instance in Martial 
(Epig, V. 26) where A, Alpha, is used jocularly 
(as A 1, vulgarly, with ourselves) for ** chief or 
'* first." But the whole expression in its solemn 
meaning is derived entirely from the words of 
Rev. xxiL 13. The import to a Christian is 
shewn by the well-known passage of Prudentius 
{ffymnua Omni Bora, 10, GaMmwrmon, Ix. p. 
35, ed. Tubingen, 45) :— 

"Oocde naUu ex parentis ante mundl exordium, 
Alidis et O oognomliuitus, ipse fbos et claoBula, 
Onmlum quae sunt, feenint, quaeque post fbtnra soaf 

The symbol was no doubt much more frequently 
used after the outbreak of Arianism. But it ap- 
pears to have been used before that date, from its 
occurrence in the inscription on the tomb raised 
by Victorina to her martyred husband Heraclius 
in the cemetery of Piiscilla (Aringhi, L 605). 
It is here enclosed in a triangle, and united with 
the upright monogram. See also another in- 
scription in Fabretti (Tnscr. antiq. expUoatio^ 
Rom. 1699, fol.), and the cup given in Boldetti 
from the Callixtine catacomb, tav. iiL no. 4, at 
p. 194. From these it is argued with apparent 
truth that the symbol must have been in use 
before the Nioene Council.* No doubt, as a con* 
venient symbolic form of asserting the Lord's 
divinity, it became far more prominent after- 
wards. The Arians certainly avoided its use 
TGlorgi, De Monogram, Christiy p. 10). It is 
found on the crucifix attributed to Kicodemus 
(Angelo Rocca, Theaaunu Pontificiarum^ voL i. 
153, woodnnt), and on a wooden crucifix of great 
antiquity at Lucca (Borgia, De Grace Velitema^ 
p. 33). For its general use as a part of the 
monogram of Christ, see Monogram. It will be 
found (see Westwood's PaheograpfUa Sacra') in the 
Psalter of Athelstan, and in the Bible of Alcuin ; 
both in the British Museum. [R. St. J. T.] 

AABON, the High Priest, commemorated 

• Boldetti: "QosntoaUelettere AsDdM.nonv'liadabUe 
cbe quel primi Cristisni la preseco dall' Apoeallsn.*' 
He goes on to saj that it is the sign of Chiistiso, not 
Ariu, barial ; and that Ariaos were driven Ihim Borne, 
and excloded from the OaSaoombs. Aringhi also protests 
that those oemeteries were *' hand unqiuun heretloo schAs 
matlooqae ooounerdo pollntae.* 



Miaziah 1 = March 27 (Ob/. Ethiop,'). Depofition 
in Mount Hor, July 1 {Mart. Bedae^ Hteron,). [C] 

ABAOUO. (1) Habakknk the Prophet, oom- 
memorated Jan. 15 {Martyrologium Eonu Vetuty 
MmroiL, Bedae). 

(2) Martyr at Rome nnder Clandiiu, A.D. 269, 
oommemorated Jan. 20 (Martyr, Bom. Vettu), 


ABBA. [Aebat.] 

ABBAT. (^66cu or AfAa [rdtis], &/3/3as, 
fti93a, in low Latin sometimes AbinUj Ital. AbaUj 
Germ. Abt, from the Chaldee and Syriac form of 
the common Semitic word for Father, probaUy 
adopted in that form either by Syriao monks, 
or through its K. T. use.) A name employed 
oocasionaTly in the East, even so late as the 10th 
century, as a term of respect for any monks 
(Gnasian., CoUat. i. 1, a.d. 429; Beg. 8. Colvmb. 
rlL, A.D. 609 ; Jo. Moach., Brat, Spir,^ a.d. 630 ; 
Epiphan. Hagiop., De Loc, 83,, a.d. 956 ; Byzant. 
auto. ap. Du Oinge, Lex, Inf. Graec, ; Bulteau, 
Hist, Mon, (FOrient, 819: and, similarly, ikfifid- 
Sioiff kfifiaZlffKioVt 4fcv8(i3/3aT, K\tirrd$0€u, for 
an evil or false monk, Du Cange, ibJ) ; anid some- 
times as a distingnishing term for a monk of 
' singular piety (Hieron^ in Epitt, ad OaL c 4 ; m 
Matt. lih. ir. in c 23) ; bat ordinarily restricted 
to the superior of a monastery, Bater or Brincepe 
MonasterO, electire, irremoTeable, single, abso- 
lute. Replaced commonly among the Greeks 
by 'Apx'/uu^pM' [Abguimandrita], 'Hyo^ 
li^vos^ or more rarely Koiyo3<^(px^s ; the first 
of which terms howeyer, apparently by a con- 
fusion respecting its deriration, came occasion- 
ally to stand for the superior of more monas- 
teries than one (Helyot, Hiet, des Ordr, Mon, 
i. 65) : — extended upon their institution to the 
superior of a body of canons, more properly 
called BraepotituBf Abbas Canonicorum as op- 
posed to AAos Monachorum (e. g. Cone. Boris. 
A.D. 829, c 37; Cone. Aquisg, II. a.d. 836. 
canon, c. ii. P. 2, § 1 ; Chron, Lsod.) ; but varied 
by many of the later monastic orders, as e. g. by 
cSirmeliteB, Augustinians, Dominicans, Seryites, 
into Braepositus or Brior ConventwUis, by Fran- 
ciscans into Gustos or OuardianuSf by Camaldu- 
lensians into Major, by Jesuits into Rector: — 
distinguished in the original Rule of Pachomius, 
as the superior of a combination of monasteries, 
from the Bater, Brinceps, or Oeoonomiu of each 
and from the Braepositi of the several families of 
each. Enlarged into Abbas Abbatvm for the Ab- 
bat of Monte Cassino (Pet. Diac. Chron. Cawi. 
iv, 60 ; Leo Ostiens., ib. ii. 54), who was vicar of 
the Pope over Benedictine monasteries {Brivil. 
Niool, I. Bapae, A.D. 1059, ap. And. a Nuce ad 
Leon. Ostiens. iii. 12), and had precedence over 
all Benedictine abbats (Pn'ot/. Baschal, II, Bapae, 
A.D. 1113, in Bull, Casin. ii. 130; Chart. Lothar, 
Imp,, A.D. 1137, ib. 157). Similarly a single 
Abbat of Aniana, Benedict, was made by Ludov. 
Pius, A.D. 817, chief of the abbats in the empire 
(Chron, Farf, p. 671 ; Ardo, in F. Bensd, c viii. 
36): and the Hegumenos of St. Dalmatius in 
Constantinople was, from the time of St. Dal- 
matius hunself (a.D. 430), ftpx**' ^^ trar^p 
funwmiplvw. Abbas Universalis or KoBoXixhs, 
Sxarohus omnium monasteriontm in urbe regia 
(Cone. Constant, iv., a.d. 536, Act i.; Cone, 
Ephes, iii. a.d. 431 ; and see Tillem., Mim, EccL 
zlv. 322 and Eustath. in V. Eutych. n. 18, Jo. 


Cantacuz. i. 50, Theocterictus m V, 8. Nioetam^ i 
43, quoted by Du Cange). Transferred Im 
properly sometimes to the Braepositus or Prios 
the lieutenant (so to say) of a monastery, Abba 
Secundus or Secundarius {Reg, 8. Bened. 65 ; an 
see Sid. Apoll. vii. 17), the proper abbat beiii| 
called by way of distinction Abhas Major (jCtmA 
Aqvisgr. aj). 817 c 31). Transferred also, ii 
course of time, to non-monastic clerical offioea 
as e. g. to the principal of a body of parochial 
clergy (i. the Abbas, Gustos, or Rector, as distiii' 
guished from ii. the Brefbyter or Capellan'usj an<j 
iii. the 8acrista ; Ughelli, Ital, 8ac. vii. 506, ap. Di 
Cange); and to the chief chaplain of the king oi 
emperosr in camp under the Ourlovingiana, Abbeu 
Castrensis, and to the Abbcu Curiae at Viennc 
(Du Cange) ; and in later times to a particnlai 
cathedral official at Toledo (Beyerlinck, Afagn, 
Iheatrum, s. v. Abbas}, much as the term car- 
dinal is used at our own St. Paul's ; and to th« 
chief of a decad of choristers at Anicia, Abbaa 
Clericulorum (Du Cange) ; and later still to th« 
abbat of a religious confraternity, as of St. Yto 
at Paris in 1350 and another in 1362 (/dL> 
Adopted also for purely secular and civil offioera. 
Abbas BopuU at Genoa, and again of the Genoese 
in Galata (Jo. Pachym. ziiL 27), of Guilds at 
Milan and Decnrions at Brixia ; and earlier stilly 
Baiatii, Clocherii, CampaniUs, 8cholaris, Eadaf-' 
fardorwn (Du Cange) ; and compare Dante 
{Bwrgat. xxvi). Abate del Cottegio. Usurped 
in course of time by lay holders of monasteries 
under the system of commendation [sea p. 
54], Abbas Broteetor, Abbas Zaicus^ Arcki- 
abbas, AbbO" [or Abbi^'^ Comes, denominated by a 
happy equivoque in some papal documents AMos 
Irreligiosus ; and giving rise in turn to the A66as 
Legitimus or Monasticus {Serm. de JkunukU. S, 
Qfiintin., ap. Du Cange), as a name for the abbat 
proper (sometimes it was the Decani, Oan^m. 
Aimtrin. c 42 ; and in Culdee Scotland in the 
parallel case it was a Brior') who took charge ot 
the spiritual duties. Lastly, perverted altogether 
in later days into a mock title, as Abbas Lastitiae, 
Jucenum, Faiuorum, or again Abbas B^cmorum 
(of freshmen, or " Yellow Beaks," at the univer- 
sity of Paris), or Comardomm or Conardorum (an 
equally unruly club of older people elsewhere in 
France), until *^ in vitium libertas excidit et vim 
dignam lege regi," and the mock abbats accord- 
inglv " held their peace" perforce (Du Cange). 

The abbat, properly so called, was elected in 
the beginning by the bishop of the diocese out of 
the monks themselves (with a vague right of 
assent on the part of the people also, according 
to Du Cange); a right confirmed at first by 
Justinian {NooeiL v. c. 9, A.D. 534-565); Who, 
however, by a subsequent enactment transferred 
it to the monks, the abbat elect to be confirmed 
and formally blessed by the bishop {Novell, cxxiii. 
c 34). And this became the common law of 
Western monasteries also {Reg, 8. Bened., A.D. 
530, c. 64 ; Cone, Carthag,, A.D. 525, in die Ilda; 
Greg. M., Epist, ii. 41, iii. 23, viii. 15; Theodor., 
Boemt. U. vi 1 in Wasserschl. p. 207; Pteudo- 
figbert, Boenit. Add, in Thorpe, it 235, &c ;— 
^Fratres eligant sibi abbatem," Aldhelm ap. W. 
Malm., De G, B.y,p,lll), confirmed in time by 
express enactment {Capit, Car, M, et Lud. Bii, 
L vi., A.D. 816),^** Quomodo (monachis) ex si 
ipsis sibi eligendi abbates licentiam dederimus;" 
—Urban. Pap. ap. Gimtiaa, oop. AUen, cam, 1^ 



^ i ; awl to ftlao cap. Quonietm Diat, Ixix. — 
•dwciBg the epifloopal benediction, from Cone. 
JieacR. il, AJX 787, c 14. So also Counc. of 
Galckytfa, ajk 785, c 5 (monks to elect from 
tkor own mooasterj, or another, with consent of 
kkhopX but Counc of Becanceld, ajd. 694, and 
«f OeakhTth, a.d. 816 (bishop to elect abbat or 
abbcts vith oonsent of the ** family"). And 
fonas oocar accordingly, in both Extern and 
Western Pontificals, for the Benedictio re- 
^Kctirely of an Hegumenoa, or of an Abbas, both 
JVJMicAonfBi and Ccmonioorumf and of an Abbch- 
tma (see also Theodor., Poenit, II. iii. 5, in 
Wasiersehl. p. 204, &c. ; and a special form for 
the bst Damed, wrongly attributed to Theodore, 
■ Collier's Records from the Ordo Rom,, and 
vith TsriatioDs, in Gerbert}. An abbat of an 
CMBpt abbey (in later times) could not resign 
without leaTe of the Pope (c. Si Abbatsm, Bonif. 
VIIL in Sext. Deer, L tL 36) ; and was to be 
eBofirmed and blessed by him (Matt. Par. in an, 
12S7). A qualification made in the Benedictine 
Sale, allowing the choice of a minority if theirs 
we the saniut consHiwny necessarily became a 
4esd letter from its impracticability. Bishops, 
Wverer, rrtained their right of institution if not 
loBiiiation in Spain in the 7th century (Cone, 
TeUL, A.D. 633, o. 50); and the Bishop of 
CUloas-sur-Mame so late as the time of St. 
Bemud {Epist, 58). See, however. Cans, zviiL, 
Oil 2. The nomination by an abbat of his suo- 
eesMT, occurring sometimes in special cases (e.g. 
St Brono), and allowed under restrictions (Cone. 
CabUhA, U., A.D. 650, c 12 ; Theodor., Capit, 
Dedker, c. 71, in Wasserschl. p. 151), was ex- 
ceptional, and was to be so managed as not to 
iatcrfere with the general right of the monks. 
So also the founder's like exceptional nominations, 
ut.%, those made by Aldhelm or Wilfrid. The 
iatcr&renoe of kings in such elections began as a 
pnctiee with the system of commendation ; but 
in royal foundations, and as suggested and pro- 
moted by feudal ideas, no doub^ existed earlier. 
The eonsent of the bishop is made necessary to 
SB abbat's election, ^'ubi jussio Regis fuerit," 
iaJLa 794 (Omc. Franoof, c. 17). The bishop 
vas also to quash an unfit election, under the 
BeMdictiBe lule, and (with the neighbouring 
aUets) to appoint a proper person instead (Reg, 

Onoe elected, the abbat held office for life, 
vakss canonically deprived by the bishop ; but 
tbe eoment of his fellow-presbyters and abbats is 
■sde necessary to sucn deprivation by the 
CboiqI of Tours (Cone, l^uron, ii., a.d. 567, c 7 ; 
as abo Excerpt. Fsevdo-EgberU, 65, Thorpe ii. 
107)l And this, even if incapacitated by sickness 
(Hiacnar ad Corbeiens,, ap. Flodoard. iii. 7). 
Tricanial abbats (and abbesses) were a desperate 
expedient of far later popes. Innocent VIII. 
{uk 1484-1492) and Clement Yll. (a.d. 1523- 

Uke all monks (Hieron., ad Rustic, 95; 
Cuuan., CoBoL v. 26 ; Caus, xvi. qu. 1, c 40 ; 
DkL xciii. c. 5), the abbat was originally a lay- 
lu (** Abbas potest esse, et non presbyter: 
kicBs potest esse abbas ;" Jo. de Turrecrem., sup. 

VisL liix.) ; and accordingly ranked below all 
eHers of clergy, even the Ustiarius (Did, xciiL 
c 5^ In the East, Archimandrites appear to 
kare beoome either deacons at least, or com- 
■only pneit% Won the dose of the 5th century 

(inter Epist, Hormisd. Pap., A.D. 514-^23, ante 
Ep, xzii.; Cone, (Jonstantin, iv., A.i>. 536, Act LX 
although not without a struggle : St. Sabas, e.g., 
A.D. 484, strictly forbidding any of his monks 
to be priests, while reluctantly forced into the 
presbyterate himself by the Patriarch of Jeru- 
salem (Surius, tn Ftto, 5 Dec,, cc xxii. xxv). 
And Archimandrites subscribe Church Councils 
in the East, from time to time, from Ctmc, 
Constantm,, a.d. 448. The term 'Ai3/3a8oirpe<r- 
fiirtpos, however, in Nomocan. (n. 44, ed. Co- 
teler.), appears to indicate the continued ex- 
istence of abbats not presbyters. In the West, 
laymen commonly held the office until the end 
of the 7th century, and continued to do so to 
some extent or other (even in the proper sense 
of the office) into the 11th. Jealousy of the 
priestly order, counterbalanced by the absolute 
need of priestly ministrations, prolonged the 
struggle, in the 6th century, whether Western 
monasteries should even admit priests at all. St. 
Benedict, a.d. 530, hardly allows a single priest ; 
although, if accepted, he is to rank next the 
abbat (Ifej. 60). Anrelian of Aries, a.d. 50, 
allows one of each order, priest, deacon, sub- 
deacon (Reg. 46). The RegtUa Magistri (23) 
admits priests as guests only, ** ne abbates ut- 
pote laicos excludant." St. Gregory, however, 
A.D. 595, gave a great impulse, as to monastic 
life generally, so in particular, by the nature of 
his ^gllsh mission, to presbyter (and episcopal) 
abbats. And while Benedict himself, a layman, 
was admitted to a council at Rome, a.d. 531, as 
by a singular privilege (Cave, Hist. Litt. in V, 
Bened.) ; during the next century, abbats occur 
commonly, 1. at Councils of State, or in Councib 
of abbats for monastic purposes, in Saxon England 
and in France ; but 2. in purely Church Councils 
in Spain. Theodore (about A.D. 690) repeats 
the continental canon, inhibiting bishops from 
compelling abbats to come to a council without 
reasonable cause (Foenit, II. ii. 3; Wasserschl. 
p. 203). And in one case, both Abbates pres* 
byteri, and Abbates simply, subscribe a Saxon 
Council or Wltenagemot, viz., that of Oct. 12, 
803 (Kemble, C. D. v. 65), which had for its 
purpose the prohibition of lay commendations; 
while abbesses occur sometimes as weU, e. g. at 
Becanceld, A.D. 694 (Anglo-^ax, Chron^ and 
at London, Aug. 1, A.D. 811 (Kemble, C. D, i. 
242). Lay abbats continued in England A.i>. 
696 (Wihtred's Dooms, § 18), a.d. 740 (Egbert's 
Answ. 7, 11), A.D. 747 (Ccunc. of Choesho, c 5), 
AJ>. 957 (Aelfric's Can, § 18, — abbats not an 
order of clergy). In France, an annual Council 
of abbats was to be summoned by the bishop 
every Nov. 1, the presbyters having their own 
special council separately in May (Cone, Aure- 
Uan, i., A.D. 511 ; Cone. Autisiod,, AJ>. 578 or 
586, c. 7). Abbats, however, sign as represen- 
tatives of bishops at the Councils of Orleans, iv. 
and v., A.D. 541, 549. But in Spain, abbats 
subscribe Church Councils, at first after and then 
before presbyters (Cone. Braear. iii., A.D. 572; 
Osoens,, a.d. 588 ; Emerit,, A.D. 666 ; Tolet. xii. 
and xiii., a.d. 681, 683) ; occurring, indeed, in 
all councils from that of Toledo (viii.) A.D. 653. 
From A.D. 565, also, there was an unbroken 
succession of presbyter-abbats at Hy, retaining 
their original missionary jurisdiction over their 
monaatic colonies, even after these colonies had 
grown into a church, and both needed and had 




bishops, although undiooesan (Baed., H„ E.^ iii. 
4, T. 24). And clerical abbats (episcopal indeed 
first, in Ireland, and afterwards presbyteral — 
see Todd's St. Patrick^ pp. 88, 89) seem to have 
been always the rule in Wales, Ireland, and 
Scotland. In Ireland, indeed, abbats were so 
identified with not presbyters only bat bbhops, 
that the Pope is found designated as "Abbat 
of Rome " (Todd's St, Patrick, 156). Most con- 
tinental abbats, however (and even their Prae- 
positi and Decani) appear to hare been pres- 
byters by A.D. 817. These officers may bestow 
the benediction (" quamyis presbyter! non sint" ; 
Cone, Aquitgr,, A.D. 817, c. 62). All were ordered 
to be so, but as yet ineffectually, ▲.D. 826 (Cbnc. 
Bum. c. 27). And the order was still needed, 
but was being speedily enforced by custom, A.D. 
1078 iCtMC. Pictav. c. 7: " (It abbates et decani 
[aliter abbates diaconi] qui presbyterl non sunt, 
presbyteri fiant, aut praelationes amittant "). 

A bishop-abbat was forbidden in a particular 
instance by a Council of Toledo (zii., a.d. 681, 
c. 4), but permitted subsequently as (at first) an 
exceptional case at Lobes near Wge, about A.D. 
700, (conjecturally) for missionary purposes among 
the still heathen Flemish (D'Achery, Spicil. ii. 
730) ; a different thing, it should be noted, from 
bishops resident in abbeys under the abbat's 
jurisdiction ("Episoopi monachi," according to 
a very questionable reading in Baed. jET. E. !▼. 
5), as in Ireland and Albanian Scotland, and in 
seyeral continental (mostly exempt) abbeys (St. 
Denys, St. Martin of Tours, &c.), and both at this 
and at later periods in exempt abbeys generally 
(Du Gauge, voc. Epiaoopi Vagantes: Todd's St. 
Patrick, 51 sq.); although in some of these con- 
tinental cases the two plans seem to hare been 
interchanged from time to time, according as the 
abbat happened to be either himself a biiiJiop, or 
merely to have a monic-bishop onder him 
(Martene and Durand, Thes, Nov, Anecd. i. 
Pref. giving a list of Benedictine Abbatial bishops ; 
Todd, 16.). In Wales, and in the Scottish sees 
in Anglo-Saxon England (e.g. LindisfameX uid 
in a certain sense in the monastic sees of the 
Augustinian English Church, the bishop was also 
an abbat; but the latter office was here ap- 
pended to the former, not (as in the other cases) the 
former to the latter. So, too, ** Antistes et abbas," 
in Sidon. Apoll. (zvi. 114), speaking of two abbats 
of Lerins, who were also Bishops of Riez. Pos- 
sibly there were undiocesan bishop-abbats in 
Welsh abbeys of Celtic date (Rees, Wel8h SS. 
182, 266). Abbats sometimes acted as (^ore- 
piacopi in the 9th century: ▼. Du Cange, voc. 
Chorepiscopus. The abbats also of Catania and of 
Monreale in Sicily at a later period were always 
bishops (diocesan), and the latter shortly an 
archbishop, respectively by privilege of Urban II., 
A.D. 1088-1099, and from A.D. 1176 (Du Cange). 
So also at Fulda and Corbey in Germany. 

We have iastly an abbat who ^^^ ^^ ^ 

o/^cio a cardinal, in the cue of tJje Abbat of 

Clugny, by privilege of Pope C^uriVB Ti^ AJ). 

ni9 (Hug. Mon. ad JPontS^iZ^ll CIm., ap. 

Du Cange). 4^^ '^ 

The nstaral rule, that th^ ^Jiould be 

d^asen from the seniors, aai f^^UK^ of the 

r^iL '"^^^C^' ^ ^IS* /^^^olsten. 

^^ monks C^jo^^! \^ J^eiJM. 


Pii, i. tit. 81, ^ ex seipsis," &c., as above quote 
ConciL Botom.j A.D. 1074, c. 10) : although t 
limitation to one above twenty-five years old 
no earlier than Pope Alexander III. (^Oonc. Z 
teran. A.D. 1179). In the West, ho'vrever, t. 
rule was, that ^'Fratres eligant sibi abbate 
de ipsls si habent, sin autem, de extraneis 
(Theodor., Capit, Daoh. c. 72, in Wasserschl. 
151 ; and so also St. Greg., Epist. ii. 41, viii. 15 
while in the East it seems to be spoken of as 
privilege, where an abbey, having no 6t moi 
of its own, might choose a l^votiovpiTiis — oi 
tonsured elsewhere (Leunclav. Jus Oraeco-^o* 
p. 222> 

Repeated enactments prove at once the rule < 
one abbat to one monastery, and (as time wei 
on) its common violation (Hieron. ad Rustic 95 
Heg. 8. Serap. 4, and Begulae passim; Com 
Venetic, A.D. 465, c. 8 ; AgatK, a.d. 506, oc 3i 
57 ; Epaon., A.D. 517, oc. 9, 10 ; and so, in th 
East, Justinian, L. I. tit. iii. ; De Epiao, I. 39 : an 
Balsamon ad Nomocan. tit. i. c 20, — '* Si non pei 
mittitur alicui ut sit clericus in duabus eoclesiii 
nee prsfectus sen abbas duobus monasterii 
praeerit"). Ko doubt such a case as that o 
Wilfrid of York, at once founder and Abbat o 
Hexham and Ripon, or that of Aldhelm, Abbai 
at once (for a like reason) of Malmesbury, Frome 
and Bradford, was not so singular as it was ii 
their case both intelligible and excusable. Th( 
spirit of the rule obviously does not apply, eithei 
to the early clusters of monasteries under th« 
Rule of St. PMchomius, or to the tens of thou- 
sands of monks subject to the government oi 
e. g. St. Macarius or St. Serapion, or to the later 
semi-hierarchical quasi-jurisdiction, possessed as 
already mentioned by the Abbats of St. Dalma* 
tins, of Monte Cassino, or of Clugny, and by 
Benedict of Aniana. Generals of Orders, and 
more compact organization of the whole of an 
Order into a single body, belong to later times. 

The abbat's power was in theory paternal, bat 
absolute — " Timeas ut dominum, diligas ut pa- 
trem " (Beg. 8, Macar. 7, in Holsten. p. 25 ; and 
BegtUae passim). See also St. Jerome. Even to 
act without his order was culpable {Beg. 8. 
Basil.}. And to meek for another who hesitated 
to obey was itself disobedience (Beg. passim). 
The relation of monk to abbat is described as 
a libera eervitus {Beg. 8, Orsies. 19, in Holsten. 
p. 73) ; while no monk (not even if he was a 
bishop, Baed. H. E., iv. 5) could exchange mo- 
nasteries without the abbat's leave (Beg. passim)^ 
not even (although in that case it was some- 
times allowed) if he sought to quit a laxer for 
a stricter rule (Beg. PP. 14, in Holsten. p. 23; 
GUd. ap. MS. 8. GalL 243, pp. 4, 155); unless 
indeed he fled from an excommunicated abbat 
(Gild. tb. p. 155, and in D'Ach., SptciL u 500). 
In later times, and less civilized regions, it was 
found necessary to prohibit an abbat from blind- 
ing or mutilating his monks (Cone, Franoof. 
A.D. 794, c. 18). The rule, however, and the 
canons of the Church, limited this absolute power. 
And each Benedictine abbat, while bound exactly 
to keep St. Benedict's rule himself (e. g. Cone. 
Augustod. c. a.d. 670), was enjoined also to make 
his monks learn it word for word by heart (Ciwio. 
Aquiagr., A.D. 817, oc. 1, 2, 80). He was also 
limit^ practically in the exercise of his authority 
(1) by the system otPraepositi or Friores, elected 
usually by bimselfi but ** oonnfib et vobmtak/rth 



»<M * {Seg. Orient, 3, in Holsten. p. 99 ; Seg, 8, 
BtmtdL $5)» aikd in Spnin at one time bj the 
hnbop (CSmc. ToleL it. A.D. 633, o dl); one in a 
BcDedictine abbey, bnt in the East eometimes 
two, one to be at home, the other superintending 
tbe monk* abroad (^Hig. Orient. 2, in Holsten. 
p. 89) ; and under the Rule of Paehomius one to 
tuk fubordinate house ; a system in some sense 
remcd, though with a very different purpose, in 
tbe PriorM non Oonventuales of the dependent 
OhtHekLicmy CeUae, kc^ of a later Western Abbey ; 
sad (2) by that of Z/eoani and CentenarOj elected 
bf the monks themselves (Hieron. ad JEuttoch. 
BfMd, xriix. ; B«g, MonatX, in Append, ad Hieron. 
0^ v.; Beg. passim ; see also Baed. H. E. ii. 2\ 
tknrn^ vfaom the discipline and the work of the 
■OQsstery were administered. He was limited also 
froB without by episcopal jurisdiction, more e£S- 
deoUy fai the YagX iOmc. Chak., AJ>. 451, cc. 4, 
6, fte. fte. ; and so Balsam, ad Nomooan. tit. xi., 
"Epiitopis magis subjecti monachi quam monas- 
krionnn praefiBctis "^ but in theory, and until 
the lith century pretty fairly in fact, in the 
I Wcft likewise ^Ifeg. S. Bened. ; Cone. Agath., A.D. 
N6,c 38; Aweivjoi. L, aj>. 511, c 19; Epaon., 
AM. 517, c 19 ; Herd. ▲.D. 524^ c. 3 ; Areht v., 
AM. 554, ec 2, 3, 5 ; and later still, Gone. TuU.^ 
AM. 859, c 9; Botomag.^ a.d. 878, c. 10; Au- 
fdtaLf aJk 952, a 6; and see also Greg. M. 
EfitLf TiL 12 ; X. 14, 33 ; Hincmar, as biefore 
qastsd ; and Omc. Paris. A.D. 615 ; ToUt. ir. A.D. 
C33; CahiUotu i. AJ>. 650; Bendf. A.D. 673, c 3, 
ia Baed. ff. E. iy. 5, among others, putting restrio- 
tkas upon episcopal interference). The French 
csaoBs on this subject are repeated by Pseudo- 
Egbert in England (^Excerpt. 63-^5, Thorpe, ii. 
lOS, 107)u Gassian, howerer, in the West, from 
thi beginning, bids monks beware above all of 
tvo sorts of folk, women and bishops (fie Inetit. 
GmnsS. XL 17). And although exemptions, at first 
■erely defining or limiting episcopal power, but 
ii tiiM substituting immediate dependence upon 
the Pope for episcopal jurisdiction altogether, did 
Ht grow into an extensive and crying evil until 
Ike time of the Councils of Rheims and of Rome, 
rapcctively a.d. 1119 and 1122, and of the lelf- 
deajing ordinances of the Cistercians {Chart. 
AirS. in Ann. Oieterc. L 109) and Premonstra- 
tttsaas, in the years A.D. 1119, 1120, repudiating 
nch privileges but with a sadly short-lived 
Tinoe, and of the contemporary remonstrances of 
St Bcraard (Xt6. 3 De Gonad.; tiud Epist. 7, 42, 
179,180); yet they occur in exceptional cases 
■Qch csrlier. As e. g. the adjustment of rights 
between Paustus of Lerins and bis diocesan bishop 
at the Council of Aries, e, A.D. 456 (which se- 
cued to the abbat the jurisdiction' over his lay 
■Miki, and a veto against the ordination of any 
•f them, leaving all else to the bishop, Mansi, 
vit 907), a parallel privilege to Aganne (St. 
Kaarice in the Valais), at the Council of ChAlons 
A^ 579, and privilegia of Popes, as of Hono- 
rias L AJ>. 628 to Bobbio, and of John IV. A.D. 
Ml to LuxeuO (see Harculf., Formu/. lib. I. § 1 ; 
nd ICaliill., Ann, Bened. xiii. no. 11, and Ap- 
^ndL a. 18). Even exempt monasteries in the 
E*it, Le. Uiose immediately depending upon a 
fittriarch, were subject to the visitatorial powers 
•f reguLsr officials called ExarcM Mo/uuteriorum 
CiMm. in Nomooan. L 20 ; and a form in Greek 
^ttiikals for the ordination of an exarch, Ha- 
Wt^ Ankierat^ Pontif. Qhraec. o'jtertf. t. ad Edict. 

pro Archknandrit. pp. 570, 587), exercised some- 
times through Apocrisiarii (as like powers of thf 
bishops through the Dtfeneores Ecciesiarum) ; and 
even to visitations by the emperor himself (J usti- 
nian, Novell, cxxxiii., cc. 2, 4, 5). The Rule of 
Paehomius also qualified the abbat's power by a 
council of the Mo^ores Monasierii, and by a tri- 
bunal of assessors, viri saneti, 5, 10, or 20, to as- 
sist in administering discipline (Beg. S. Pack. 
167, in Holsten. p. 49). And the Rule of St. Bene- 
dict, likewise, compelled the abbat, while it re- 
served to him the ultimate decision, to take 
counsel with all the brethren (juniors expressly 
included) in greater matters, and with the Seni- 
ores Monast^i in smaller ones (Beg. S. Betted. 2, 
8). The Rule of Columbanus gave him an un- 
qualified autocracy. 

The abbat was likewise limited in his power 
over abbey property, and in secular things, by his 
inability to interfere in person with civil suits ; 
which led to the appointment of an AdvocatuSj 
Vioedomnue, Oeconomue, Procurator (Cod. Can. 
Afric. A.D. 418 (?), c. 97 ; Justinian, lib. I Cod. 
tit. 3, legg. 33, 42 ; Cod, Theodos. lib. ix. tit. 45, 
leg. 3 ; St. Greg. Epist. iii. 22 ; Cone. Nicaen. ii. 
A.D. 787, 0. 11), revived with greater powers 
under the title of Advocaius EccUsiae, or Monaa- 
terO, by Charlemagne (Capit. A.D. 813, c 14 ; and 
Lothar., Capit, tit. iii. cc. 3, 9, 18, &c.) ; who flrom 
a co-ordinate, frequently pi'oceeded to usurp an 
exclusive, interest in the monastic revenues. The 
abbat also was required to give account of the 
abbey property to both king and bishop, by the 
Council of Vem (near Paris) a.d. 755 ; while 
neither abbat nor bishop separately could even 
exchange abbey lands in Anglo-Saxon England, 
but onlv by joint consent (Theodor., Poen, II. viii. 
6, in Wasserschl. p. 208). 

Within the abbey and its precincts, the abbat 
was to order all work, vestments, services {Beg. 
S. Bened. 47, 57 ; Begulae passim) ; to award idl 
punishments, even to excommunication (Beg. S, 
Bened. 24 ; Leidrad., Lugdun, Arch., ad Car. M. 
ap. Galland., xiii. 390, restoring to the Abbat of 
Insula Barbara, ^ potestatem ligandi et solvendi, 
uti habuerunt praedecessores sui ;" Honorius III. 
oap. DUecta, tU. de Major, et Obodientia, desiring 
a neighbouring abbat to excommunicate refrac- 
tory nuns, because their abbess coxdd not ; and see 
Bingham), or to the use of the '* ferrum abscis- 
sionis " (Beg. S. Bened. 28). He was also to be ad- 
dressed as ** Domnus et Abbas" (ib. 68). And while 
in the East he was speciallv commanded to eat with 
the other monks (Beg. PX 11, in Holsten. p. 23)« 
the Rule of Benedict (56) appoints him a separate 
table " cum hospitibus et peregrinis," to which 
he might, in case there was room, invite any monk 
he pleased. The Council of Aix a.d. 817 (c. 27) 
tried to qualify this practice by bidding abbats 
" be content " with the food of the other monks, 
unless ''propter hospitem;" and some monas- 
teries kept up a like protest in the time of Peter 
Damiani and Peter the Venerable ; but it con- 
tinued to be the Western rule. He was ordered 
also to sleep amon^ his monks by the Council 
of Frankfort A.D. 794 (c. 13). The abbat was spe- 
cially not to wear mitre, ring, gloves, or sandals, 
as being episcopal insignia— a practice growing 
up in the West in the 10th and 11th centuries, 
and (vainly) then protested against by the Coun- 
cil of Poictiers A.D. 1100, and by St. Bemai-d 
(Epist. 42) and Peter of BIoib (Epist. 90 ; and see 



also Thom. Cantipnt., D9 AjnbuB, L 6 ; Cknm, 
(kmn, iy. 78). But a mitre is said to have been 
granted to the Abbat of Bobbio by Pope Theodo- 
ras I. A.D. 643 {BuU, Casin. I. iL 2\ the next 
alleged case being to the Abbat of St. Sayianns 
by Sylvester II. ▲.D. 1000. A staff, however, but 
of a particular form, and some kind of stockings 
Q* baculum et pedules "), were the special insig- 
nia of an abbat in Anglo-Saxon England in the 
time of Theodore a.d. 668-690, being formally 
given to him by the bishop at his benediction 
(^Poenii. II. iii. 5, in Wasserechl. p. 204). And the 
staff was so everywhere. He was also to shave his 
beard, and of course to be tonsured {Cono, Bitu- 
ric. Jl,d. 1031, c. 7). His place of precedence, 
if an ordinary abbat, appears to have been finally 
fixed as immediately after bishops, among prae" 
latij and before archdeacons (see, however, Decret. 
Greg, /X, lib. ii. tit. 1, cap. DecenUmus) ; but 
the list of our English convocations fVom Arch- 
bishop Kemp's Register a.d. 1452 (Wilk. I. xi. 
sq.), though following no invariable rule, appears 
usually to postpone the abbat and prior to the 
archdeacon. In Saxon England, he shared in like 
manner with the king (as did an abbess also) in 
the " wer " of a murdered " foreigner " (Laws of 
Ine, 23 ; Thorpe, i. 117). The abbat also was 
not named in the canon of the mass (Qavant. in 
Bubr, Miss, P. iii. tit. 8 ; Macr. F.F., JTieroiex, in 
Can, Missae\ except in the case of the abbat of 
Monte Cassino (^g. a Nuce, in notis ad Lea 
Ostiens. ii. 4). But an anniversary was allowed 
to be appointed for him on his death (e. g. Cone, 
Aquisgr, a.d. 817, c 73). He was forbidden (as 
were all monks, at least in France) to stand 
sponsor for a child (Cbnc. Avtissiod, A.D. 578, c. 
25 ; Greg. M., Epist, iv. 42), with a noUble ex- 
ception, however, in England, in the case of Abbat 
Robert of Hont St. Michel, godfather to King 
Henry II.'s daughter Eleanor (Rob. de Monte od 
an, 1 161), or to go to a marriage (jCono, Autis8iod.f 
ib,y ; or indeed to go far from his monastery at 
all without the bishop's leave {Cone, Arel, v. 
A.D. 554) ; or to go about with a train of monks 
except to a general synod {Cone, Aquisgr, a.d. 
817, c. 59). He of course could not hold pro- 
perty (although it was needful sometimes to pro- 
hibit his lending money on usury, Pseudo-Egbert. 
Poenit, iii. 7, in Thorpe, ii. 199) ; neither could 
he dispose of it by will, even if it accrued to him 
by gift or heirship after he became abbat (Beg. 
PP, 2, in Holsten. p. 22); but if the heirship 
was within the 4th degree, he was exceptionally 
enabled to will the property to whom he pleased 
(Justinian, lib. i. God, tit, de JSpisc, et Cler, c. 
33). Further, we find bishops and archdeacons 
prohibited from seizing the goods of deceased 
abbats {Cone, Paris, a.d. 615 ; Cdbillon, i. a.d. 
650). And later wills of abbats in the West are 
sometimes mentioned and confirmed, but prin- 
cipally in order to secure to their abbeys pro- 
perty bequeathed to those abbeys (see Thomassin). 
rrivileges of coining money, of markets and tolls, 
of secular jurisdiction, began certainly as early 
as Ludov. Pius, or even Pipin (Gieseler, ii. p. 255, 
notes 5, 6, Eng. Tr.). Others, such as of the title 
of prince, of the four Ahbates Imperii in Germany 
(viz., of Fulda — also ex officio the empress's 
chancellor— of Weissenberg, Kempten, Murbach), 
of the English mitred baronial abbats, and the 
like, and sumptuary laws limiting the number of 
their horses and attendants, &c«, belong to later 

times. An abbat, however, might hunt in 
land {Laws of Cmd, in Thorpe, i. 429). An a.bba:l 
or an abbess, presiding over a joint honae c 
monks and nuns, is noted by Theodore as & pecv 
liar Anglo-Saxon mistom : — ^ Apud Graeoos no: 
est consuetude viris feminas habere monachal 
neque feminis viros ; tamen consuetudinem iatiii 

Erovinciae " (England) " non destruamus " {Poenii 
[. vL 8, in Wasserschl. p. 208). The well-kno^pm 
cases of the Abbesses Hilda and Aelbfled of W tkithr 
and of Aebba of Coldingham are instances of th< 
latter arrangement (Baed. H, E, iv. 23, 24, 25 
26) ; and the last of them also of its misdiievoiu 
ness {Id, ib. 25). Tynemouth and WimboarxM 
are other instances. But the practice was a Celti 
one (e.g. St. Brigid; see Todd, St, Patrick 
pp. 11, 12), not simply Anglo-Saxon: and wit2 
Celtic monastic missions, penetrated also into thi 
Continent {e,g, at Remiremont and Poictiers^ anc 
even into Spain and into Rome itself (so Montalenn' 
bert. Monks of West, vol. v. p. 297, Engl. Tr.> 
It is, however, remarkable, that while instancei 
of abbesses ruling monks abounded, abbats ruling 
nuns rest for us upon the general assertion oi 
Theodore. And the practice, while it died out on 
the Continent, was not restored in England after 
the Danish invasion. In the East there -was a 
rigorous separation between monks and nuns. 
And where two such communities were in any 
' way connected, a special enactment prohibited all 
but the two superiors fVom communication -with 
one another, and placed all possible restrictions 
upon even their necessary interviews {Reg. S, 
Basil, in Holsten. p. 158). St. Pachomius esta- 
blished the double order, but put the Nile be- 
tween his monks and his nuns (Pallad., Hisi, Laus^ 
cc. 30-42). 

Interference by abbats with the ministrations 
of parochial clergy oould scarcely exist until ab- 
bats were presbyters themselves, nor did it ever 
(as was naturally the case) reach the extent to 
which it was carried by the friars. We find, 
however, an enactment of Theodore {Poenit, II. vi, 
16, in Wasserschl. p. 209), prohibiting a monas- 
tery from imposing penances on the laity, '' quia 
(haec libertas) proprie dericorum est." And a 
much later and more detailed canon, of the 4th 
Lateran Council (a.d. 1123), forbids abbats to 
impose penance, visit the sick, or administer 
unction. They were authorized in the East, it 
presbyters, and with the bishop's leave, to confer 
the tonsure and the order of reader on their own 
monks {Cone, Nicaen, ii. a.d. 787, c. 14). And 
they could everywhere admit their own monks 
("ordinatio monachi" — ^Theodor., Poenit, II. iii. 3, 
in Wasserschl. p. 204). But encroachments upon 
the episcopal office, as well as upon episcopal in- 
signia, gradually arose. Even in a.d. 448 abbats 
were forbidden to give k'vo<rT6\ta{Conc, Constats 
tin., — corrected by Du Cange into iwurr6\ia= 
commendatory letters for poor, and see Cone, Alt' 
relian, ii. c 13, and Turon, ii. c. 6). But by A.O. 
1123 it had become necessary to prohibit gene- 
rally their thrusting themselves into episcopal 
offices {Cone, Lateran, iv. c. 17). And we find 
it actually asserted by Sever. Binius (in Canon, 
Apostol, ap. LaJbh, Cone. i. 54e, on the authority 
of Bellarmine, De Eccles. iv. 8), that two or more 
^* abbates infulati " might by Papal dispensation 
be substituted for bishops in consecrating a 
bishop, provided one bishop were there ; while 
Innocent IV. in 1489 empowered an abbat bf 



ioMelf to ooider not obIj th« siibdtoooiwte, bat 
Ike diMsonate. 

The ipiritaal aUMt wis sopplaated In Wales 
(GiimUL Gunlir^ IHil, OemA^ wA repeatedly) and 
ia Scotland (Rolvrtaon, Earfy ScotL L 3^9, 339), 
kf the end of the 8tli and m> on to the 12th oen- 
toy, by the Adweahu Eoeletku (eonfiued 
Mowthnes with the Oeconom ut , who in Weldi 
lad Irish manaatariee waa a different officer, and 
Buaged the internal secular affiurs, as the other 
did t& external), called in Scotland Hertnach^ in 
IreSaad Axrchixneadk, who was originally the lay, 
sad padnally became also the hereditary, lessee of 
the TVnaon (or abbey) lands, being commonly the 
Ibander or his deaoendant, or one of the neighbonr- 
'm% lords ; and who held those lands, receiving a 
aSai. part of their value in the first instance, bat 
who is ibond as an hereditary married lay abbat 
dariag the period named ; e. g. Crinan, the Abbat 
sf Denkeld, who was grand&ther of Shakspeare's 
Daacan, and one Dnndiad, also Abbat of Dunkeld, 
■he died in battle AJ>. 961. The case was the 
MBS at Abenethy and at Applecrosa. The spi- 
ritnsl daties derolved upon the bishop and a 
prior. See also Da Cange (voc Advocatui)^ for 
a omilar process althoagh to a less degree on the 
Coatiaait. In Ireland, the Comarh, or similar 
btreditary abbat (or bishop), retained his spiritoal 
charseter (Todd, St. Patrick, pp. 155 8q.> The 
lay abbats ia Northombria, denounced by Baeda 
{ipid. ad Bgb€rt,\ were simply fttiudulent imi- 
tstisas of abbats in the proper sense of the word. 
Aa entirely like result, however, and to as wide 
aa extent daring Garlovingian times as in Scot- 
had, ensued abroad from a different cause, 
vts^ from the system of commendation [Com- 
hexda]; which began in the time of C&u-les 
Martel (aj>. 717-741, being approved by Cone. 
Ltptim. A.IX 743 ; Cmc. iSudniem., AJ>. 744; and 
sse Bsron. m on. 889, n. 31), with the plaosible 
object of temporarily employing monastic re- 
veaaes for the pressing needs of warfare with 
SaTMiMis, Saxons, or o&er heathens, care being 
takea to reserve enough to keep up the monas- 
tery proper. The nobleman, or the king himself, 
who kd the troops thus raised, became titular 
And in Ckrlovingian times, accordingly, 
of the great Frank and Bnrgundian nobles 
sad kings, iod sometimes even bishops (e. g. 
Hstto of Mains, A.D. 891-912, who enjoyed the 
Rpstation of holding twelve abbeys at once), 
were titular abbats of some great monastery, as 
of St Denys or St. Martin, held for life or even 
lyinkeritaaoe; the revenues of which were soon 
direrted to parpooes less patriotic than that of 
npplying the king with soldiers (see a short 
Kit by way of specimen in Qieseler, ii. p. 411, 
aote I, Eng. Tr.). In the East a like system ap- 
ptan to have grown up, although hardly from 
the same origin, some centuries lator ; John, Pa- 
triareh of Antioch, at the beginning of the 12th 
«antary, InfiBrming us that moat monasteries in 
bis tigM were banded over to laymen (xapi<rra- 
■dpisi = henefoiariC)f for life or for two or three 
disffBti, by 1^ of the emperors; while Balsamon 
(ad Cmo. Sioatfi. c 13) actually oondenms him 
fer eondenuiag the practice. Later abuses of the 
Uad ia the West, as in the time of Francis 
L ef France or of Louis XTV., need here be only 

(Bin^iam ; Balteau, Jtid, Mm. d^Orieid ; Du 
tiafe; Ant. Dadini, JbcHic. mm Origg. B^ ifONOs- 

tic. ; Ferraris ; Helyot, Hid. dea Ordr. JVbn. ; Her- 
xog ; Hospinian, De Monach. ; Macri FF., Ifiero- 
lexic. ; Martens, D€ jinKig. Monach. Bitibua ; Mar* 
Ugny; Montolembert, Monks of the West; Tho- 
massin, De Benefic. ; Van Espen.) [A. W. H.] 

ABBATISSA. [Abbess.] 

ABBESS. (AhbcLtissa found in inscript. of 
▲.D. 569, in Murater. 429. 3, also called Asdi" 
stita and Majorissa, the female superior of a body 
of nuns ; among the Greeks, *Hyovfi4prif ^Apx'" 
ftsurHpiriSf ArchimandritissOj Justinian, Novell.^ 
'AfifjMf or mother, Pallad., Hist, Laus.y c 42, in 
the time of Pachomius, Mater monasterii or moni- 
alium, see St. Greg. M., Dial, IV. 13 [where 
** Mater " stands simply for a nun] ; Gone. 
Mogtmt. A.D. 813; Aguisgr., a.d. 816, lib. ii.). 
In most points subject to the same laws as ab- 
bats, mtUatis mutandis f — elective, and for life 
(triennial abbesses belonging to years so late as 
A.D. 1565, 1583) ; and solemnly admitted by the 
bishop— ^<0natficMb Abbatissae (that for an abbess 
monasticam regrUam projitentem, capit. ex Canone 
7%eodori Atiglontm Episoopi, is in the Ordo Ro- 
fnantM, p. 164, Hittorp.); and in France re- 
stricted to one monastery apiece {Cone, Vem. a.d. 
755) ; and with Praepositae, and like subordinates, 
to assist them (fionc, Aquiagr,, A.D. 816, lib. ii. 
cc 24-26) ; and bound to obey the bishop in all 
things, whether abbesses ofMonachae or of CSomo- 
nicae {Cone. Cabillon. ii ▲.D. 813, c. 65) ; and sub* 
ject to be deprived for misconduct, but in this 
case upon report of the bishop to the king (Cone. 
Franoof, a.d. 794) ; bound also to give account of 
monastic property to both king and bishop (Cone. 
Vem,f A.D. 755) ; entitled to absolute obedience 
and possessed of ample powers of discipline, even 
to expulsion, subject however to the bishop (Oonc. 
AqvUsgr. a.d. 816, lib. ii.) ; and save only that 
while an abbat could, an abbess could not, excom- 
municate (Honorius III., cap. DilectOy t^, de Ma* 
jor. et ObMUentid) ; neither could she give the veil 
or (as some in France appear to have tried to 
do) ordain (Capitul. Car. M. an. 789, c. 74, 
Anseg. 71); present even at Councils in England 
(see Abbat, and compare Lingard, Antiq. i. 
139 ; Kemble, Antiq. ii. 198 ; quoted by Mont- 
alembert. Monks of West, v. 230, Engl. Tr.). 
While, however, a bishop was necessary to 
admit and bless an abbat, Theodore ruled 
in England, although the rule did not become 
permanent, that a presbyter was sufficient in like 
case for an abbess (Poenit. II. iii. 4, in Wasserschl., 
p. 203). The limitetion to forty years old at elec- 
tion is as late as the Council of Trent ; Gregory 
the Great speaks of sixty {Epist, iv. 11). An 
abbess also was not to leave her monastery, in 
France, save once a year if summoned by the 
king with the bishop's consent to the king's 
presence upon monastic business (jOonc. Vem. 
A.D. 755 ; Cabillon. ii. a.d. 813, c. 57). Neither 
was she even to speak to any man save upon 
necessary business, and then before witnesses 
and between the first hour of the day and 
evening {Cone. Cabillon, ii. A.D. 813, cc. 55, 
56). For the exceptional cases of Anglo-Saxon, 
Irish, or Continentel Irish, abbesses ruling 
over mixed houses of monks and nuns, see 
Abbat. It was noted also as a specially 
Western custom, that widows as well as virgins 
were made abbesses (Theod., Poenit. II. iii. 7, in 
Wasserschl. p. 204). [A. W. H.1 



ABBUNA, tha common *pp«lliUaB of th* 
Blihop, Uctrui, or Uetropolltui, of Ainm, or 
Abyufoli, or EtbiopiK, not ■ patriarcb, bnt, on 
tha contnrr, appoiatod ud cauacnt«d alwayi 
bj ths patiiarcQ of Aleiuiilria, and ipcciiJl^ 
forbidden to bavs more tbau UTan loffregin 
biihopa nader biro, Iwt ba ihould make binualf 
•o, twalva biihopa being beld to ba tba lovat 
casoDlcal number for the consacntion of a patri- 
arcii. Id ■ Council, If bald in Greeca, ba ocm- 
piad tba seTenth plan, Immediately after tha 
preUte of Salaucia. (Lndolf, Bitt. £iMop. 
£ 7.) [A. W. H.] 

ABDIANT^ of AMoi, commamontad Jnna 
S (Jfor(. Bliroii.). [C] 

ABDON, Abdo or Abi>ub, ud BBNKEN, 
8ENBE8, or Sehhib, PeniaQ prlncaa, mirtTred at 
Roma under Deciiu, A.D. 250, are commemorated 
Julj 30 (Martyrologmm Rom. Fit,, Bedat, AdOKuy 
Proper oflice in Gregorian Sacrammtary^ p. 116 ^ 
ud Antipboa in tbe Lii. Antiflion. p. 704. 

It ii related (Adonii Martyrol. iil. Kal. Aug.) 
tbat their relici were traoalatad in tha time of 
Onutantine to the cematerf orPontianiu. There 
Boaio diicoTarad a nmarkabla Ireaco, Tcpreeaat- 
iagthe Lord, aean from the waist upward emerg- 
ing &om a cJond, placing wroethi on tha beadi 
of SS. Abdon and Sennen (laa woodcnt). TUi ii 

In front of tha vault aadoaing tha luppoeed 
remain! of tbe martrrt, which bean tba inicilp- 
tlon [DBFOBITipKlS DIE. The painting ie, in 
Martiguj'a opinion, not earlier than the toyentb 
centnrj. It is remarkable that tbe painter haa 
avideDtljr made an attempt to repreient tha Per- 
■ioD dress. Tbe lainte wear pointed caps 
hoodi, timilar to those in which tbe Uogi (._. 
■ometimes reoraeented; clo^s liutened with a 
fibula on tha breast ; and tunica of ikin entirely 
unlike the Roman tunic, and resembling tbat 

e'en to St. John Baptiat in a fresco of the 
id's Baptiim in tbe same cemetcrj of PoDti- 
anni (Bottari, ScultaFt e Pitlurt, tav. xli..). 
Soma aocoont of the peculiar dram of Abdon and 
Sennen may be foond in Lami'i treatise Da Ent- 
diiioiu ApotloloniBi, pp. 12I-16S. 
The gaatnra of tha Lord, cmwDing tha mart;ta 


fbr thdr ooD*t«ocy, is fimnd aba on 
of oarly Chrietian cupa [Gijbb, Chhisttak] 
when Ba crowns S3. Peter and Paul, uu 
other aainta (Bnonarmoti, Vtwi Anticht, tsv 
XT. fig. 1, and elsewhere); and on coini of thi 
Lower Empire tha Lord ia not nnfrequeutl] 
Han crowning two ampetora. (Ifartigny, JMct 
dtf Anliq. cAr^linun.] IC] 

ABECEDABIAN. Tbe term " Hrmnaa " oi 
" Paean Abecedarine" is applied opeciallj to tbi 
bjmn of Sedulini, "A eolii ortns csrdiiia." 
[AoBOsna] [C] 

ABBBCIC8 of Jenualem, Jcrmt^irToAvi 
toiwaraupyit, commemorated Oct. 23 (_Cal. 
Bj/iani.). [CJ 

ABGARUB, King, commamoratad Dsc 21 
(CW. Armm.). [C] 

ABIBA8, martyr of Edasss, oommamont«<l 
Nor. 15 (Cat. Bytant.). [C] 

ABIBOK, iaventlon of his relio at Jerrua- 
lem, Aug. 3 (^Martyrol. Ban. Vet.y. [CJ 

ABILIUS, biabop of Alexandria ( B6-96), 
commemorated Feb. 22 (^Martynl. Son. Vat.); 
Maakarram 1 ^ Aug. 2S (CbJ. EMop.). [CJ 

ABJURATION— denial, dIaaTowal, or re- 
nunciation upon oath. Abjoration, in tmnmon 
eocleiiaatiaal language, is reetrictad to the resiut' 
dation of beraiy niade by the penitent lieretio 
on the occasion of bis recondliatlon to the Cliarch. 
In soma cases tha abjnration waa tha only cere- 
mony required ; but In other* it wu followed 
up by tbe impoaition of honda and by unction. 
The practice of the ancient Church Is described 
by St. Gregory tbe Great in a letter to Quiricna 
and tbe blebopa of Iberia on tha TMoncillatloD 
of tbe Mestorians. According to this, in caaaa in 
which tbe heretical baptism was imperfect, the 
rule was that tbe penitent ahonld ba baptiiad ; 
but when it wu complete, as in tha case of the 
Ariana, tba cnatom of tha Eastern Church was 
to reooncila by the Chrism ; that of tbe Western, 
by the imposition of hands. Ae, bowerer, the 
myiteiT of tba Chrism was but ths Oriental rite 
of Confirmation, tbe practice was substantially 
IdenticaL (On the question of Re-baptism, sea 
Re-Baftum, Butum.) Converts from tha 
Uonophysites ware received after simple confes- 
sion, and tbe prsvious baptism was auppoead to 
take aS'act " for tha remission of line, at tbe 
moment at which the Spirit waa imparted by 
tha imposition of hands; or tha convert woa re- 
united to the Church by his profeiaion of faith 
(St. Greg. Ep. 9, 61). A oimiUr mle is laid 
down by tha Quinioeit Conndl, canon 95, which 
classes with tha Ariana, tbe Uacedoniano, Nova- 
tians and othere, to be received with the Chrism. 
Tbe Fanlianista, Montaniata, Eunomians, and 
others, are to be re-baptised ; to ba received as 
Christians, on their profession, tha first daT, ss 
Catechumens the second, and after tber have 
been allowed a place in tha Church as neorers 
for some time, to ba baptiied. In all cases, tbe 
profession of fUth must be mode by the pre- 
sentation of a libellus, or form of abjonttion, in 
which the convert renounced and anathematised 
his former tenets. After declaring his a)>iura- 
tion not to be made on compnliion, from fMr or 
any other unwotthj motive, he proceeded to 
the sect renounced, by all «t* 


hbm; IIm hcntiarclis, and their raooeason, past, ' 
yi— if> aad fotore ; Iw then enumerateid the \ 
tmto noMTed bj them, and, baring repudiated i 
UoB aiagl J and generally, he ended with making 
ywftMion of the true £uth. (BandinioAi Jfonu- 
wukU iL 109-111. Bat for the whole subject see 
Mutcae and Doraiid, De AntiqiUt Eccleaiae Riti- 
\m IL liber ill. du 6 ; Abj,de Uvi et de v^htmwii, 
ktcrdate. See Landon's ilbcX. Dtc.) [D. B.] 

ABLUTION. A term under which rarious 
hmh ef ceremimial washing are included. The 
■iadpal are the {bllowing : the washing of the 
Mtd, as a preparation for unction in baptism, 
lai the washijig of the feet, which in some 
pbeet fivnned part of the baptismal ceremony 
[BAPnBM] ; the washing of the feet of the poor 
wj exalted persons, whi<£ forms- part of the cere- 
may of Maundy Thursday [Feet, washzno of]; 
tbe lastnl ceremony which preceded entrench to a 
cbvdk [Cakthabub; Holt Water]; and the 
vasbiag of the priest's hands at certain points 
ia the eekbratioa of the liturgy [Aquamanile ; 
Havdb^ WAnmro or]. [C] 

ABORTION. The crime of procuring abor^ 
^m is little, if at all, noticed in the earliest 
bvL It ia a crime of dTilisation: the repre- 
MBlatiTe of the principle which in a barbarous 
itite of society is infanticide. The oration of 
Lyoss which waa pronounced on occasion of a 
idt oa this subject is lost, so that it cannot be 
ieddsd whether the act was regarded by the 
Athraiant as an offence i^ainst society, or merely 
ss a prirate wrong. It is in the latter aspect 
that it is chiefly regarded in the civil law. The 
cUid unborn represents certain interests, and his 
hfc er death may be beneficial or injurious to 
iidhriduali: thus, it may have been, that a 
filher, by hb wife's crime, might lose the jua 
trmn l&erorun. The case quoted from Cicero 
pie Qaeatio (Dig. xlriiL 19, 39), in which a 
■iiiisji was condemned to death for haying pro- 
cored abortion, having been bribed by the second 
heir, is clearly exceptional. The only passage 
ia the dril law in which the crime is mentioned 
vithoat such connexion, is a sentence of Ulpian, 
ia the Pkndeeto (Dig. xlviiL 8, 8, ad lesem Cor- 
ndiaai de Sicariis), where the punishment b 
4ecUred to be banishment. The horrible preva- 
ience of the practice among the Romans of the 
Eapbe may be learned from Juvenal* 

It was early made a ground of accusation by 
the Ghristiaas against the heathen. Tertullian 
dcaaaneas the practice as homiddaL "Pre- 
vcatiea of birth is a predpitation of murder," 
Apsl. ix. Minudua Felix declares it to be par- 

Hie Goondl of Ancyra (a.d. 314) baring men- 
tkaed tJiat the andent punishment was penance 
ftr life, proceeds to limit it to ten years ; and 
tkc ttme space of time is given by St. Basil, who 
MadcmBs the practice in two canons, ii. and viii., 
aflepag tlie character of the crime aa committed 
apbst both the mother and the ofispring ; and 
dednuBg to accept the distinctions drawn by 
the Uwycn between the degrees of criminality 
varying with the time of the gestation. The 
CModl of Lerida (324) dasses the crime with 
ia&atidde, but allows the mother to be received 
to Coannnaion after seven years' penance even 
vhca hei sin b complicated with adultery. The 
' IB Trolls cwdemna it to the penance 


of homicide. Pope Gregory III. Jn the next 
century reverta to the ten yeara' penance, al- 
though he differs from St. Baail in modifying the* 
sentence to a single year in cases where the 
child has not been formed in the womb ; this b 
based on £xod. xxL, and b countenanced by St. 
Augustine, in Quaestiones Exodi, in a passage in- 
corporated by Gratian. 

There b thus abundant evidence that the crime 
was held in extreme abhorrence, and punished 
with great severity, as pertaining to wilful 
murder, by the canons of the Church. By the 
Vbigothic law (lib. VI. tit. iii. c. 1), the person 
who administered a draught for the purpose 
waa punished with death. [D. B.] 

ABBAHAM. (1) the patriarch, comme- 
morated Oct. 9 (Martyrol. Rem. Vei,). Also on 
the 23rd of the month Nahasse, equivalent to 
August 16. (Ca/. Ethiop, ; Neale, Eastern Churchy 
IntrocL pp. 805, 815.) 

(8) Patriarch and martyr, commemorated 
Taksaa 6 = Dec 2 {Col. EtJuop,), [C] 


commemorated by the Ethiopic Church on the 
28th of every month of their Calendar. [C] 

ABRAXAS GEMS. [See Abrasax in 
Dicr. OF Christ. Bioor.] 

ABREHA, firat Chriatian king of Ethio- 
pia, commemorated Tekemt 4 = (M. 1 {Col, 
Ethiop.), [C] 


ABSOLUTION (Lat. ^bao/tt^ib). (For Sacra- 
mental Absolution, see EzOMOLOOBSlS.) 

1. A short deprecation which follows the 
Psalms of each Noctum in the ordinary offices 
for the Hours. In this usage, the word " abso- 
lutio " perhaps denotes simply ** ending " or *' com« 
pletion," because the monks, when the Noctums 
were said at the proper hours of the night, broke 
off the chant at tnis point and went to rest 
(Macri Hierolexicon s. v.). In fact, of the " Ab- 
solutiones " in the present Roman Breviary, only 
one (that '' in Tertio Koctumo, et pro feria iv. 
et Sabbato") contains a prayer for absolution^ 
in the sense of a setting free from Sin. 

2. For the Absolution which follows the intro- 
ductory Confession in most Liturgies and Offices^ 
see CoNFEauoN. 

3. The prayer for Absolution at the beginning 
of the office is, in Oriental Liturgies, addressed 
to the Son : but many of these liturgies ctmtain 
a second ^ Oratio Absolutionis," at some pomt 
between Consecration and Communion, which is 
addressed to the Father. For example, that in 
the Greek St. Basil (Benaudot, Lit. Orient L 81), 
addressing God, the Father Almighty {h %*^s, 
6 noT^p 6 UamoKpdreop), and reciting the pro- 
miae of the Keys, prays Him to dbmiss, remit 
and pardon our sins (&ycr, &4^cf, ffvyx^(ffl<^op 
il/uy). Compare the Coptic St. Basil (A i. 22). 

4. The word ** Absolutio " b also appUed to 
those prayers said over a corpse or a tomb in 
which remission of the sins of the departed b 
entreated from the Almighty. (Macri /Ttmn 
iexicon, a. v.) [C] 

ABSTINENCE. Days of abstinence, as they 
are called, on which persons may take their 
meab at the ordinary hour, and eat and drink 
what they please, ia any quantity so that they 




abstain from meat alone, belong to modem times. 
Ancientlj, fasting and abstinence went together, 
as a general rule, formed {>arts of the same idea, 
and conld not be dissevered. There maj have 
been some few, possibly, who ate and drank in- 
discriminately, when they broke their &st, as 
Socrates (v. 22, 10) seems to imply; bnt in 
general, bayond doubt, abstinence from certain 
kinds of food was obserred on fasting days when 
the fast was over, '< abstinentes ab iis, quae non 
r^icimus, sed diiferimus," as Tertullian says 
(fie Jejun, 15). Thus it will be more properW 
considered under the head of fasting, to which 
it subserved. [£. S. F.] 

ABUKA. [Abbuna.] I 

ABUNDANTIUS, of Alexandria, commemo- 
rated Feb. 26 {Mart. Hieron,), [C] 

ABUNDIUS. (1) Martyr at Rome under 
Decins, commemorated Aug. 26 (Mart, jRom, Vet. 
et Bedae); Aug. 23 (Mart Hieronym.'), 

(8) The deacon, martyr at Spoleto under Dio- 
cletian, Dec. 10 (Martyrol, Rom, Vet.). [C] 

AGAGIUS, martyr, commemorated May 7 
(CW. Byzant.). [C.] 

AOATHISTUS (Or. iuedBurros), A hymn of 
the Greek Church, sung on the eve of the fifth 
Sunday in Lent, in honour of the Blessed Virgin, 
to whose intercession the deliverance of Constan- 
tinople from the barbarians on three several oc- 
casions was attributed. Meursius assigns its 
origin more especially to the deliverance of the 
city from Chosroes, king of the Persians, in the 
reign of the Emperor Heraclius (626). It is 
called iucdOto'Tost because during the singing of 
it the whole congregation stood, while during 
the singing of other hymns of the same kind 
they occasionally sat. (Saicer's Thesaurus, s. v. ; 
Neale's Eastern Ch. Introd. 747 ; Daniers Codex 
Liturg. iv. 223.) 

Francis Junius wrongly supposed this use of 
the Acathistus to commemorate the journey of 
Mary and Joseph to Bethlehem. (Maori Hiiro- 
lexicotif s. V.) 

The word Acathistus is also used to designate 
the day on which the hymn was used. (Sabae 
Typicum, in Suicer, s. v.) [C] 


the two principal kinds (accentus and ooncentus) 
of ecclesiastical music 

1. The consideration of this subject is encum- 
bered by an especial difficulty — the popular, and 
now all but exclusive application of the word 
** accent " to emphasis, stress, or ictus. Accent, 
however, claims and admits of a much wider 
application. Ben Jonson* speaks of accent as 
being ** with the ancients, a tuning of the voice, 
in lifting it up, or letting it down," — a defini- 
tion not only clear and concise, but thoroughly 
accordant with the derivation of the word 
*< accent," from accino, i. e. ad cano, to sing to. 
We are ail conscious of and affected by the 
varieties of accent** (in tl^is, its etymological 
and primitive acceptation) in foreign languages 
spoken by those to whom they are native, as 
well as in our native language spoken by fo- 
reigners, or (perhaps still more) by residents of 

• English Grammar^ 1640, chap. viU. 
b •• Est In dloeodo etism qaJdam cantiis obscorior.*'— 
Qoero, OnL 18, 6t. 

parts of Glreat Bntam other than our own. ^ 
Scottish, Irish, and various provinciAl aeoeii 
are not so much the result of different Tocalxj 
tion (i^e. utterance of vowel sounds) aa of f 
different gradations in which the Scotch, Irii 
and others, ** tune their voices." 

2. The Accentus Eodesiasticus, called alao si 
dftis choraliter legendi, is the result of sucoessj 
attempts to ensure in Public Worship nniformi 
of delivery consistent with uniformity of maM 
delivered ; so as, if not to obliterate, at leaat 
hide indiWdual peculiarities under the veil of 
catholic ** use." It presents a sort of mean I 
tween speech and song, continually inclining t 
wards the latter, never altogether leaving i 
hold on the former ; it is speech, though al^rm 
attuned speech, in passages of average interc 
and importance ; it is song, though always di 
tinct and articulate song, in passages denaandii 
more fervid utterance. Though actually muaic 
only in concluding or culminating phrases, tJ 
Accentus Ecclesiasticus is always sufficiently is 
chronous to admit of its being expressed in mas 
cal characters, a process to which no attemj 
(and such attempts have been repeatedly mad 
has ever succeeded in subjecting pure speech. 

3. Accentus is probably the oldest, as it is on 
tainly the simplest, form of Cantus Eoclesiaatiem 
Like most art-forms and modes of operatic 
which have subsequently commended themaelTi 
on their own account to our sense of beauty, i 
grew in all likelihood out of a physical difficaltj 
The limited capacit> of the so-called " natural 
or speaking voice must have been ascertained a 
a very early period; indeed its recognition i 
confirmed by the well-known practice whethe 
of the ancient temple, theatre, or forum. The ol 
rhetoricians, says Forkel, are, without exoeptioi 
of the same way of thinking ; and we may, fron 
their extant works, confidently conclude, tha 
neither among the Greeks nor the Romans wa 
poetry ever recited but in a tone analogous it 
that since known as the accentus ecclesiasticna. 
The Abbe' du Bos' too has demonstrated tha 
not only was the theatrical recitation of itu 
ancients actually musical — " un veritable chant,' 
susceptible of musical notation, and even of in 
strumental accompaniment — ^but that all theii 
public discourses, and even their familiar Ian* 
guage, though of course in a lesser degree, par 
took of this character. 

4. The advantages resulting fh>m the employ 
ment of isochronous sounds (sounds which xn 
the result of equal-timed vibrations) would be- 
come apparent on the earliest occasion, when i 
single orator was called upon to fill a larg« 
auditorium, and to make himself intelligible, oi 
even audible, to a large assembly. So, too, foi 
simultaneous expression on the part of large num- 
bera, these advantages would at once make them- 
selves felt. In congregational worship a uniform 
(technically, a "unisonous") utterance might 
seem as essential, as conducive to the decency 
and order with which we are enjoined to do "all 

• *' Die alten Spnch- und DecUm*tion»-Lebrer stnd 
tSmmUich eben deraelben Meinung. und wlr konncnsu 
ihren hinterlasBenen Werken mil dem hoduten Qrad vM 
Wahncbeinlichkelt BchUesMn, dass sowohl bei d«n Gito* 
Chen als Bomem die melsien Gedichte mit keiner aoden 
sis mit dieser Art von Geiaog gesoogen werden setak"- 
Forkel, AOgtm. GesMdUe dtr MusOc, ii, IM. 

a R^fieasinmssurlaPotsie.M^ 



tka^* as is tbrnt still more essential aniformitj 
eqipeMSii in the term Common Prayer, without 
vkkkf tndifd, co n gregational worship would seem 
Is iw impossible. ^ Accent," sajs Ornithoparcos, 
*'haih great aifinitj with Concent, for thej be 
firstbeis : because Somu, or Sound (the King of 
Kodenastical HarmonrX ^ Father to them both, 
sad b^at one upon Grammar, the other upon 
V«iek,''&e. (He) ''so diTided his kingdome, 
that Coneadus might be chief Ruler over all 
things that are to be song, as Hymnes, Sequences, 
Aatipbonss, Responsories, Introitus, Tropes, and 
the Hke : and Accentua orer all things which are 
rsid; as Gospels, Lectures, Epistles, Orations, 
Prophecies: For tho functions of the Papale 
Kiagdome are not duely performed without Con- 
cmt," kc ** Uence it was that I, marking how 
■uay of those Priests (which by the leave of the 
ksned I will saye) doe reade Uiose things they 
have io reade so wildly, so monstrously, so 
Utily (that they doe not onely hinder the de- 
votion of the fiiithfhl, but also even provoke 
them to laughter and scorning, with their ill 
leaiiag), resolved after the doctrine of Concent 
ts explain the rules of Accent ; in as much as it 
hdoogs to a Musitian, that together with Con>- 
cent. Accent might also as true heire in this 
Errifsiasticsll Kingdome be established ; Desiring 
that the praise of the highest King, to whom all 
and rererence is due, might duely be 

5b The Aoeentus Eodesiasticus, or modus cho- 
nSter legendi, must have been perpetuated by 
tadition only, for many ages. That the rules 
fm its application hare been reduced to writing 
ealy in comparatirely modem times does not in 
the lesst invalidate its claim to a high antiquity. 
On the contrary, it tends to confirm it. That 
which is extoisively known and universally ad- 
mitted has no need of verification. It is only 
when tnulitions are dying out that they begin to 
be pat on record. So long as this kind of reci- 
tation wss perfectly familiar to the Greeks and 
Boaisns there could be no necessity for '' noting " 
it; not till it began to be less so were '* accents " 
(the chazacters so called) invented for its pre- 
suTstion, — just as the ** vowel-points " were 
ortrodoced into Hebrew writing subsequently to 
the dispernon of the Jews. The force and accu- 
iiey of tradition, among those unaccustomed to 
the ue of written characters, have been well 
iseertained and must be unhesitatingly admitted ; 
their operation has certainly been as valuable in 
■SHC as in poetry and history. Strains incom- 
psrably longer and more intricate than those now 
seee|)ted as the ecclesiastical accents have been 
pund on from roice to voice, with probably but 
tziffiag alteration, for centuries, among peoples 
vho had no other method of preserving and 
tnannitting them. 

& The authorities for the application of the 
Gutas Eodesiasticus are, as we have said, com- 
psrUively modem. Lucas Lossius,' a writer 
freqneatly quoted by Walther, Kock, and other 
■ore recent musical theorists, gives six forms of 
csdesce or close, ije^ modes of bringing to an 
•d a phraie the earlier portion of which had 
Wca redted in monotone. According to Lossius, 

OnilihopBieaOk BU Mkardogve. Tiamhtted 
liO». P.M. 



accent is (1) immutahUia when a phrase is con- 
cluded without any change of pitch, t.^., when it 
is monotonous throughout ; (2) it is mediua when 
on the last syllable the voice falb from the 
reciting note (technically the dominant) a third ; 
(3) graviSf when on the last syllable it falls a 
fiflh ; (4) acutua, when the ^ dominant," after the 
interposition of a few notes at a lower pitch, is 
resumed; (5) moderatiu, when the monotone is 
interrupted by an ascent, on the penultimate, of 
a second; (6) interrogativus, when the voice, 
after a slight descent, rises scale-wise on the last 
syllable. To these six forms other writers add 
one more, probably of more recent adoption; 
(7) the finalia, when the voi(^ after rising a 
second above the dominant, falls scale-wise to 
the fourth below it, on which the last syllable is 
sounded. The choice of these accents or cadences 
is regulated by the punctuation (possible, if not 
always actual) of the passage redted ; each par* 
ticular stop had its particular cadence or cadences. 
Thus the comma (distinctio) was indicated and 
accompanied by the accentus trnmutcAUis, acutus, 
or moderatus ; the colon (duo punctd) by the 
medius; and the ftill stop {punctum quadratum 
ante syHabam capitalem) by the gravis, 

7. The following table, from Lossius, exhibits 
the several accents, in musical notation :-— 


Lec-ti - o E-pb-to-lsesanc-ti Fan-IL 
(2) HxDnm. 



et o - pe- ra-tnr vir- ta-tes in vo-Us: ' 
(3) Gravis. 


Be • ne • dl- oen-tor in te om-nes gen-tos. 

(4) AOUTOa. (5) MODSaATUB^ 

■♦— ♦■ 


Camspi-ri-tacoe-pe-ri-tisnuDe, Cam fi-de-li, 


ex op-e-rt-boB le^sn exaa-di-tn fl-de - i? 




a-Dl-ma me-a ad te De 


The examples given by Omithoparcus are similar 
to the above, with two exceptions — (5), the Mode^ 
ratus, which in ' His Micrologus ' appears thus : 


s Je-ra*8a- lem. 

And the InterrogaiivuSf of which he says : '' A 
speech with an interrogation, whether it have in 
the end a word of one sillable, or of two sillables, 
or more, the accent still falls upon the last sil- 
lable, and must be acuated. Now the signs of 
such a speech are, who, whichy what, and those 
which are thus derived, why, wherefore, when^ 
how, in what sort, whether, and such like." 






Un - de es tu ? 

Quid eat ho • mo? 

Quintastaapbo-o lii-l-qal-t*4« etp60*oa*ta? 

^ To these ore joyned rerbes of asking ; as, 
latke^ laeekCy l require, I tearche, Iheare, laee, 
and the like." 

Some vanatioDs too from the above, in the 
present Roman use, are noticed by Mendelssohn :f 
e,g, in the Gravis^ where there the voice rises a 
tone above the dominant, on the penultimate, 
before falling : — 

changing the cadence from a fifth (compare 5) 
to a sixth ; and in the Interrogativut, where the 
voice falls from the dominant (also on the penul- 
timate) a third : — 

To the aocentus belong the following forms, or 
portions of offices of the Latin Church:^ (1) 
lhnu8 OoUectarufn aeu Orationum. (2) Tbnus 
EpisMartun et Evangelii, including the melodies 
to which the Passion is sung in Passion Week. 
(3) Tonus Lectionum solemnis et lugubris; Pro- 
pMiarum et Martyroiogiu (4) Various forms 
of Intonation, Benediction, and Absolution used 
in the Liturgy. (5) Single verses. (6) The 
Exclamations and Admonitions of the assistants at 
the altar. (7) The Prefaces; the Pater Noster, 
with its Prefaces ; the Benediction, Pax Domini 
tit semper vofnscum. [J. H.] 

ACCESS. 1. The approach of the priest to 
the altar for the celebration of the Eucharist. 
Hence the expression ** prayer of access " is used 
as equivalent to the Ehxh '")' vapaffrdffMwSt or 
prayer of the priest's presenting himself at the 
altar, in the Greek Liturgy of St. James (Neale's 
Eastern Church, Introduction^ i. 360). 

2. But the expression ** prayer of access," or 
"prayer of humble access," is more commonly 
used by English liturgical writers to designate 
a confession of unworthiness in the sight of God, 
occurring at a later point of the service ; gene- 
rally between consecration and communion. So 
that the *' prayer of humble access " corresponds 
to the '* Prayer of Inclination " or " of bowing 
the neck" in the Greek Liturgies. Though 
words more expressive of ** humble access " 
occur in other places ; for instance, in the Greek 
St. James, where the priest declares : V^h xpot' 
^iKBov r^ dtl^ roWpf Kcd iirovpaMi^ fjwan^piqf 
ovx &s A^ios ^dpx^fy (Daniel^ Codex Lit^ iv. 
88); in the Mozarabic, ''Accedam ad Te in 
humilitate spiritus mei " (/5. U 71); or in the 
'* Domine et Deus noster, ne a«p]ci^ ^ multitu- 
dinem peccatorum Dostrorutxi " jp. the Liturgy of 

Adaeua and Maris (Id, i. ^7^. Compare CON- 

rEssiorr, v» 



applied by 

epignphista to certain ,1 < ^X^ptions, ex- 
pre^ jutj, ^eond p^^^ ^^f^ntaSng a 

t, p. 1«7. 


wish or injuncUon; as, VIVAS IN DEO C'^^^^^ 
tori, ITiesaurus Vet. Inacrip. 1954, no. 4>. B 
far the greater part of these acclamations aix' 
sepulchrid [Epitaph], but similar sentenoes ai^ 
also seen on amulets, on the bottoms of cup 
[Glabb, Christian] found in the Catacombs, am 
on OEMS. (See the Articles.) 

2. The term acclamation is also sometimei 
applied to the responsive cry or chant of tii4 
congregation in antiphonal singing. Coxnpaini 
AcBOSTio (§ 5) ; Antiphon. C^-H 


— ^Those who made false accusations against snj 
person were visited with severe punishments 
under the canons of several councils. 

In Spain. The Council of Illiberis (a.i>. 305 
or 306) reftised communion even at the hour of 
death (** in fine," at. ** in finem ") to any person 
who should falsely accuse any bishop, priest, or 
deacon (can. 75). 

In France. By the 14th canon of the 1st 
Council of Aries (a.d. 314) those who wisely 
accuse their brethren were excommunicated for 
life (" usque ad exitum "). This canon was re- 
enacted at the 2nd Council held at the same 
city (a.d. 443), but permission was given for the 
restoration of those who should do penance and 
give satisfaction commensurate with their 
offence (can. 24). See also Calumny. [I. B.3 

AGEPSIMAS, commemorated Nov. 3 CCaL 
Byxant.)i Nov. 5 {CaL Armen.); April 22 
{Mart. Bom.}. QC] 

AGERBA or AGEBNA. (The latter is 
possibly the original form, from Acer, mapl«.> 
Acerra designatcKl, in classical times, either the 
incense-box used in sacrifices ; or a smioll altar, or 
incense-burner, placed before the dead. (Smith's 
Diet of Greek and Roman Antiquities, s. v.) And 
in ecclesiastical latinity also it designates either 
an incense-box or an incense-burner; ''Arcs 
thuris, vel thuribulum, vel thurarium." (Papias 
in Ducange's Glossary s. v. * Acema.*) 

It is used in the rubrics of the Gregorian sa- 
cramentary (Corbcy-MS.) in the office for the 
consecration of a church (p. 428) ; and in the 
office for the baptism of a bell (p. 438); in 
the latter in the foim Acema : "• tunc pones in- 
censum in acema." In both cases it designates 
an inoense-bumer or Thurible (q. v.). [C] 

of Achaia, in Greece, are recorded : one, a.d. 250, 
against the Valesians, who, like Origen, inter- : 
preted St. Matth. xix. 12, literally ; the other, in 
359, against the followers of Aetius. [A. W. U.] 

ACHILLEAS (or Achillas), bishop of Alex- 
andria, commemorated Nov. 7 {MartyroL Hotn. 
Vet.). [C.] 

ACHELLEUS, the eunuch, martyr at Rome, 
May 12, A.D. 96. (Martyrol. Bom. Vet., Bier. 
Bedae). [C.] 

ACINDYKUS QAiclySv¥os) and companions, 
martyrs, A.D. 346, commemorated Nov. 2 (CaL 
Byz.). [C] 

ACEPHALI [Yagi Clbbici ; Autoce- 


«< Field of the Oak," supposed to be Aydiffe, is 
Durham ; Raine's Priory of Hexham, i. 38, note> 
(L) A.D. 781 (Flor. Wig. in M. H. B.h^), bo* 






782 (AngLSax. Ckr. and H. Hnnt^ t5. 336, 
731> (H.) AJ)b 787 (Kemble, 0, />., No. 151). 
(ia.) A.i>. 788, SepL 29, in the Tear and month of 
Che Buder of Elfwald of Northnmbria, Sept. 21, 
788 (WUk. L 153 ; Mansi, xiiL 825, 826). (It.) 
1.0. 789 {AMgLSas. CSb-., Jf. ff, B. 337 ''a great 

tntod**)^ in ^^ ^^ 7«^ o^ Brihtric, King of 
Woaez (H. Hunt., &K 732). (t.) A.D. 804 (Kemble, 
r. D^ No. 186). (tL) aj>. 805, Ang. 6 (itf. t6., 
Soc 190, 191). (Tii.) A.D. 810 (id. 16., No. 256). 
Km. ii, T., and ri. probably, and No. vii. oer- 
talalj, were at Ockley, in Sorrey; or, at any 
nU^ not in the Northumbrian Aclea. Nothing 
MR if known of any of these synods, or rather 
WitcBagemota, beyond the deeds (grants of lands) 
ibore re fei red to, in Kemble. [A. W. H.] 

AOOEMETAE, lit. the •* sleepless " or " an- 
resUag ** (for the theological or moral import of 
the term t. Soioer, J^esaur. EccL S.T.), a so-called 
wder of monks established in the East abont the 
■addle, rather than the commencement, of the 
Mk oentory, being altogether unnoticed by 
Seentes and Soxomen, the latter a sealons chro- 
■ider of monks and monasteries, who bring their 
kvtoTies down to ▲.D. 440 ; yet mentioned by 
Eragrias (iiL 19) as & regularly established order 
is 483. Later authorities make their founder to 
bare bees a certain officer of the imperial house- 
keVl at Constantinople named Alexander, who 
flitted his post to turn monk, and after having 
kai to shift his quarters in Syria sereral times. 
It length returned to Constantinople, to give 
pennaaence to the system which he had already 
eooBienced on the Euphrates. The first monas- 
tery which he founded there was situated near 
liie church of St. Hennas. It was composed of 
900 OMrnks of different nations, whom he divided 
isto Bz choirs, and arranged so that one of them 
ikoald be always employed in the work of prayer 
tad pnise day and night without intermission 
all the year round. This was their peculiar cha- 
ncteristio — and it has been copied m various 
wijs elsewhere since then — ^that some part of 
** the house," as Wordsworth (£crctirt.viii. 185) 
e rprij s u it, ** was evermore watching to God." 
Alczaoder having been calumniated for this 
{nciiee as heretical, he was imprisoned, but 
Rgained his liberty, and died, say his biographers, 
absot AJK 430 — ^it might be nearer the mark to 
ar 450 — in a new convent of his own founding 
ea the Daidanellea. M arcellus, the next head of 
tke Older but one, brought all the zeal and 
**ergy to it of & second founder ; and he donbt- 
le» foond a powerful supporter in Gennadius, 
pitnareh of Constantinople, A.D. 458-71, a great 
nstorer of discipline and promoter of learning 
■Boogst the clergy. Then it was that Studius, 
s BoUe Roman, and in process of tipne consul, 
<Bignted to Constantinople, and converted one 
«f the churches there, dedicated to St. John the 
Btftist, into the celebrated monastery bearing 
^ MBc, but which he peopled with the Acoe- 
9t^at. There was another monastery founded by 
fit Diu, a the reign of Theodosius the Great, 
tkat also became theirs sooner or later, to which 
Tilems {Ad, Ewg. iii 19 and 31) adds a third 
fiwided hr St. Aissianus. It may have been 
<i«ing to their connexion with Studius that they 
vere led to correspond with the West. At all 
•▼eats, on the acceptance by Acacius, the patri- 
SKh sQcoeeding Gennadius, of the Henotioon of 
fteempmr Zoio^ and communion with the schis- 

matic patriarch of Alexandria, their "hegumen,** 
or president, Cyril lost no time in despatching 
complaints of him to Rome ; nor were their 
emissaries slow to accuse the legates of the Pope 
themselves of having, during their stay at Con- 
stantinople, held communion with heretics. The 
ultimate result was, that the two legates, VitaliR 
and Hisenus, were deprived of their sees, and 
Acacius himself excommunicated by the Popes 
Simplicius and Felix. Meanwhile one who had 
been expelled from their order, but had learnt 
his trade in their monasteries, Peter the Fuller, 
had become schismatic patriarch of Antioch, and 
he, of course, made common cause with their op- 
ponents. Nor was it long before they laid them- 
selves open to retaliation. For, under Justinian, 
their ardour impelled them to deny the cele- 
brated proposition, advocated so warmly by the 
Scythian monks, hesitated about so long at Rome, 
that one of the Trinity had suffered in the flesh. 
Their denial of this proposition threw them into 
the arms of the Nestorians, who were much in- 
terested in having it decided in this way. For, 
if it could be denied that one of the Trinity had 
suffered, it could not be maintained, obviously, 
that one of the Trinity had become incarnate. 
Hence, on the monks sending two of their body, 
Cyrus and Eulogius, to Rome to defend their 
views, the emperor immediately despatched two 
bishops thither, Hypatius and Demetrius, to 
denounce them to the Pope (Pagi ad Banm^ 
▲.D. 533, n. 2). In short, in a letter, of which 
they were the bearers, to John II., afterwards 
inserted bv him in Lib. I. Tit. ** De summ& Trini- 
tate " of his Code, he hinutelf accused them of 
favouring Judaism and the Nestorian heresy. 
The Pope in his reply seems to admit their hete- 
rodoxy, but he entreats the emperor to forgive 
them at his instance, should they be willing to 
abjure their errors and return to the unity of 
the Church. With what success he interceded 
for them we are not told. During the iconoclastic 
controversy they seem to have shared exile with 
the rest of the monks ejected from their monas- 
teries by Constantino Copronymus(Pa^' ad Baron, 
▲.D. 798, n. 2) ; but under the empress Irene the 
Studium, at all events, was repeopled with its for- 
mer alumni by the most celebrated of them all, 
Theodore, in whose surname. ^ Studites." it has 
perhaps achieved a wider celebrity than it evei 
would otherwise have possessed. 

In the West a branch of the order long held 
the abbey of St. Maurice of Agaune in Valais, 
where they were established by Sigismund, king 
of Burgundy, and had their institute confirmed 
by a Council held there ▲.D. 523. For ftiller de- 
tails see Bonanni's Hist, du Clerg, aec. et reg. vol. 
ii.p. 153 et aeq. (Amsterdam, 1716); Bulteau's 
ffid. Monad, d* Orient, iii. 33 (Paris, 1680); 
Hospin, De Orig, Monach, ilL 8; Du Fresno, 
Oloia. Lot, s. V. ; and Constant. Christian, iv. 8 
2 ; Bingham's Antiq. vii. 11, 10. [£. S. F.] 

IST8 CAki^Xov^oi). One of ike minor orders 
peculiar to the Western Church, although the 
name is Greek. In the Apostolic age, the only 
order which existed, in addition to those of 
bishops, priests, and deacons, was that of dea- 
conesses — ^widows usually at first, who were em- 
ployed in such ministrations towards their own 
sex as were considered unsuitable for men, espe- 
dallr Id the East. But about the end of the 2n4 




or early in the 3rd century, other new officers 
below the order of the deaoona were introduced, 
And amongst them this of Acoiifles, though only 
in the Latin Church as a distinct order. In the 
rituals of the Qreek Church the word occurs only 
as another name for the' order of sub-deaoon. 

The institution of the minor orders took its 
origin in the greater Churches, such as Rome 
and Carthage, and was owing partly to the sup- 
posed expediency of limiting the number of dea- 
cons to seven, as first appointed by the apostles, 
and partly to the need which was felt of assist- 
ance to the deacons in performing the lower por- 
tions of their office ; of which functions, indeed, 
they appear in many cases to hare be^ impa- 
tient, regarding them as unworthy of their im- 
portant position in the Church. Tertullian is the 
earliest writer by whom any of the inferior orders 
is mentioned. He speaks of Readers, De Praetcr, 
c. 41. It is in the epistles of Cyprian that the 
fuller organization of these orders oomes before 
OS (JEpp, xxixMy zxzviii^ Ixrr., &&). It is also 
stated by his contemporary ComeUub, Bishop of 
Rome, that the Church of Rome at that time 
numbered forty-^iz presbytei's, seven deacons, 
seven sub-deaoons, forty-two acolyths, and fifty- 
two exorcists, readers, and doorkeepers (Ostiarii). 
None of these inferior orders, according to St. 
Basil, were ordained with imposition of liands, 
but they were simply appointed by the bishop 
with some appropriate ceremony, to certain sub> 
ordinate functions of the ministry such as any 
Christian layman might be commissioned by 
episcopal authority to perform. The form of 
ordination employed in the case of Acolytes is 
thus prescribed by a canon of the 4th Council of 
Carthage. ** When any Aoolythist is ordained, the 
bishop shall inform him how he is to behave him- 
self in his office ; and he shall receive a candlestick 
with a taper in it, from the archdeacon, that he 
may understand that he is appointed to light the 
candles of the church. He shall also receive an 
empty pitcher to furnish wine for the Eucharist 
of the blood of Christ." Hence it appears that 
the Acolyte's office at that period consisted chiefly 
in two things, viz., lighting the candles of the 
church and attending the officiating priest with 
wine for the Eucharist. 

The Acolyte of the ancient Western Church is 
represented in .the later Roman communion by 
the Ceroferarius or taper-bearer, whose office con- 
•bts in walking before the deacons or priests with 
a lighted taper in his hand. 

Both in the East and West the minor orders of 
ancient times were afterwards conferred as merely 
introductory to the sacred orders of deacon and 

Sresbyter, while the duties which had formerly 
elonged to them were performed by laymen. In 
the 7th century the readers and singers in the 
Armenian Church were laymen — in the 8th cen- 
tury the readers, and in the 12th the ostiarii 
and exorcists were laymen in the Greek Church. 
Before the year 1300 the four orders of acolyte, 
exorcist, reader, and ostiarius began to be con* 
ferred at the same time in the Western Churches. 
Not long afterwards it became customary to re- 
lease the clerks thus ordained (rom discharging 
the duties of their orders, which were entrusted 
to lay clerks. The Councils of Cologne and Trent 
vainly endeavoured to alter this custom ; and 
•avmen continue generallv to perform the offices 
of'^the ancient orders in toe Roman churches to 

the present day. In England the same costom fani 
prevailed ; and the minor orders having for khih 
centuries become merely titular, were disused in 
the Reformation of our Churches. 

Fuller information on the subject of tbe minor 
orders may be found in Field's Book of the 
Churchf b. T. c. 25; Bingham's Antiquitie8f K 
iiL ; Thomassin, Vet, et Nov. Ecol. pars I. lib. ii 
See also Robertson's History of the Church and 
Palmer's Treatise on the Church of Christ, [D-B.] 

AOONnXJS, of Rome, commemorated July 
25 (Mart, Hieron,). [C] 

ACROSTIC. CA«P«»»^«X^»> iucpotrrix^ow^ 
aKp6imxoyf Acrostichis.) A composition in 
which the first letters of the several lines form 
the name of a person or thing. The invention is 
attributed to Epicharmus. 

We find several applications of the Acroetie 
principle in Christian antiquity. 

1. The word Acrostic is applied to the well- 
known formula lx06s. [See IxeYC.] 

2. Verses in honour of the Saviour were fre- 
quently written in the acrostic form ; Pope £)»- 
masus, for instance, has left two acrostics on the 
name Jesus (^Carm, iv. and v.), the former >f 
which nms as follows : 

" In rebns tantls Triua con}iinctlo mundi 
ErJIgit humsnum sensum laodare vennste : 
Sola aalos nobis, et mtuxll summa poteataa 
Venlt peocati nodom dlsaolvere fhictu. 
Summa sains cnnctis nitolt pw saecala terrla." 

The same pope, to whom so many of the in- 
scriptions in the Catacombs are due, composed 
an acrostic Inscription in honour of Constantia, 
the daughter of Constantino. This was origin- 
ally placed in the apse of the basilica of St. 
Agnes in the Via Nomentana, and may be seen in 
Bosio, Soma Sotteranea, p. 118. And inscrip- 
tions of this kind are frequent. Lest the reader 
should miss the names indicated, an explanation 
of the acrostic principle is sometimes added to 
the inscription itself. For instance, to the epi- 
taph of Licinia, Leontia, Ampelia, and Flaria 
(Muratori, Thesaurus Novusy p. 1903, no. 5) are 
added these verses, which give the key : 

'* Nomina sanctamm, lector, d forte requtrls^ 
Ex omnt versa fee Utera prima docebiL* 

So the epitaph of a Christian named AgatnA 
(Marini, I^telli Arvali, p. 828), ends with the 
woi-ds, "ejus autem nomen capita verfsuum];" 
and another, given by the same authority, ends 
with the words, ** Is cujus per capita versorum 
nomen declaratur." Fabretti {Insoript Aniiq. iv. 
150) gives a similar one, '* Revcrtere per capita 
versorum et invenies pium nomen." (?azzera 
(IscrizionedelJPienumte, p. 91) gives the epitaph 
of Eusebius of Yercelli, in which the first letters 
of the lines form the words EVSEBIVS EPIS* 
COPVS ET MARTYR; and another acrosUo 
epitaph (p. 114), where the initial letters form 
the words CELSVS EPISCOPVS (MarUgny, 
Diet des Aniiq. ChrA. 11> 

We also find acrostic hynms in (Sreek. Seveisi 
of the hymns of Cosmas of Jerusalem, are of 
this kind ; the first, for instance (Gallandi, Bi- 
bliotheoa Pat. xiiL 234), is an acrostic forming 
the words, ! 

XptoT^ pponAtU J|r ovtp Oc^ /i^ j 

3. Those poems, in which the lines or stanza* , 
commence with the letters of the alphabet takes 



a «4nv finrm another dan of acrostioc Soch 
k Um wetl-known h jnm of Sednlins, ** A aolii 
«Has eudlne,** a portioa of which is introduced 
IB the Roman offices for the Nativity and the Cir- 
nmnAm of the Lord ; and that of Y enantins 
Fertaaatas {Canu xtLX whidi begins with the 
«eids**AfanMatomnesaecnlani." St. Augnstine 
fl— posed an Abecedarian Psalm against the Do- 
■stists, in imilatioB of the 119th, with the oon- 
itsBt re^NHise, ^Omnce qui gaudetis de pace, 
Bsde Tcnun jndicate.*' 

4. A pecnUar use of the acrostic is fovnd in 
:k 0ffice4woks of the Greek Church. Each 
CbaoB, or series of Troparia, has its own 
semtiC; which is a metrical line formed of the 
iiitkl letters of the Troparia which compose the 
Gbaoa. To take the instance given bj £^. Neale 
(Euiem Ckmrch^ Introd. p. 832); the acrostic 
ftr the Festival of SS. Proclus and Hilarins is, 

SfVfMf cJAi^roiff < w i>i> cif^^pw fUkof, 

11» Bcaaing of this is, that the first Troparion 
9i the Canon begins with 2, the second with £, 
sad 90 on. These lines are generally Iambic, as 
ia the instance above; bat occasionally Hex- 
sBMter, as. 

They frequently contain a play on the name of 
the Saint of th« day, as in the instance jost given, 

kt St. Dorothens of Tyre. The Troparia are 
w rth aes, bnt rarely, arranged so as to form 
o slphabetic acrostic, as on the Eve of the 
TnasSgnration (Neale, u. s.). 

&. The word ^poarlxuif in the Apostolical 
(Wtttvtions (iL 57, § 5) denotes the verses, or 
portioos of a verse, which the people were to 
■Bg responsively to the chanter of the Psalm, 
*^i Afl^s rii kKpocrtxut. ^o^a\X^T«." The 
enstsatly rspcated response of the 136th Psalm 
(" For His mercy endnreth for ever "), or that 
sTtht «Benedidte omnia Opera' («" Praise Him, 
•id aiagnifr Him for ever"), are instances of 
vkst is probably intended in this case. Compare 
imPHOS, Pbalmodt (Bingham's Antiq, xiv. 1, 
§W). ' ^ [C.]' 

ACBOTELBUnO. [Doxologt ; Pbalmodt.] 

ACTIO. A word frequently used to desig- 
asle the canon of the mass. 

The word "agere," as is well known, bears in 
daHcsl writers the special sense of performing 
a aMTififia] act ; hence the word "^ Actio " is ap- 
pBed to that which was regarded as the essential 
psrtioB of the Encharistic sacrifice ; "^ Actio dici- 
tar iose canon, quia in eo sacramenta oonficiuntur 
iWaica," sap Waiafrid Strabo {De Sebus £col, 
c S2, p. 950, Migne). Whatever is included in 
the canon is said to be " infra actionem ;" hence, 
vbcB any words are to be added within the 
cnen (as is the case at certain great festivals), 
thcj bear in the litnrgies the title or rubric 
"iafra actionem ;" and in printed missals these 
verds are frequently placed before the prayer 
'Cananicantea." Compare Cahok. (Bona, 
* lU^ LHuryidty lib. iL c 11} Macri, Bicr<h 
fawa, s. V, « AcUo ".) 

Ueaorins of Antan supposes this use of the 
«nd ** actio " t« be derived from legal termino- 

logy. ** If issa quoddam judidum imitatur ; unde 
et canon Actio vocatur " (lib. i., c. 8) ; and ^ Canon 
. . . etiam Actio didtnr, quia causa povuli in eo 
cum Deo agitur" (c. 103). (In be Cange's 
Olosaary, s. v. '* Actio.") But this derivation, 
though adopted by several mediaeval writers, 
does not appear probable. [C] 

fluence of Christianity on social life was seen, 
as in other things, so specially in the horror 
with which the members of the Christian Church 
looked on the classes of men and women whose 
occupations identified them with evil. Among 
these were Actors and Actresses, It must be re- 
membered that they found the drama tainted by 
the depravity which infected all heathen sodety, 
and exhibiting it in its worst forms. Even Au- 
gustus sat as a spectator of the ''scenica adulteria " 
of the '*mimi," whose performances were tha 
favourite amusement of Roman nobles and people 
(Ovid, IHst. ii. 497-520). The tragedies of 
Aeschylus or Sophocles, or Seneca,* the comedies 
even of Menander and Terence could not compete 
with plays whose subject was always the ^ vetiti 
crimen amoris," represented in all its baseness 
and foulness (/6ttf.). What Ovid wrote of <<ob- 
scaena" and *'turpia" was there acted. The 
stories of Hars and Venus, the loves of Jupiter 
with Danae, Leda, and Ganymede, were exhibited 
in detail (Cyprian, De Greet, Dei, c. 8). Men's 
minds were corrupted by the very sight. They 
learnt to imitate their gods. The actors became, 
in the worst sense of the word, efieminate, taught 
''gestus turpes et moUes et muliebros exprimere" 
(^rprian, Ep, 2, ed. Gersdorf. 61, ed. Rigalt). 
The theatre was the ''sacrarium Veneris," the 
<( oonsistorium impudidtiae " (/Mi. c 17). Men 
sent their sons and daughters to learn adultery 
(Tatian. Orat. adv. Qraec, c 22; Tertull. De 
Sped, c 10). The debasement which followed 
on such an occupation had been recognized 
even by Roman law. The more active cen- 
sors had pulled down theatres whenever they 
could, and Pompeius, when he built one, placed 
a Temple of Venus over it in order to guard 
against a like destruction (/6tcf. c. 10). The 
Greeks, in their admiration of artistic culture, 
had honoured their actors. The Romans looked 
on them, even while they patronised them, with 
a consdousness of their degradation. They were 
excluded from all dvil honours, their names were 
struck out of the register of their tribes ; they 
lost by the ^ minutio capitis" their privileges as 
dtizens {Ibid, c 22 ; Augustin. De Civ. Deiy ii. 
14). Trajan banished them altogether from 
Rome as utterly demoralized. 

It cannot be wondered at that Christian writers 
should almost from the first enter their pro- 
test against a life so debased.^ They saw 
in it part of the "pompae diaboli," which 
they were called on to renounco. Tertul- 

■■ ■ I ■ 

• Angoitine^ who hi his yoath had deUi^led In ihs 
higher forms of the drama (Obii/m. ill a), draws, after 
his oonversioD, a distlDctioD between these ("acenioonun 
tolerabiltora lodoram ") and the obeoenity of the mimes 
(^De Civ. Detail 8). 

^ No spedfio referenoe to ttde Ibnn of evil is found. It 
Is troe, In the N. T. The case had not yet presented 
ttseU It woDid have seemed as fanposslbleibr a Christian 
to lake put ia it as «o>iln hi adnal Idolatiy. 




lian wrote the treatise already quoted specially 
against it and its kindred evils of the circus and 
the amphitheatre, and dwells on the inconsis- 
tency 'of uttering from the same lips the amen 
of Christian worship, and the praises of the 
gladiator or the mime. The actor seeks, against 
the words of Christ, to add a cnhit to his stature 
by the use of the Cothumtts, He breaks the 
Diyine law which forbids a man to wear a 
woman's dress (Deut. xziL 5). Clement of 
Alexandria reckons them among the things 
which the Divine Instructor forbids to all His 
followers {Paedagog, ill. c 77, p. 298). In course 
of time the question naturally presented itself, 
whether an actor who had become a Christian 
might continue in his calling, and the Christian 
conscience returned an answer in the negative, 
the case which Cyprian deals with {Ep» 2, ut 
supra) implies that on that point there could be 
no doubt whatever, and he extends the prohibition 
to the art of teaching actors. It would be better 
to maintain such a man out of the funds of the 
Church than to allow him to continue in such a 
calling. The more formal acts of the Church spoke 
in the same tone. The Council of Iliiberis (c 62) 
required a *' pantomimus " to renounce his art 
before he was admitted to baptism. If he re- 
turned to it, he was to be excommunicated. 
The Srd Council of Carthage (c. 35) seems to 
be moderating the more extreme rigour of some 
teachers, ijrhen it orders that ^ gratia vel recon- 
ciliation is not to be denied to them any more 
than to penitent apostates. The Codex Eccles. 
A/ric, (c. 63) forbids any one who had been con- 
verted, " ex qualibet ludicr& arte," to be tempted 
or coerced to resume his occupation. The Coun- 
cil in Trullo (c. 51) forbids both mimes and their 
theatres, and r&f M incny&v hpx^v^th under 
pain of deposition for clerical, and excommuni- 
cation for lay, offenders. With one consent the 
moral sense of the new society condemned what 
seemed so incurably evil. When Christianity 
had become the religion of the Empire, it was 
of course, more difficult to maintain the high 
standard which these rules implied, and Chryso- 
Rtom (^ffom, vi. in Matt., Horn. xv. ad Pop. Antioch, 
Uvnu X. in Coloss. ii. p. 403, i. 38, 731, 780), 
complains that theatrical entertainments pre- 
vailed among the Christians of his time with no 
abatement of their evils. At Rome they were 
celebrated on the entrance of a consul upon his 
office (aaudian in Cons. MaU. 313). On the 
triumph of the Emperors Theodosius and Arcadius 
the theatre of Pompeius was opened for perfor- 
mances by actors from all parts of the Empire 
(Symmachus, Epp. x. 2, 29). With a strange 
inversion of the old relations between the old and 
the new societies, the heathen Zosimus reproaches 
the Christian Emperor Constantine with having 
patronised the mimes and their obscenity. The 
pantomimes or ballets in which the mythology 
of Greece furnished the subject-matter (Medea 
and Jason, Perseus and Andromeda, the loves of 
Jupiter), were still kept up. Women as well 
as men performed in them (Chrysost., Horn. vi. 
m Thess.), and at Rome the number of actresses 
was reckoned at 3000. The old infamy adhered 
to the whole class under Christian legislation. 
They might not appear in the forum or basilica, 
or use the public baths. And yet, with a strange 
inconsistency, the civil power kept them in their 
degradation rather than deprive the population 

of the great cities of the empire of the 
ments to whidi they were so addicted. H 
the Church sought to rescue them, admitting 
them to baptism, and after baptism claiming 
immunity from their degrading occupation, it 
stepped in to prevent any such conversion, ex- 
cept in extremis (Cod. Theodos., De Scenic^ xy.). 
Compare Milman's History of Christianity^ hook 
iv. c 2 ; Chastel, p. 211. Perhaps the fxdlest 
collection of every passage in Christian antiquity 
bearing on the subject is to be found in Piynse^ 
Histrimastix. [T.] 

ACUTUS, martyr at Naples, commemorated 
Sept. 19 {Martyrol. Rom. Vet.). [C] 

ACUS (accubiwn, or ocu&tum, adcuUij spina, 
spifwia). Pins made of precious metal, and^ in 
later mediaeval times, enriched with jewels, for 
attaching the archiepiscopal (or papal) p&llium 
to the vestment over which it was worn, t. e, the 
planeta or casula (the chasuble). The earlier 
mention of these known to the present writer Is 
in the description given by Joannes Diaconus of 
the pallium of St. Gregory the Great. Writing 
himself in the 9th century, he notes it as a point 
of contrast between the pallium worn by St. Gre- 
gory and that customary in his own time, that 
it was nvUis acubus perforatum. Their first 
use, therefore, must probably date between the 
close of the 6th and the beginning of the 9tb 
century. For details concerning these ornaments 
at later times, see Bock (fiesch. der liturg. Ge- 
icdndeTf ii. 191). Innocent III. (/>« Sacro 
Altaris MysteriOf lib. i. cap. 63) assigns to these 
pins, as to every other part of the sacerdotal 
dress, a certain mystical significance. **Tra 
acus quae pallio infiguntur, ante pectus, super 
humerum, et post tergum, designant compas- 
sionem proximi, administrationem officii, destri<^- 
tionemque judicii." [W. B. M.] 

ADAM AND EYE are commemorated in 
the Ethiopic Calendar on the 6th day of the 
month Miaziah, equivalent to April 1. The 
Armenian Church commemorates Adam with 
Abel on July 25. (Neale, Eastern Church, Introd., 
pp. 800, 812.) , [C] 

at Rome, commemorated Aug. 30 (Martyroi 
Rom. Vet., Hieron.). Proper collects in Gre- 
gorian Saoramentary (p. 127), and Antiphon in 
Lib, Antiph. p. 709. 

(2) Commemorated Oct. 4 (M. Hieron.). [C] 

ADDERBOURN, Council near the (Ad- 


River Nodder, or Adderbonrn, in Wiltshire; of 
English bishops and abbats, where a grant o( 
free election of their abbat, after Aldhelm's 
death, made by Bishop Aldhelm to the abbejs 
of Malmesbury, Frome, and Bradford, was con- 
firmed (W. Malm., De Oest. Font. v. pars iii., f> 
1645, Migne ; WUk. i. 68). [A W. H.] 

ADJT7T0R, in Africa, commemorated Dec. 
17 {MaH. Hteron.). [C] 

ADMONITION. [Monition.] 

ADRIANtJS. (1) Martyred by Galenas is 
Nicomedia, commemorated Sept. 8 (^MartyroL 
Horn. Vet., Hieron. Bedae); Aug. 26 {Cd 
Byzant.) ; Nov. 6 (M. Hieron.). 

(2) Martyr,, Natale March 4 (Mart Bedae) 


(S> Jdj 26 (Jr. merwi), 
(4) Aogiut 8 (fial. Armen.). 




ADULTEBY.— We shall attempt to give a 
gtaeni aooonnt of laws and customs relating to 
tkis topic, duelling more fully upon such as 
doddste the spirit of their several periods, and 
•pon the principles involved in disputable poinU. 
Ow outline br^ks naturally into the three fol- 
lowing divirions : — 

1. Afiteoedents of Christian jurisprudence in 

Church and State on adultery. 

2. Kature and classification of the crime. 

3. Penalties imposed upon it. 

Oar quotations from Eastern canonists when 
esBipsred with civilians are made from the older 
Latin versions; oit occasion the Greek phrases 
are added. Iii imperial laws the Latin is com- 
moaly the most authentic These are numbered, 
fint the Book of Codez, next Title, then Law ; 
bit ia the Digest, where it is usual to subdivide, 
the title is distinguished by a Roman numeral. 

L Aidecedents of Christian Jurisprudence in 
OmtcK and State on Adultery, — Respecting the 
penns of future differences as regards this and 
eoanected subjects traceable in the Apostolic 
times, Xeander has some useful observations 
{Pkutting of the Christian Church, Bohn*s ed. L 
246-9 and 257, 261). Many circumstances, how- 
erer, kept down these tendencies to opposition. 
la an age of newly awakened faith, and under 
the pressure of persecution, liring motive took 
tke place of outward law. The revulsion from 
heatheD sins was strong, and filled the souls of 
coQTcrts with abhorrence, while the tender sym- 
pitbj of their teadiers urged men to control 
themselres, succour the tempted, and pity the 
fikllen. "I am overwhelmed with sadness," 
vrites Polycarp to the Philippians (cap. xi.), 
**(Ni account of Valens who was made presbyter 
saongst yon, because he thus knows not the 
place which was given him." This man had 
fiUkn into adultery (see Jacobson in loco). *^l 
grieve exceedingly both for him and for his 
wife, tQ whom may the Lord grant true repent* 
aaoc. Bt ye therefore also sober-minded in this 
matter, and count not such persons as your ene- 
mies; bat as suffering and wayward members 
call them back, that you may save the one Body 
<d voa alL For so doing ye shall establish your 
own selves." 

Clement of Rome, unlike Polycarp, had no 
tftoMl example to deal with ; his warnings are 
therefore general. In JEp. i. 30 and cap. 6 of 
the 2nd Ep^ attributed to him, adultery is stig- 
nutixed among the foulest and most heinous 
flu. His exhortations and promises of forgive- 
oeis (L 7, 8, 9, 50) are likewise general, but 
their tenour leaves no doubt that he intended to 
mvite all such sinners to repentance. The same 
declarations of remission to all penitents and 
the loosing of every bond by the grace of Christ, 
occur in Ignat. £p. ad Philadelph, 8 ; and are 
fcKud in the shorter as well as the longer reccn- 
sioii (gee Cureton, Corp. Ignat. p. 97). In these 
addr^ses we seem to catch the lingering tones 
*4 the Apoatolic age ; and all of like meaning 
and early date should be noted as valuable testi- 
Konies. De I'Aubespine (Bingham, xvi. 11, 2) 
a&wrted that adulterers were never taken back 
into communion before the time of Cyprian, and, 
thoQ{(h Bishop Pearson refutes this opinion, he 

CBlVr. AHT. 

allows that respecting them, together with mnr* 
derers and idolaters, there was much dispute m 
the early Church. Beveridge also {Cod, Can, 
vii. 2) believes that its severity was so great as 
to grant no such sinners reconciliation except 
upon the very hardest terms. 

Of this severe treatment, as well as the differ- 
ence of opinion alluded to by Pearson, we see 
various traces; yet the prevailing inclination 
was to hold out before the eyes of men a hope 
mingled with fear. Hermas (^Pastor Mandat. 4, 1 
and 3) concedes one, and but one, repentance to 
those who are unchaste after baptism ; for which 
mildness and a reluctant allowance of second 
nuptials, TertuUian (De Pudicit. 10) styles this 
book an Adulterers' Friend. Dionysius of Co- 
rinth, writing to the churches of Pontus on 
marriage and continency, counsels the reception 
of all who repent their transgressions, whatever 
their nature mav be (Euseb. iv. 23). Thus also 
Zephyrinus of liome announced, according to 
TertuUian, '^ego et moechiae et fornicationis 
delicta, poenitentia functis dimitto ;" and though 
quoted in a spirit of hostility and satire, this 
sentence, which forms a chief reason for the 
treatise {De Pudicit.), probably contains in sub- 
stance an authentic penitential rule. Of Tertul- 
lian's own opinion, since he was at this time a 
Montanist, it is needless to say more than that, 
differing from his former views, not far removed 
from those maintained by Hermas (cf. De Peni' 
tent. 7-10), he now held adultery to be one of 
those sins not only excluding for ever from the 
company of believers, but also (cap. 19) abso- 
lutely without hope through our Lord's inter- 
cession. Exclusion from the faithful was, how- 
ever, insisted upon in such cases by some 
Catholic bishops. Cyprian (ad Antonian.), while 
himself on the side of mercy, tells us how cer- 
tain bishops of his province had, in the time of 
his predecessors, shut the door of the Church 
against adulterers, and denied them penitence 
altogether. Others acted on the opposite system ; 
yet we are assured that peace remained un- 
broken — a surprising circumstance, certainly, 
considering the wealth and intelligence of that 
province, and the importance of such decisions 
to a luxurious population. Cypnan hints at no 
lay difficulties, and simply says that every 
bishop is the disposer and director of his own 
act, and must render an account to God (cf. also 
Cypr. De Unitate, several Epistles^ and Cone. 
Carthag. Prohquium). Hence the determination 
of one bishop had no necessary force in the 
diocese of another. So, too, the acts of a local 
council took effect only within its own locality, 
unless they were accepted elsewhere. But the 
correspondence of bishops and churches set 
bounds to the difficulties which might otherwise 
have arisen, and prepared the way for General 
Councils — see, for instance, the fragment (Euseb. 
▼. 25) of the early Synod at Caesarea in Pales- 
tine — ^its object being the difiWion of the Syno- 
dical Epistle. United action was also much 
furthered by the kind of compilation called 
Codex Oinonum, but the first of these (now 
lost) was formed towards the end of the 4th 
century. See Dion. JSxig. ap. Justell. 1. 101, and 
Bevereg., Pand, Can. Proleg. vii. 

The passages already cited show the strength of 

Christian recoil from heathen sensuality. In his 

I instructive reply to Celsus (iii. 51) Origen com* 




pans the attitade of the' Church towards back- 
sliders, especially towards the incontinent, with 
that feeling which prompted the Pythagoreans to 
erect a cenotaph for each disciple who left their 
school. They esteemed him dead, and, in pre- 
cisely the same way. Christians bewail as lost to 
God, and already dead, those who are overcome 
with unclean desire or the like. Should sudi 
regain their senses, the Church receives them at 
length, as men alive from death, but to a longer 
probation than the one converts underwent at 
first, and as no more capable of honour and 
dignity amongst their fellows. Yet Origen goes 
on to state (59'64) the remedial power of Chris- 
tianity. Taken together these sections paint a 
lively picture of the treatment of gross trans- 
gressors within and without the Christian fold. 
On the passage in his De Oratione, which sounds 
like an echo of Tertullian, see foot-note in Dela- 
rue's ed., vol. i. 256. 

Christians might well shrink from what they 
saw around them. Ldoentious impurities, count- 
less in number and in kind, were the burning 
reproaches, the pollution, and the curse of 
heathendom. It is impossible to quote much on 
these topics, but a carefully drawn sketch of 
them will be found in two short essays by Pro- 
fessor Jowett appended to the first chapter of 
his Commentary on the Romans. They demon- 
strate how utterly unfounded is the vulgar 
notion that Councils and Fathers meddled un- 
necesNarily with gross and disgusting offences. 
With these essays may be compart Martial 
and the Satirists, or a single writer such as 
Seneca — unus instar omnium — e.g. ^'Hinc de- 
centissimum sponsaliorum genus, adulterium," 
&C., i. 9 ; or again, lii. 16, " Nunquid jam ulla 
repudio erubescit postquam illustres quaedam 
ac nobiles foeminae, non consulum numero, 
sed maritonim, annos suos computant? et 
exeunt matrimonii causa, nubunt repudii ? . . . 
Nunquid jam uUus adulterii pudor est, postquam 
eo ventum est, ut nulla virum habeat, nisi ut 
adulterum irritet? Argumentum est deformi- 
tatis, pudicitia. Quam invenies tam miseram, 
tam sordidam, ut illi satis sit unum adulterorum 
par?" &c. In Valerius Maximus we hear a 
sigh for departed morals — in Christian writers, 
from the Apologists to Salvian, a recital of the 
truth, always reproachful, and sometimes half 
triumphant. Moreover, as usual, sin became the 
punishment of sin — Justin Martyr, in his first 
Apology (c. 27 seq.), points out the horrible con- 
sequences which ensued from a heathen prac- 
tice following upon the licence just mentioned. 
The custom of exposing new-bom babes pervaded 
all ranks of society, and was authorized even by 
the philosophers. Almost all those exposed, says 
Justin, both boys and girls, were taken, rc»u^, 
and fed like brute beasts for the vilest purposes 
of sensuality ; so that a man might commit the 
grossest crime unawares with one of his own 
children, and from these wretched beings the 
State derived a shameful impost. Compare Ter- 
tull. Apohget. 9, sub fin. Happy in comparison 
those infants who underwent the prae or post 
natal fate, described by Minucius Felix c. 30. To 
Lactantius (we may rentark) are attributed the 
laws of Constantine intended to mitigate the 
allied evils of that later age, cf. Milman {Hist, 
ChritA. ii. 394). <<We,'' continues Justin (c 
29)^ *' expose not our offspring, lest one of them 


should perish and we be murderers; nay, the 
bringing up of children is the very object of ou 
marriages.' There are passages to the saioi 
effect in the Ep. ad Diognet. c 5, and Athenag. 
LegcA. pro Christian, (c. 33 al. 28), and thus 
these early apologists adduce a principle laid 
down amongst the ends of matrimony in the 
Anglican marriage - service. They no doubt 
utter the thought of their fellow Christians 
in opposing to the licence of the age the purest 
parental instincts, and these are perhaps in 
every age the most stringent restraints upon 

The standard of contemporary Jewish practice 
may be divined from the Dial, cum TrtffAon, 
cc. 134 and 141. The Rabbis taught the law- 
fulness of marrying four or five wives, — ^if any 
man were moved by the sight of beauty Jaoob^ 
example excused him, — if he sinned, the prece- 
dent of David assured his forgiveness. 

Surrounding evils naturally deepened the im- 
pression upon Christians that they were stran- 
gers and pilgrims in the world, that their aim 
must be to keep themselves from being partakers 
in other men's sins ; to suffer not as evil doers, 
but as Christians, and to use the Roman law ss 
St. Paul used it, for an appeal on occasion — a 
possible protection, but not a social rule. Hence 
the danger was Quietism ; and they were in fact 
accused of forsaking the duties of citizens and 
soldiers — accusations which the Apologists, par- 
ticularly Tertullian and Origen, answered, 
though with many reserves. The faithful 
thought that their prayers and examples were 
the best of services ; they shunned sitting in 
judgment on cases involving life and death, im- 
prisonment or torture, and (what is more to our 
purpose) questions de pudore. On the admission 
of Christians to magistracy as early as the An- 
tonines, cf. Dig. 50, tit. 2, s. 3, sub fin., with Gotho- 
fred's notes. Traces of their aversion from such 
business appear in some few Councils ; e, g. Elib. 
56, excludes Duumvirs from public worship 
during their year of office. Tarracon. 4, forbids 
bishops to decide criminal causes — a rule which 
has left its mark on modem legislation. Natu- 
rally resulting from these infiuences, was s 
higher and diffVised tone of purity. Obeying 
human laws, believers transcended them, Ep, ad 
Diognet. 5, and compare Just. Apoi, I. 17, seq. 
with 15. He 8])enks emphntically of the in- 
numerable multitude who turned f^om license 
to Christina self-control. The causeless divorce 
allowed by law led to what Christ forbade as 
digamy and adultery, while the latter sin was 
by Him extended to the eye and the heart. In 
like manner, Athenagoras (Leg. pro Christ. 2) 
asserts that it was impossible to find a Christian 
who had been criminally convicted — and that do 
Christian is an evil-doer except he be a hypocrit* 
— 32, 33, al. 27, 28, that impurity of heart is 
essentially adultery, and that even a slightly 
unchaste thought may exclude from everlasting 
life. He says, as Justin, that numbers in the 
Church were altogether continent ; numbers, too, 
lived according to the strictest marriage mle. 
Athenagoras goes so far (33 al. 28) as to pro- 
nounce against all second marriages, because he 
who deprives himself of even a deceased wife br 
taking another is an adulterer. Clement of 
Alexandria (Paedag, ii. 6) quaintly ohserres 
that '* Non Moechaberis " it cut up by the roots 


tkiwgii "bob ooBcnpiioes,** and in the same 
fpiiH fiMMiwniUmii (Ingtmct. 48) writes 
i BMc^fidl vM man eat Vrngb Tltate : 
wmA UutftiM, que finni atne BaDgnlne fino^ 

OiBpm other passages on adultery of the 
iMvt, Lsctaat. IndH. ri. 23, and Epit. 8 ; Greg. 
SiBiBs^ Earn. 37 aL 31 ; and later on^ Photius, 
J^ 13i^--a remarkable composition. 

Aaothcr aalefnard from lioentiousness was 

Ikck^Taloationnow set npon the true dignitj 

•f vonsB not only as the help-meet of man but 

m t partaker in the Divine Image, sharing the 

UK kope, and a fit partner of that moral 

BBMt in which our Lord placed the intention 

lai eaeaoe of the married state. Clement of 

Umadria draws a picture of the Christian 

wHi lod mother {Paedag. iiL 11, p. 250 Sylb. 

aai Pottar^s Gr. marg.); of the husband and 

frtkr, (Sbvm. tii. p. 741). Tertullian before 

bin, ia the last cap. ad Uxorem describes a truly 

(Jbrirtisn marriage — the oneness of hope, prayer, 

pnctice, and pious service ; no need of conceal- 

BNt, mutual avoidanoe, nor mutual vexation ; 

dknst banished, a freebom confidence, sym- 

pitky, and comfort in each other, presiding over 

etefy part of their public and private existence. 

This languaee derives additional strength 

btm Tertullian s -treatment of mixed marriages. 

TImm eontncted before oonversion fall under 1 

Cat. TIL 10-17 (ef. ad Uxor. ii. 2), yet their 

eoanqacDees were most mischievous. He tells 

m{ad8eapfikan 3) how Claudius Herminianus, 

vWr wife became a convert, revenged himself 

bf kxbarous usage of the Cappadocian Chris- 

tnas. A mixed marriage after oonversion is a 

raj gmt sin, forbidden by 1 Cor. vii. 39 and 2 

Cv. ri. 14-16, and Tertullian ad Uxor. ii. 3 

watifmni these who contract it as " stupri reos " 

— tnaagresBors of the 7th Commandment. 

Addreaing his own wife, he proceeds to describe 

iU Krioos evils to a woman. When she wishes 

to attend worship her husband makes an appoint- 

■MBt for the baths. Instead of hymns she hears 

Magi, sad his songs are from the theatre, the 

tsfera, and the night cellar. Her fasts are 

kiadcnd by his feasta. He is sure to object 

•fsiiBt nocturnal services, prison visita, the kiss 

«f pesee^ sad other customs. She will have a 

^ifieslty ia persuading him that such private 

ohKimeee as crossing and exsufflation, are not 

nagiesl rites. To these and other remarks, 

Totalliaa adds the sensible arguments, that 

aoM but the worst heathens would marry 

(Vistisa women, and how then could believing 

wins feel secure in such hands? Their hus- 

kaads kept the secret of their religion as a 

■KSBS of enforcing subjection ; or, if dissatisfied, 

■aned it for the day of persecution and legal- 

ind murder. Their own motives were of the 

hawr kind — ^they married for a handsome litter, 

■alei, and tall attendants from some foreign 

eoeatry ; — luxuria which a fiuthful man, even 

if wealthy, might not think proper to allow 

tkca. This being the early experience of the 

Hkarch, we are not surprued to find mixed 

■srriagtf forbidden in after times suh poena 



We cannot here pass over a history told by 
Ja^ Martyr in his ApoL ii. 2, and repeated 
hjr Eosebtns iv. 17, respecting which the learned 
Bofkam haa been led into a remarkable mis- 

take, copied and added to by Whiston in a note 
on Antiq. xv. 7, 10. A woman married to a 
very wicked husband, herself as drunken and 
dissolute as the man, became a convert to the 
faith. Thoroughly reformed, she tried to per- 
suade him by the precepts of the Gospel and 
the terrors of eternal fire. Failing in her at- 
tempts, and revolted by the loathsome and un- 
natural compulsion to which her husband sub- 
jected her, she thought repudiation would be 
preferable to a life of impious compliances. Her 
friends prevailed upon her to wait and hope for 
the best, but a journey to Alexandria made her 
husband worse than before, and, driven to des- 
pair, she sent him a divorce. Immediately he 
informed against her as a Christian ; a blow 
which she parried by presenting a petition for 
delay to the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, who 
granted her request. Upon this her husband, 
thirsting for revenge, accused her teacher in 
religious truth, and had the satisfaction of seeing 
three lives sacrificed in succession to his ven- 

Bingham (zvi. 11, 6) cites the narrative as an 
instance of a wife's being allowed by the Church 
to divorce a husband on the ground of adultery. 
But the valuable writer, led perhaps by Gotho- 
fred {Cod. Theod. vol. i. p. 812) has here erred in 
a matter of fact, for Justin tidces some pains to 
show that the woman's grievance was not adul- 
tery at all. Fleury (iii. 49) has apprehended 
the truth with correctness and expressed it with 
delicacy. The like case is discussed by an author 
long called Ambrose in his comment on 1 Cor. vii. 
11 \Afnbros. op. ed. Benedict., torn. ii. appendix 
p. 133 E-FX and he determines that, under the 
given circumstances, a woman must separate 
from her husband, but she must not marry again. 
The Imperial law also provided a remedy. Cod. 
Theod. 9, tit. 7, s. 3. It is certainly noteworthy 
that, in telling this brief tragedy, neither Justin 
nor Eusebius says a word against the wife's seek- 
ing relief from the heathen custom of divorce. 
Yet its license was condemned on all sides. The 
founder of the Empire strove to check it ; and, 
had the aggrieved woman lived under the first 
Christian emperor, that resource would have 
been denied her. Clearly, circumstances justi- 
fied the wife, but it would seem natural to have 
mentioned the danger of doing wrong, while 
pleading her justification. We, in modem times, 
should say that such cases are exceptional, and 
the inference from silence is that similar wicked- 
new was not exceptional in those days, and was 
treated by the Church as a ground of divorce ; 
a moumral conclusion, but one that many fiu;ts 
render probable, ejg. the Imperial law above 

From these antecedents our step is brief to 
laws for the repression of incontinency. The 
natural beginning was for each community to 
follow simply the example of St. Paul (1 Cor 
V. and 2 Cor. ii.), but, as convei*ts multiplied, i 
became necessary to prescribe definite tests ci 
repentance which formed also ^he terms of re- 
conciliation. Such rules had for one object the 
good of the community, and in this light every 
offence was a public wrong, and is so looked 
upon by canon law at this day. But penitence 
had a second object — ^the soul's health of the 
offender— and thus viewed, the same transgres- 
sion was treated as a moral stain, and censured 

C 2 




according to its Intrinsic heinousness, or, in few 
words, the crime became a sin. This idea, no 
doubt, entered into the severe laws of Christian 
princes against adulteiy, and is an indication of 
ecclesiastical influence upon them. Framers of 
canons had in turn their judgment acted upon 
by the great divines, who were apt to regulate 
public opinion, and to enforce as maxims of life 
their own interpretations of Scripture. Some- 
times the two character met in the same per- 
son, as in the eminent Gregories, Basil, and 
others ; but where this was not the case, theo- 
logians commonly overlooked many points which 
canonists were bound to consider. 

Church lawgivers must indeed always have 
regard to existing social facts and the ordinary 
moral tone of their own age and nation. They 
roust likewise keep State law steadily in mind 
when they deal with offences punishable in civil 
courts. That they did so in reality, we learn 
from the Greek Scholia ; and hence, when divorce 
is connected with adultery (particularly as its 
cause), the Scholiasts trace most canonical 
changes to foregoing alterations in the laws of 
the Empire. The reader should reproduce in his 
mind these two classes of data if he wishes to 
foi*m a judgment on subjects like the present. 
We have called attention to the license which 
tainted prae-Christian Rome. Of the Christian 
world, homilists are the most powerful illustra- 
tors, but the light thrown upon it by canons is 
quite unmistakable. The spirit prevalent at the 
opening of the 4th century may be discerned 
from its Councils, cjq. Gnngra ; one object of 
which (can. 4) was to defend married presbyters 
against the attacks made upon them ; cf. £lib. 33, 
and Stanley's account of the later 1 Nic. ?^{Eastem 
Ch, 196-9). Gangra, 14, forbids wives to desert 
their husbands from abhorrence of married life ; 
9 and 10 combat a like disgust and contempt of 
matrimony displayed by consecrated virgins, 
and 16 is aimed against sons who desert their 
parents under pretext of piety, t>. to become 
celibates, something after the fashion of " Cor- 
ban." An age, whei*e the springs of home life 
are poisoned, is already passing into a morbid 
condition, and legislative chirurgeons may be 
excused if they commit some errors of severity in 
dealing with its evils. But what can be said of 
the frightful pictures of Roman life drawn, some- 
what later, by Ammian. Marcell. xiv. 6 ; xxvii. 3 ; 
and xxviii. 4 ; or the reduced copies of them in 
Gibbon, chaps. 25 and 31, to which may be added 
the fiery Epistles of Jerome (jpassim), and the 
calm retrospect of Milman (^Hist, of Christ, iii. 
230, seq.)? Can any one who reads help reflect- 
ing with what intensified irony this decrepit 
age might repeat the old line of Ennius — 

MuUerem : quid potlus dicam ant verius qimm nmlierem ? 

Or can we feel surprised^wjih violent efforts at 
coercing those demoralized ,men and women ? 

Gibbon, in giving an account of the jurispru- 
dence of Justinian, saw that it could not be 
understood, particularly on the topic of our 
article, without some acquaintance with the 
laws and customs of the earliest periods. To 
his sketch we must refer the reader, adding only 
the following remarks : — 

1. His opinion upon the barbarity of marital 
rule has found an echo in Hegel (see Werke, Bd. 
IX. p. 348, seq.). F. von Schlegel, though in his 

Concordia highly praising the conjugal purity oi 
ancient Rome, had already (^Werhey xiii. 261, 3 
blamed that rigid adherence to letter and for* 
mula which pervades the system. To such cen- 
sures Mommsen is thoroughly opposed. In book 
i. chap. .5, he views the stern simplicity of idei 
on which all household right was founded as true 
to nature and to the requirements of social im- 
provement. In chap. 12 he points out how the 
old Roman religion supplemented law by iti 
code of moral maxims. The member of t 
family might commit grievous wrong untouched 
by civil sentence, but the curse of the gods 
lay henceforth heavy on that sacrilegious head. 
Mommsen's remarks on religious terrors agree 
well with the very singular restraints on divorce 
attributed by Plutarch to Romulus. The im- 
pression of ethical hardness is in &ct mainlv 
due to the iron logic of Roman lawyers. Father, 
husband, matron, daughter, are treated as real- 
istic universals, and their specific definitioiu 
worked out into axioms of legal right. Yet id 
application (a fact overlooked by Schlegel) the 
swnmumjus is often tempered by equitable allow- 
ances, e,g. a wife accused of adultery had the 
power of recrimination. Dig. 48, tit. 5, s. 13, § 5; 
and cf. August. Be Conjug. Adttiterin, ii. 7 (vtii.) 
for a longer extract, and a comment on the re- 
script. Such facts go far to explain the coum 
pursued by Christian lawgivers. 

2. On the vast changes which took place 
after the 2nd Punic war Gibbon should be com- 
pared with Mommsen, b. iii. cap. 13, pp. 884-5. 

But neither of these writers, in dwelling oo 
the immoral atmosphere which infected married 
life, point out any specially sufficient cause why 
Roman matrons showed such irrepressible avi- 
dity for divorce with all its strainings of law, 
its dissolution of sacred maxims, its connecticn 
with celibacy in males, and a frightful train of 
unbridled sensualities. Perhaps the only tnu 
light is to be gained from a comparison with 
ecclesiastical history. We shall see that is 
later ages of the Church there came about va 
entire reversal of earlier opinions on the crimi- 
nal essence and the very definition of adultery, 
and that the ground of complaint at both periodi 
(Pagan nnd Christian) was one and the same; 
the cause, therefore, may not improbably be one 
also, viz., the inadequate remedy afforded U 
women for wifely wrongs. Some parti cu Ian 
will be found in our second division, but the 
question opens a wide field for speculation, out- 
lying our limits, and belonging to the philoso- 
phy of history. 

3. The parallel between Church and State 
ought to be carried further. Imperial Rome, 
looking back upon the Republic, felt the de- 
cadence of her own conjugal and family ties, 
and wrote her displeasure in the Inws of the 
first Caesars. So, too, when the nobleness oi 
apostolic life ceased to be a substitute for legis- 
lation, it sharpened the edge of canonical ceo- 
sure by regretful memories of the better time. 
The same history of morals led to a sameness is 
the history of law, the State refieated itself u 
the Church. 

4. Gibbon has a sneer against Justinian for 
giving permanence to Pagan constitutions. Bat 
those laws had always been presupposed bj 
Christian government, both civil and spiritual 
The emperors amended or supplemented them, 




ni vkere bisbopt felt a need, they petitioned 
far aa Imperiml edict — €^» the canons of three 
African ooandls relating to oar subject, and 
•oced hereafter, in which the sjnods decide on 
flacb a petition. Then, too, the opposite experi- 
Bcnt bal been tried. The Codex Theodosianus 
heffSBL with the laws of Constantino (c£ art. 
Tkeoiomu in Diet, Biograpk.); but when Jus- 
tiaisB strore to gire scientific form to Ids juris- 
pndesee he found that completeness could no 
waj be attained except by connecting it with 
the old framework ; and, as we haye seen. Gibbon 
kiBfldf felt a similar necessity for the minor 
inrpooe of explanation. 

Oar plan here will therefore be to use the 
great vork of Justinian as our skeleton, and 
clatlie it with the bands and sinews of the 
Church. We gain two advantages: his incom- 
pinUe method ; and a stand-point at an era of 
sTitenatie endeaTour to unify Church and State. 
For Uiii endeavoor see NooeU. 131, c 1, held by 
ooBiists to accept all received by Chalcedon, 
as. 1 (eomprehending much on our subject), and 
SateB. 83, extending the powers of bishops on 
eededastical ofiences. His example was afber- 
vards followed by the acceptance of Trull, can. 2, 
aUiiig lai^ly to the list of constitutions upon 
adalterj ; cf. PhoHi Nomocanoiu, tit. i. cap. 2, with 
Sehoiis, and for the difficulties Bey. Pand, Can, 
Frokg. TvL, ix. For harmonies of spiritual 
aod dvil law as respects breaches of the 7th 
GoauBSBdmeat see Aniio(Aeni NomoCy tits, xli, 
aad xliL, and Pkotii Nomoc, tit. ix. 29, and tit. 
niL 3 and 6. Both are in Jtuielhta, vol. ii. 

liter A.D. 305 the Church was so frequently 
ogaged in devising means for upholding the 
aaactitf of the marriage tie that every step in 
the reception of canons concerning it forms a 
kadmark of moral change. Such an era was 
the reign of Justinian ; it was an age of great 
code makers— of Dionysius Exiguus and Joannes 
Aitiochenua. Numbers of local constitutions 
becaaie transformed into world-wide laws; the 
ftA, therefore, never to be overlooked respecting 
caaoBs on adultery, is the extent of their final 

We now come to Division II., and must con- 
nder at some length the definition of adultery 
itnctlj ao called. On this point a revolution 
Unik place of no slight significance in the great 
antithesis between luist and West. Details are 
therefore necessary. 

IL yatwe atvd Classification of the Crime. — 
K^lecting an occasional employment of the words 
ptrvmiacae (on which see first of following refer- 
nccsX we find (Dig. 48, tit. 5, s .6, § 1, Papinian), 
''Adalterium in nupta committitur stuprum 
vero in virginem viduamve." Cf. same tit., 34, 
Modatinus, and Dig. 1, tit. 12, s. 1, § 5, Ulpian; 
see Diet, Autiq,^ and Drissomus de Verb. Signif, 
1, s. V. for distinctions and Greek equivalents. 

The offending wife is thus regarded as the real 
erisiinal; and her paramour, whether married 
«r aamarried, as the mere accomplice of her 
oime. She is essentially the aduttera, and he, 
becaose of his complicity with a married woman, 
beeooies an adnlter. If the woman is unmanned, 
the condition of the man makes no difTerence — 
the offence is not adulterium. 

This was also the position of the Mosaic code 
*-oee Lev. xx. 10, compared with Dent. xxii. 22. 
It ii not easy to perceive how the law could 

stand otherwise when polygamy was permitted ; 
cf. Diet, of Bible^ in verbo. Espousal by both codes 
(Roman and Jewish) is protected as qitasi wedlock 
(Dig. 48, tit. 5, s. 13, § 3, Deut. xxii. 23, 24). 
So likewise by Christian canons, e.g. Trull. 98. 
'* He who marries a woman betrothed to a man 
still living is an adulter." Cf. Basil, can. 37. 

Both in Scripture language and in ordinary 
Roman life the legal acceptation of the crime is 
the current meaning of the word. Hosea (iv. 
13, 14) distinguishes between the sins of Jewish 
daughters and wive^ ; and the distinction ib kept 
in the LXX and Vulgate versions. A like dis- 
tinction forms the point of Horace's ** Matronam 
nuUam ego tango; cf. Sueton. Oct. 67 ''adnl- 
terare matronas." Instances are sulliciently com- 
mon, but, since (for reasons which will soon 
appear) it is necessary to have an absolutely 
clear understanding of the sense attached to the 
word adulterium {=:fjLoiXfla) during the early 
Christian period, we note a few decisive re- 
ferences from common usage. Val. Max. (under 
Tiberius) explains (ii. 1, 3) adulteri as "sub- 
sessores alieni matrimonii." Quintilian (under 
Domitian) defines, Instit. Orat. vii. 3, "Adulte- 
rium est cum aliena uxore domi coire." Juvenal 
may be consulted through the index. Appuleius 
(under the Antonines), in the well known story 
Metamorph, ix., describes the deed, and refers to 
the law de Adulteriis. 

Christian writers seldom explain words un- 
less used out of their current sense, and when 
they do so, the explanation is of course inci- 
dental. We find an early example in Athena- 
goras, De Besur. Mort. 23. al. 17, where in 
treating of bodily appetites occurs a designed 
antithesis. On the one side 'Megitlmus coitus 
quod ebt matrimonium " — on the other, " incon- 
cessus alienae uxoris appetitus et cum ea consue- 
tudo— TowTo 7<£p itm fioix^la," Another early 
instance is in the Shepherd of Hennas, Maytdat, 
iv., which thus begins: "Mando, ait, tibi, ut 
castitatem custodias, et non ascendat tibi cogi- 
tatio cordis de alieno matrimonio, aut de forni- 
catione." We have here a twofold division like 
'Papinian's above quoted, but instead of opposing 
stuprum to adulterium (implied in alieno Matri- 
monio), he employs ** fornicatio," an ecclesiasti- 
cal expression when it has this special meaning. 
Origen {Levit. xx., Homil. xi.), in contrasting 
the punishment of adulterers under the Mosaic 
and Christian dispensations, assumes the same 
act to be intended by the laws of both. This 
passage has often been ascribed to Cyril of Alex- 
andria, but Delarue (ii. 179, 180) is clear for 
Origen. Arnobius (under Diocletian) writes, lib. 
iv. (p. 142, Varior. ed.), " Adulteria legibus vin- 
dicant, et capitalibus afficiunt eos poenis, quos in 
aliena comprehenderint foedera genialis se lectuli 
expugnatione jecisse. Subsessoris et adulteri 
persona," && 

The canonists, Greek and Latin, use criminal 
terms like ordinary authors without explanation, 
and obviously for the same reason. But on our 
subject the meaning is generally made certain 
by (1) an opposition of words resembling the 
examples before quoted ; (2) by the case of un- 
married women being treated in separate canons ; 
or else (3) by a gradation of penalties imposed 
on the several kinds of sin. 

In the latter half of the 4th century we have 
again exact ecclesiastical definitions. They are 



Tery Taluable, becaose given bj two of the 
greatest canonists the Church ever produced, 
and also because they were accepted by can. it. 
TrolL QregOTj of Nyssa thus distingnishes (ad 
Letoium, resp. 4), ^'Fomicatio quidem dicatnr 
capiditatis cujnspiam expletio quae sine alterius 
fit injuria. Adulterium vero, insidiae et injuria 
quae alteri affertur." This antithesis is substan- 
Ually the same with that in the Digest, but 
Gregory so states it because (as his canon tells 
us) he is replying to certain somewhat subtle 
reasoners who argued that these acts of inconti- 
nence are in essence identical— a theory which 
would equalize the offences, and, by consequence, 
their punishments. The arguments are such as 
we should call verbal, e^, what the law does 
not permit, it forbids — ^the rwn proprium must be 
alienum. He answers by giving the specific di- 
vision nuule by the Fathers (as above), and main- 
tains (1) its adaptation to human infirmity, (2) 
the double sin of adultery, and (3) the propriety 
of a double penitence. With Gregory, therefore, 
the canonist prevails over the theologian — he 
refuses to treat the crime merely as a sin. 

In Basil's canon ad Amphihch, 18 — which is 
concerned with lapsed virgins — who had been 
treated as digamists, and whom Basil would 
punish as adulterous, we find an incidental defi- 
nition : " eum, qui cum aliena muliere oohabitat, 
adulterum nominamus." 

Basil's important 21st canon is summed by 
Aristenus : *^ Yirum, qui fomicatus est, uxor pro- 
pria recipiet. Inquinatam vero adulterio uxorem 
vir dimittet. Fornicator, enim, non adulter est, 
qui uxori junctus cum solnta" (an unmarried 
woman) '*rem habuerit." Here, again, is the 
old opposition (as in stuprum and adulterium) 
the logical essence of the crime turning upon 
the state of the woman, whether married or sole. 
But a clause of great value to us is omitted by 
Aristenus. Basil considers the fornicatio of a 
married man heinous and aggravated ; he says, 
'* eum poenis amplius gravamus," yet adds ex- 
pressly, '^ Canouem t;imen non habemus qui eum 
adulterii crimini subjiciat si in solutam a Matri- 
monio peccatum commissum sit." This clear 
assertion from a canonist so learned and vera- 
cious as Basil must be allowed to settle the 
matter of fact, that up to his time Church law 
defined adultery exactly in the same manner as 
the civil law. 

It is to be remarked, too, that Basil's answer 
addresses itself to another kind of difficulty 
from Gregory's, that, namely, of injustice in the 
different treatment of unchaste men and women. 
No objection was of older standing. We almost 
start to hear Jerome (Epitaph, FcAiolae) echoing, 
as it were, the verses of Plautusj cf. the passage 
{Mercator^ iv. 5) — 

" Ecastor \egfi dura yivont roallerei^ 
Maltoque Inlqaiore miserae. qiuun virl .... 
.... Utlnam lex esaeteadem, quae uxori est viro." 

Yet no writer tells more pointedly than Plautus 
the remedy which Roman matrons had adopted 
i^Amphitr, iiu 2) — 

" Valeaa : tibl habeas res taas, reddas meas." 

As to the legal process by which women com- 
passed this object, it was probably similar to 
their way of enlarging their powers respecting 
property and other such matters, on which see 
Mommsen, book iii. 13. 


We now note among divines a desire to im- 
press upon the public mind the other, ix, the 
purely theological idea that all incontinent 
persons stand equally condemned. They appear 
to reason under a mixture of influences — 1. A 
feeling of the absolute unity of a married couple, 
a healthy bequest from the first age ; 2. Indig- 
nation at marital license; 3. Desire to find t 
remedy for woman's wrong; 4. The wish to 
recommend celibacy by contrast with the '* aer^ 
vitude ** of marriage. 

Lactantius (as might be expected from his 
date) fixes upon points 1 and 2. He finds fault 
with the Imperial law in two respects — ^that 
adultery could not be committed with any but a 
free woman, and that by its inequality it tended 
to excuse the severance of the one married body. 
Tnstit, vi.. 23. ^ Non enim, sicnt jnria publid 
ratio est ; sola mulier adultera est, quae habet 
alium ; maritus autem, etiamsi plures habeat, a 
crimine adulterii solutus est. Sed divina lex its 
duos in matrimonium, quod est in corpus nnum, 
pari jure conjungit, ut adulter habeatur, quis- 
quis compagem corporis in diversa distraxerit." 
Cf. next page—** Dissociari enim corpus, et dis- 
trahi Deus noluit." It would seem therefore 
that this Father would really alter the ordinary 
meaning of the word aduiterium^ and explain the 
offence differently from its civil-law definition. 
He would extend it to every incontinent act of 
every married person, on the ground that by 
such an act the marriage unity enforced by our 
Lord is broken. It is true that another view 
may be taken of the words of Lactantius. They 
may be considered as rhetoric rather than logic, 
both here and in Epitome 8, where the same 
line of thought is repeated ; but this is a ques- 
tion of constant recurrence in the Fathers, and 
reminds us of Selden's celebrated saying. The 
student will in each case form his own judg- 
ment; in this instance he may probably think 
the statement too precise to be otherwise than 

The same must be said of Ambrose, whose 
dictum has been made classical by Gratian. Yet 
it should be observed that he is not always con- 
sistent with himself, <?.^. (ffexaem, v. 7) he lays 
it down that the married are both in spirit and 
in body one, hence adultery is contrary to nature: 
We expect the same prefatory explanation « 
from Lactantius, but find the old view : ** Nolite 
quaerere, viri, alienum thorum, nolite insidiari 
alienae copulae. Grave est adulterium et naturae 
injuria." So again, in Luc. lib. 2, sub intf., he 
attaches this term to the transgression of an 
espoused woman. 

The celebrated passage, one chief support of s 
distinction which has affected the law and lan- 
guage of modern Europe (quoted by Gratian, 
JDecret. ii. c. 32, q. 4), occurs in Ambrose's Defence 
of Abraham {De Abr. Fatr. i. 4). We give it as 
in Gratian for the sake of a gloss : ** Nemo sibi 
blandiatur de legibus hominum" (gloss-— quae 
dicunt quod adulterium non committitur cum 
soluta sed cum nupta) ** Omne stuprum adulte- 
rium est : nee viro licet quod mulieri non licet, 
iiladem a viro, quae ab uxore debetur castimonia. 
Quicquid in ea quae non sit legitima uxor, coor 
missum fuerit, adulterii crimine damnatur." 
This extract sounds in itself distinct and con- 
secutive. But when the Apology is read as a 
whole, exactness seems to vanish. It is divided 




into tkiet mam heads or defentkmet : 1st, Abra- 
hiB Jired baferc the Iaw which forbade adultery, 
thcreibre he oonhi not hare committed it. ** Deus 
la i^radiso Jioet eonjagiiun lendaTerit, non adul- 
tarinm damnaTCFat. It ia hard to undentand 
how fBch a sentence oonld have been written in 
Uw hm of Ifatt. xiz. 4-9, or how so great an 
authority eoold fbi^t that the rery idea of oov^ 
ptgnm implied the wrong of adttUermm, 2ndly, 
/^lfr«iMm vas actuated by the mere desire of 
oApriag ; and Sarah herself gave him her hand- 
■udea. Her example (with Leah's and Rachel's) 
■ taned into a monl lesson against female 
jedomsy, and then men are admonished — ** Nemo 
Ai UandtatnT,** &&, as above quoted. Srdly. 
GakL ir. 21-4, is referred to, and the conclusion 
ixnrm, ** Quod ergo putas esse peccatum, adver- 
tis OMO mysterinm ; " and again *' haec quae in 
figirun oontingebant, illts crimini non erant." 
▼e have sketched this chapter of Ambrose be- 
etaie of the great place assigned him in the 
ci Mtiof c isj of Western against £astem Church 

Another passage referred to in thb Q. " Dicat 
iliqais,'' is the 9th section of a sermon on John 
tke fiaptiit, formerly numbered 65, now 52 (^ 
BcmI App. p. 462)^ and the work of an Am- 
braiastcr. But here the aduUerium (filii testes 
adaltcrii) is the act of an unmarried man with 
kit aadlia (distinguished from a concubina, De- 
cnt: L DiML 34^ ** OmcMtnna autem," seq.), t:^. 
s nrt of Contubemium ia called by a word 
wki^ brings it within the letter of the 7th 

Perhaps Ambrose and his pseudonym, like 
BSBj others, saw no very great difference be- 
tveen the prohilntion of sins aecundvm literam 
lad JttfwiAin analogiam — as, for example, idola- 
try is adultery. It seems clear that he did not 
with Lactantiaa form an ideal of marriage and 
tkcn condemn whatever contradicted it. His 
laagoage on wedlock in Paradise forbids this 

Looking eastwards, there is a famous sermon 
(37, aL 31) preached by Gregory Nazianxen, in 
vkkh he blends together the points we iiare 
■mbered 2, 3, and 4. He starts (tL) from the 
iaeqaality of Lsws. Why should the woman be 
Tcstrsined, the man left free to sin ? The Latin 
▼trnoa is incorrect ; it so renders fcarcnropf^c^ciy 
ai to introduce the kUer notion of adulterium. 
Gr^iy thinks (more Aesopi) that the inequality 
caoie to pass because men were the law-makers ; 
Anther, that it is contrary to (a) the 5th Com- 
anadmcnt, which honours the mother as well as 
thefsther; (6) the equal creation, resurrection, 
sad redemption of both sexes ; and (c) the n^ys- 
tical repr esen tation of Christ and His Church. 
A healthy tone is felt in much of what Gre- 
gory layi, but (ix.) the good of marriage is de- 
scribed by a definition &t inferior in life and 
spirituality to that of the pagan Modestinus, 
siid (in X.) naturally follows a preference for the 
tu higher good of celibacy. The age was not to 
be tnuted on this topic which formed an under- 
Ijiag motive with most of the great divines. 

Chrysostmn notices the chief texts in his 
KMpotUoqf Blomilies. For these we cannot afford 
spoee, sad they are easily found. We are more 
esneoned with his sermon on the Bili of Divorce 
(el Bened.iiL 198-209). <" It is commonly called 
tdahtrj" be says in aubstanoe, ^ when a man 

wrongs a married woman. I, however, affirm it 
of a married man who sins with the unmarried. 
For the essence of the crime depends on the con- 
dition of the injurers as well as the injured. 
Tell me not of outward laws. 1 will declare to 
thee the law of God." Yet we encounter a 
qualification : the offence of a husband with the 
unmarried is (p. 207) ftoix^las ttrtpov tUos. 
We also find Uie preacher dwelling with great 
force upon the lifelong servitude (iov\tia) of 
marriage, and we perceive from comparing other 
passages that there is an intentional contrast 
with the noble freedom of celibacy. 

Asterius of Amaseia has a forcible discourse 
(printed by Combefis, and particularly worth 
reading) on the question: "An lioeat homini 
dimittere uxorem suam, quacunque ex causa?" 
The chief part of it belongs to our next division, 
but towaxds the end, after disposing of insuffi- 
cient causes, he enters on the nature of adul- 
tery. Here (as he says) the preacher stands by 
the husband. '' Nam cum duplici fine matrimo- 
nia contrahuntur, benevolentiae ac quaerendorum 
liberorum, neutrum in adulterio continetur. Nee 
enim affectui locus, ubi in alterum animus 
inclinat ; ac sobolis omne decus et gratia perit, 
quando liberi oonfunduntur.*' Our strong Teu- 
tonic instincts feel the truth of these words. 
Asterius then insists on mutual good fiuth, and 
passes to the point that the laws of this world 
are lenient to the sins of husbands who excuse 
their own license by the plea of privileged 
harmlessness. He replies that all women are 
the daughters or wives of men. Some man 
must feel each woman's degradation. He then 
refers to Scripture, and concludes with precepts 
on domestic virtue and example. The sermon 
of Asterius shows how kindred sins may be 
thoroughly condemned without abolishing esta- 
blbhed distinctions. But it also shows a gene- 
ral impression that the distinctions of the Forum 
were pressed by apologists of sin into their own 
baser service. 

Jerome's celebrated case of Fabiola claims a 
few lines. It was not really a divorce propter 
aduUerium, but parallel to the history told by 
Justin Martyr. The points for us are the 
antithesis between Paulus noster and Papini- 
anus (with Paulus Papiniani understood) 
and the assertion that the Roman law turned 
upon dignity — i.^. the matrona as distinguished 
from the ancittvla, Jerome feels most strongly 
the unity of marriage, and joins with it the 
proposition that the word Man contains Woman. 
He therefore says that 1 Cor. vi. 16, applies 
equally to both sexes. Moreover, the same 
tendency appears, as in Chrysostom, to de- 
press wedlock in favour of celibacy. Marriage 
is servitude, and the yoke must be equal, " Eadem 
servitus pari conditione censetur." But the 
word adukerium is employed correctly ; and in 
another place (on Hosea, ii. 2) he expressly 
draws the old distinction — " Fomicaria est, quae 
cum pluribus copulatur. Adultera, quae unum 
virum deserens alteri jungitur." * 

Augustine, like Lactantius, posits an idea of 
marriage(2>ff Gtffwijix. 12[vii.J). It possesses a 
Good, consisting of three thinga— /dfs, prolee^ 

• The jmuipto wbo offends aim viro otfi^ftigaio Is not 
bere made an sdolteress ; Jerome's remedy might taav^ 
been a spedflc constitution. 




aacrtmenttan, *^ In fide attenditnr ne praeter vin- 
culum ooQJugale, cum altera rel altero concnm- 
batur." But (Quaest. in JExod. 71) he feels a 
difficulty about words — ** Item quaeri solet utrnm 
moechiae nomine etiam fomicatio teneatur. Hoc 
enim Graecum yerbum est, quo jam Scriptura 
utitur pro Latino. Moechos tamen Graeci nonnisi 
adulteros dicunt. Sed utique ista Lex non soils 
viris in populo, verum etiam feminis data est " 
(Jerome, supra, thought of this point); how 
much more bj ** non moechaberis, uterque sexus 
astringitur, .... Ac per hoc si femina 
moecha est, habens virum, concumbendo cum 
eo qui vir ejus non est, etiamsi ille non habeat 
uxorem ; profecto moechus est et rir habens 
uxorem, concumbendo cum ea qune uxor ejus 
non est, etiamsi ilia non habeat virum.'* He 
goes on to quote Matt. y. 32, and infers ^' omnis 
ergo moechia etiam fornicatio in Scripturis 
dicitur — sed utrum etiam omnis fornicatio 
moechia did {HMwit, in eisdem Scripturis non 
mihi interim occurrit locutionis exemplum." 
His final conclusion is that the greater sin im- 
plies the less — a part the whole. 

Augustine's sermon (ix. al. 96) De decern 
Chordis is an expansion of the above topics. In 
3 (ill.) occurs the clause quoted Decrei. ii. 32, q. 
6. (a quaestio wholly from Augustine^— " Non 
moechaberis: id est, non ibis ad aliquam aliam 
praeter uxorem tuam." He adds some particulars 
I'eminding us of Asterius. On the 7th Com- 
mandment, which Augustine calls his 5th string, 
he says, 11 (ix.), " In ilia video jacere totum pene 
genus humanum;*' and mentions that false 
witness and fraud were held in hon*or, but (12) 
'*si quis volutatur cum andllis suis, amatur, 
blande accipitur; convertuntur yulnera in joca." 

We cannot pass by two popes dted by Gra- 
tian. One is Innocent I., whose 4th canon Ad 
Exup. stands at the end of same c. 82, q. 5. ^*- £t 
illud desideratum est sciri, cur communicantes 
viri cum adulteris uxoribus non conveniant : 
cum contra uxores in consortio adulterorum 
virorum manere videantur.'* The gloss explains 
'* communicantes " of husbands who commit a 
like sin with their wives. But this may or may 
not mean that they sinned cum conjugatls, and 
the woi*ds ** pari ratione," which follow, to be- 
come decisive must be read with special emphasis. 
The other is the great Gregory, quoted earlier 
in same q. 5. The passage is from Gr^. Mag, 
Moralivm, lib. 21, in cap. Jobi xxxi. 9; and as 
it is truncated in quotation, we give the main 
line of thought, omitting parentheses : " Quam- 
vis nonnunquam a reatu adulterii nequaquam 
discrepet culpa fornicatlonis (Miitt. v. 28, quoted 
and expounded). Tamen plerumque ex loco vel 
ordine concupiscentis discernitur (instance). In 
personis tamen non dissimilibus idem luxuriae 
distinguitur reatus in quibus fomicationis culpa, 
quia ab adulterii reatu discernitur, pinedicatoris 
egregii lingua testatur (1 Cor. vi. 9)." The dif- 
ference between the two sins is next confirmed 
from Job. It is easy to see that the old juridical 
sense of adulteriwn is not taken away by these 
expository distinctions. 

We now come to the event which gives signi- 
ficance and living interest to our redtal of 
opinions. The canon law of Rome took ground 
which allied it on this as on other questions 
with what appeared to be the rights of women. 
Ita treatment of cases arising out of the 7th 

Commandment widened the separation of Eati 
and West, and left a mark on those barbarian 
nations which owed their civilization or their 
faith to pontifical Rome. Our business here ii 
only with a definition, but canonists followed 
civilians in working their doctrine out to its 
more remote consequences, and some of these 
would form a curious chapter in history. 

The essence of the pontifical definition is not 
that a wife is the adultera, and her paramour 
the adulter, but that the offence be committed 
"cum persona conjugata," whether male or 
female. Hence it comprehends two distinct 
degrees of criminality. It is called simplex in 
two cases, " cum solutus concumbit cum conju- 
gata, vel conjugatus cum soluta." It is called 
duplex *^cum conjugatus concumbit cum conju- 
gata." These distinctions are taken from F. L 
Ferraris, Frompta Bibliotheca{ed. 1781), in verbo. 
They rest upon the Decretum as referred to by 
Ferraris, part 2, cause 32, quaest. 4. But the 
extracts we gave from qs. 5 and 6 should not be 

The Decretum, according to C. Butler (^Horae 
Juridicae Subsecitxie, p. 168), is made up from 
(1) decrees of councils, (2) letters of pontiffs, 
(3) writings of doctors. But on our subject the 
last-named is the real source — e.g. q. 4 is from 
the moral and doctrinal writings of Augustine, 
Ambrose, Jerome, and Gregory I. ; q. 6 wholly 
from Augustine. This is a very noteworthy 
fact, since it tends to confirm a conclusion that 
canonists had previously agreed with the dvil 
law so far as concerns its definition of the crime. 
Gratian would never have contented himself with 
quoting theologians if he could have found 
councils, or canonical writings accepted by coun- 
cils, to support his own decisions. 

Such, then, is one not unimportant antithesis in 
the wide divergence between East and West. It 
would foim an interesting line of inquiry (but 
beyond our province) to use this antithesis as a 
clue in those mixed or doubtful cases of descent 
where the main life of national codes and cus- 
toms is by some held homesprung, by others 
given to old Rome, and by a third party derived 
from Latin Christianity. 

Through all inquiry on this subject the stu- 
dent must bear in mind that a confusion of 
thought has followed the change in law; e.g. 
Duc4\nge, Glossar., s. v., commences his article 
with a short quotation from Gregory of Nyssa's 
4th can. ad Let. (explained above), but the sen- 
tence cited contains the opinion, not of the 
saint, but, of the objector whom he is answering. 
Ducange proceeds to trace the same idea through 
various codes without a suspicion that he has 
begun by applying to one age the tenets of an- 
other. The difficulty of avoiding similar mis- 
takes is greater than at first sight might have 
been anticipated. In the Dictionnaires of Tre^ 
voux, Fui-etifere, Richelet, and Danet, atxmtrie 
or adultere is explained from papal law or Thorn. 
Aquin., while the citations mostly give the older 
sense. In Chaucer's Persone's Tale we find the 
same word {avoutrie) defined af^er the dvilians, 
but soon after he mentions " mo spices " (more 
species) taken from the other acceptation. John- 
son gives to adultery the papal meaning, but his 
sole example is from pagan Rome, and most 
modern English dictionary makers are glad td 
copy Johnson. A still more striking instancf 




if wtAiaM explanations occurs in a remark - 
■Uc dialofne between the doctor and his friend, 
?oL iiL 4«, of Croker's BosweU, 

The nataral inference is that the aboTe-men- 
tkaed aatbors were not conyersant with the 
|ittt chuge of definition undergone bj the word 
Llsltery and its equivalents. Bat when those 
vko write on the specialties of church history 
aed latiqiiities quote Fathers, councils, jurists, 
aed decretals, they ought in reason to note how 
ht the conunoD terms which their catenae link 
toj;ctber are or are not used in the same sense 
tliroQgkont. This precaution has been generally 
aeflecta] as regards the subject of this article, 
-4i<ace endless confusion. 

Immediately upon the nature of the crime (as 
legally defin«l) followed its Classification. By 
LexJvUa, 48 I>ii^^ i. 1, it was placed among 
poblie wrongs. But a public wrong does not 
aaccaarily infer a public right of prosecution ; 
tee Gothofred's note on Cod. Theod. 9, tit. 7, s. 2. 
— ''Aliod est publicum crimen; aliud publica 
seeantio.'' For Publica Judida, cf. Dig. as 
abore and Insiitia. Justin, 4, 18, sub init. 

Usder Augustus the husband was preferred as 
fnaecntor, next the wife's father. The bus- 
had was in danger of incurring the guilt of 
procoration {lenodnhan) if he failed to prose- 
c«U (48, LHg. ▼. 2, § 2, and 29, sub imt. ; also 
9, Cod. Just. 9, 2). He must open proceedings by 
Mkding a divorce to his wife (48, Dig. t. 2, § 2 ; 
II, $ 10; and 29, tmt.> Thus dlTorce was made 
aa eaectttial penalty, though tar from being the 
viioie panishment. By NoreU. 117, c. 8, pro- 
eesdiogs might commence before the divorce. 
Sech pTMecntion had 60 days allowed for it, 
aid these must be dies vtUes. The husband's 
choice of days was large, as his libellus might 
Wpreiented ''de piano, t>., the judge not sit- 
tag «" pro tribunali " (48, Dig. v. 11, § 6; and 
14, { 2). The husband might also accuse for 4 
moaths farther, but not "jure mariti," only '* ut 
qairis extraneus" (Goth, on 11, § 6). For ex- 
ample, see Tacit. Ann. ii. 85; Labeo called 
ts aeomnt by the praetor (cf. Orell. note), 
fer not having accused his wife, pleads that his 
60 days had not elapsed. After this time an 
extiaaeos might intervene for 4 months of avail- 
aUe days (tit. of Dig. last quoted, 4, § 1). 
if the divorced wife married before accusation, 
it was necessary to begin with the adulterer (2, 
•■L; 39, § 3). The wife might then escape 
tiiroagb fiulure of the plaint against him (17, 
§ S). Ht was liable for five continuous years 
rren though she were dead (11, § 4; 39, § 2), 
and his death did not shield her (19, init.\ but 
that period barred all accusation against both 
«tfndcn(29, § 5 ; and 31 ; also 9, Cod. J. 9, 5). 
CndcrConstantine, A.D. 326 (9, Cod. Theod. 7, 2, 
and 9, Cbd y. 9, 30), the right of public prose- 
cation was taken away. The prosecutors were 
Ihns arranged : husband ; wife's relations, t>. 
Ather, brother, father's brother, mother's brother. 
Thii order remained unaltered (see Balsam. Schoi. 
» Bcvcreg. Pandect, i. 408, and Blistaris Synr 
<*J«a, p. 185). 

The Mosaic law, like the Roman, made this 
a public wrong, and apparently also a 
for public prosecution; compare Deut. 

ii. 21 with John viii. 3 and 10. As long as 
tW penalty of death was enforced, the husband 
aet condone. But in later times he might 

content himself with acting under Deat. xxiv. 1- 
4. See Matt, i., 19. [Espousals count as matri- 
mony under Jewish law even more strongly than 
under Roman ; compare Deut. xxii. 23, seq., with 
48, Dig. V, 13, § 3]. See also Hosea, ii. 2, iii. I, 
and parallel passages. 

By canon law all known sins are scandals, and 
as such public wrongs ; cf. Gothofr. marg. annot. 
on Dig. 48, tit. 1, s. 1 ; Gi*at. Decret. ii. c. 6, 9, 1 ; 
J. Clarud, Sent, Rec, v. 1, 6; and on Adultery^ 
Blackstone, iii. 8, 1, and iv. 4, 11. This offence 
became known to Church authorities in various 
ways ; see Basil 34 ; Innocent ad Exup, 4 ; and 
Elib. 76, 78, Greg. Nyss. 4, where confesKion 
mitigates punishment. A similar allowance for 
self-accusation is found in regard of other crimes, 
e,g, Greg. Thaum. cans. 8 and 9. 

The Church agreed with the State in not 
allowing a husband to condone (Basil, 9 and 
21), and on clerks especially (Neocaesarea, 8). 
Divines who were not canonists differed consi- 
derably. Hermas's Pastor (Mandat. iv.) allowed 
and urged one reconciliation to a penitent wife. 
Augustine changed his mind ; compare De Adul' 
terin. Conjug, lib. ii. 8 (ix.) with Eitractat, lib. 
i. xix. 6. In the first of these places he hesitates 
between condonation and divorce ; opposes for- 
giveness ^* per claves regni caelorum " to the pro- 
hibitions of law " secundum terrenae civitatis 
modum," and concludes by advising continence, 
which no law forbids. In the latter passage he 
speaks of divorce as not only allowed but com- 
manded. *' £t ubi dixi hoc permissum esse, non 
jussum ; non attend! aliam Script uram dicentem ; 
Qui tenet adulteram stultus et impius est " 
(Prov. xviii. 22 ; Ixx.), 

A public wrong implied civil rights ; therefore 
this offence was the crime of free persons (Dig. 
48, tit. 5, s. 6 init.). ** Inter liberas tantum per- 
sonas adulterium stuprumve passas Lex Julia 
locum habet." Cf. Cod. J. 9, tit. 9, s. 23 init. A 
slave was capable only of Contubemium (see Ser^ 
Tus and Matrimonium in Diet. Antiq."). Servitude 
annulled marriage (Dig. 24, tit. 2, s. 1), or rather 
made it null from the first (^Novell. Just. 22. 8, 9, 
10). *'Ancillam a toro abjicere" is laudable ac- 
cording to Pope Leo I. {Ad Rustic. 6). That 
Christian princes attempted to benefit slaves 
rather by manumission than by ameliorating the 
servile condition, we see from the above-quoted 
Novell, and from Harmenop. Proch. i. 14 ; the 
slave (sec 1) is competent to no civil relation^t, 
and (sec. 6) his state is a quasi-death. 

Concubinage was not adultery (Dig. 25, tit. 7, 
s. 3, § 1); but a concubine might become an adult- 
eress, because, though not an uxor, she ought to 
be a matrona, and could therefore, if unfaithful, be 
accused, not jure mariti, but jure extranci. For 
legal conditions, see Cod. J. 5, tit. 26 and 27, Jtid. 
Novell. 18, c 5 ; also 74 and 89. Leo (Nov. 91) 
abolished concubinage on Christian grounds. For 
the way in which the Church regarded it, cf. 
Bals., on Basilj 26, and Cone. Tblet. i. 17 ; also 
August. Quaest. in Genesim, 90, Ve Fid. et Op, 
35 (xix.), and Serm. 392, 2. Pope Leo I. (Ad 
Bustic. 4, cf. 6, as given by Mansi) seems to make 
the legal concubine a mere ancilla ; cf. Grat. 
Decret. I. Dist. 34 (ut supra) and Diet. Antiq. s. v. 

We now come to much the gravest conse- 
quence of a classification under public wrongs — 
Its effect on woman's remedy. By Lex Julia, the 
wife has no power of x^laint against the husband 




for adultery m a public wrong {Cod. J, 9. 
tit. 9, 8. 1.). This evidently flows from the de- 
finition of the crime, but the glossators' reasons 
are curious. She cannot complain jure mariti 
because she is aot a husband, nor jture extranet 
because she is a woman. 

The magistrate was bound by law to inquire 
into the morals of any husband accusing his wife 
(Dig. 48, tit. 5, 8. 13 § 5). This section is from an 
Antonine rescript quoted at greater length from 
the Cod, Gregorian, by Augustine, J)e Conjug, 
Adutterin. lib. ii. 7 (viii.). The husband's guilt 
did not act as a compenaatU) criminis. In Eng- 
land the contrary holds, and a guilty accuser 
shall not prevail in his suit (see Burns, Eccl. 
Law, art. "Marriage."). But the wife's real 
remedy lay in the use of dirorce which during 
the two last centuries of the Bepublic became 
the common resource of women under grierances 
real or fancied, and for purposes of the worst 
kind. There is a graphic picture of this side 
of Roman life in Boissier's Cic^hm et see Amis ; 
and for the literature and laws, see " Divor- 
tium" in Smith's Did. of Antiquities. Bris- 
sonius de Formulia gives a collection of the 
phrases used in diyordng. 

Constantine allowed only three causes on 
either side — on the woman's these were her 
husband's being a homicide, poisoner, or violator 
of sepulchres {Cod. Theod. 3, tit. 16, s. 1 ; cf. Edict. 
Theodor. 54). This law was too strict to be 
maintained ; the variations of Christian princes 
may be seen in Cod. J. 5. tit. 17. Theodos. and 
Valentin. 1. 8, added to other causes the hus- 
band's aggravated incontinency. Anastasius, 1. 
9, permitted divorce by common consent; this 
again " nisi castitatis concupiscentia " was taken 
away by Justinian in his Novell. 117, which (cap. 
9) allowed amongst other causes the husband's 
gross unchastity. Justin restored divorce by 
common consent. 

The Church viewed the general liberty to re- 
pudiate under the civil law, with jealousy ; cf. 
Greg. Noziauz. Epp. 144, 9 (al. 176, 181), and 
Victor Antiochen. on Mark z. 4-12. But it was 
f^lt that women must have some remedy for 
extreme and continued wrongs, and this lay in 
their using their legal powers, and submitting 
the reasonableness of their motives to the judg- 
ment of the Church. Basil's Can. 35 recognizes 
such a process ; see under our Div. III. Spiritual 
jPenaltie8f No. 2. Still from what has been said, 
it is plain that divorce might become a frequent 
oocasion of adultery, since the Church held that 
a married person separated from insufficient 
oatues really continued in wedlock. Re-marriage 
was therefore always a serious, sometimes a cri- 
minal step. [DivoBCE.1 

Marriage after a wife s death was also viewed 
with suspicion. Old Rome highly valued conti- 
nence under such circumstances ; Val. Max. ii. 1, 
§ 3, gives the fact; the feeling pervades those 
tender lines which contrast so strongly with 
Catullus V. ad Lesbiam — 

** Ooddit mea Lux, meumque Sidas; 

Sed csram sequar ; arboreaqae at alta 

8ab tellure sacs agnot amoresi 

El radidbas Implicantar Imis: 

Sic DOS ooDsodabttnur sepulti, 

Et vlvis erinms beatiores." 

Similar to Val. Max. is Herm. Mandat. iv. 4. 
Gregory Nazianz. {Hem. 37, al. 31) says that 

marriage represents Christ and the Chutk, 
and there are not two Christs ; the first mar- 
riage is law, a second an indulgence, a third 
swinish. Against marriages beyond two, set 
Neocaes. 3, Basil, 4, and Leo. Nofoell. 90. Curi- 
ously enough, Leo (cf. Diet. Biog.) was him- 
self excommunicated by the patriarch for marry- 
ing a fourth wife. [Digamy.] 

III. Penalties. — ^We are here at once met by t 
very singular circumstance. Tribonian attri- 
butes to Constantine and to Augustus two suspi- 
ciously corresponding enactments, both making 
death the penalty of this crime, and both inflict- 
ing that death by the sword. The founder of 
the Empire and the first of Christian emperon 
are thus brought into a closeness of juxtaposi- 
tion which might induce the idea that lawyen^ 
like mythical poets, cannot dispense with £po* 

The Lex Julia furnishes a title to Cod. Theod. 9, 
tit. 7 ; Dig. 48, tit. ; and Cod. J. 9, tit. 9 ; but in 
none of these places is the text preserved, and we 
only know it from small excerpts. The law of 
Constantine in Cod. Theod. 9, tit. 7, s. 2, oontaios 
no capital penalty, but in Cod. J. 9, tit. 9, s. 30, 
after fifteen lines upon accusation, six words 
are added — " Sacrileges autem nuptiarum gladio 
puniri oportet." The word '*sacrilegos" used 
substantively out of its exact meaning is very 
rare (see Facciolati). For the capital clause^ 
ascribed to the Lex Julia, see Instit. iv. 18, 4 ; bat 
this clause has been since the time of Cujadni 
rejected by most critical jurists and historians, of 
whom some maintain the law o£ Constantine, 
others suppose a confusion between the great em- 
peror and his sons. Those who charge Tribonian 
with emblemata generally believe him to have 
acted the harmonizer by authority of Justinian. 
On these two laws there b a summary of the case 
in Selden, Uxor, Ebr. iii. 12, with foot references. 
Another is the comment in Gothofred's ed. of OuL 
Theod. vol. iv. 296, 7. Heinecdus is not to be 
blindly trusted, but in Op. vol. III. his SylL ri. Ik 
Secta Triboniano-mastigum contains curious mat- 
ter, and misled Gibbon into the idea of a regular 
school of lawyers answering this description. 
The passages in Chijacius may be traced through 
each volume by its index. See also Hoffmann, 
Ad Leg. Jul. (being Tract iv. in Fellenberg'e 
Jurisprudentia Antiqua) ; Lipsii Excurs. in TaciL 
Arm. iv. ; Orelli, on Tacit, Ann. ii. 50 ; OrtoUn, 
Explication des Instituts, iii. p. 791 ; Sandars, 
On the Institutes, p. 605 ; Diet, Antiq., " Adult- 
erium"; and Diet. Biog.y <* Justinianus." 

The fact most essential to us is that prae- 
Christian emperors generally substituted their 
own edicts for the provisions of the Lex Julii, 
and that the successors of Constantine were 
equally diligent in altering his laws. Histo- 
rians have frequently assumed the contrary; 
Valesius' note on Socrates, v. 18, may serve by 
way of example. The Church could not avoid 
adapting her canons to the varied states of dfil 
legislation; cf. Scholia on Can. Apost. 5, and 
Irull. 87, besides many other places. The tme 
state of the case will become plainer if we briefly 
mention the different ways in which adultery 
might be legally punished. 

1. The Jus Occidendiy most ancient in its ori- 
gin ; moderated under the Empire ; but not taken 
away by Christian princes. Compare Dig. 48, tit 
5, s. 20 to 24, 32 and 38, with same 48, tit 8, 




•L l,$ 5; Cbi. /. 9, tit. 9, s. 4; and Paoll Reoept, 
loiilnf VL 26u This right is oommon to most 
ntiiMis, bat the ranarkable point is that Roman 
law gsTt a graatar prarogatire of homicide to the 
woman's fiuher than to her hosband. For a 
BBiiJar enstom and feeling, see Lane's Modem 
EgffHan i 297. Tne Jus OccidewU under the 
Old Testament is treated b j Selden, De Jure Nat. 
d G0iLjusta Disdp, Ebrieor, ir. 8 ; in old and 
Bodem Fiuoe, bj Dncange and Raguean; in 
Eaglaad, by BUckstone and Wharton« There is 
a jaoTision in Basil's Gan. 34 directing that if a 
wonan's adnlterv becomes known tol^e Church 
aathoriiies either by her own confession or other- 
wiMysbe shall be subjected to penitence, but not 
pbeed among the public penitents, lest her bus- 
bead, seeing her should surmise what has occurred 
aadtlay her on the spot (cf. Blastaris Syntagma, 
letter M, cap. 14). This kind of summary renge- 
aaoe has often been confounded with the penalty 
aflicted by courts of law, «^. its celebrated as- 
iertioB by Oato in A. Gell. x. 23, though his words 
"nw jndicio " ought to hare preyented the mis- 
take. Examples of it will be found Val. If ax. 
TL 1, 13 ; the chastisement of the historian Sal- 
lost is d«cribcd A. Gell. xvii. 18 ; many illustra- 
tkos are seattered through the satirists, and 
one, M. Ann. Senec^ ContrKm. i. 4, is particularly 

2. Tim Houaekold Tribwwl, an institution 
better known because of the details in Dion. 
UaL ii. 25. The remarks of Mommsen (i. 5 and 
li)f abonld be compared with Mr. Hallam's phi- 
losophical maxim {Suppi. to Middle AgeSy art. 54) 
tbai the written laws of free and barbarous 
mlioQs are generally made for the purpose of 
pftrcating the infliction of arbitrary punish- 
acats. See for the usage Val. Max. ii. 9, 2, and 
A. GdL X. 23, in which latter place the husband 
ii sfoken of is the wife's censor, a thought which 
perrades Origen's remarkable exposition of Matt. 
111. 8, 9, compared with t. 32 (tomus xir. 24). 
The idea itself was likely to be less alien from 
tke mind of the CSiurch because of the patri- 
srcbal power which sentenced Tamar to the 
ftuaes, and the apostolic principle that 'Hhe 
Head of the Woman is the Man." It is plain, 
kowerer, that all private administration of jus- 
tice is opposed to the whole tenour of Church 
legislation. But perhaps the most pleasant ex- 
saple of the Roman Household Court best shows 
tke strength and extent of its jurisdiction. Pom- 
pooia Graedna (Tadt. JkMn. xiii. 32) was so tried 
SB the capital charge of foreign superstition, 
sad the noble matron, an early conrert, as is 
soBMtimeB supposed, to Christianity, owed her 
lift to the acquittal of her husband and his 
htulj assessors. 

3. A fiur more singular penalty on adultery is 
fBcntioned,Tacit. Aim. u. 85, Sueton. Tib. 35, and 
Merirale, t. 197. It consisted in permitting a 
ontron to degrade herself by tendering her name 
to the Aediles for insertion in the register of pub- 
lic women. Tacitus speaks of it as ^ more inter 
▼etcres reeepto," and looks back with evident 
regret upon the ages when such shame was felt 
to be an ample chastisement. His feeling is 
skared by VaL Max. iL 1. A like custom sub- 
nsted before 1833 among the modem Egyptians, 
(aee Lane, i. 176-7X differing only in the fact that 
tk« degradation was compulsory, a custom curi- 
onsJy parallel to a narrative of Socrates, v. 18, 

(copied by Nicephorus, xii. 22), who says that 
there remained at Rome, till abolished bv the 
Christian £mperor Theodosius I., places o^ con- 
finement called Sistra, where women who had 
been caught in breaking the 7th Commandment 
were compelled to acts of inoontinency, during 
which the attention of the passers-by was at- 
tracted by the ringing of little bells in order that 
their ignominy might be known to every one. 
Valesius has a dubious note founded chiefly on 
a mistake, already observed, as to the constancy 
of Roman punishments. They really were most 
variable, and here again Egypt offers a parallel, 
cf. Lane, i. 462-3. Niebuhr {lectures on Roman 
Hid. i. 270) thinks the unfixed nature of penal- 
ties for numerous offences in Greece and Rome a 
better practice than the positive enactments of 
modem times. We now pass to 

4. Judicial Punishmsnts. — ^Augustine {Oiv. Deiy 
iii. 5) says that the ancient Romans did not in- 
flict death upon adulteresses (cf. Liv. i. 28, x. 
2, XXV. 2, and xxxix. 18 ;) those who read Plautus 
will find divorce described as their usual chas- 
tisement. The critics of Tribonian generally be- 
lieve that Paulus (Sentent. ii. 26, 14) gives the 
text of the Lex Julia. It commences with the 
punishment of the woman, and proceeds to that 
of her paramour on the principle before noticed 
of the adultera being the true criminal, and ,the 
adulter her accomplice. After Constantine, 
though the civil law maintains this ancient 
position, there is an apparent inclination to punish 
the man as a seducer — a clearly vital alteration, 
and due probably to Christian influences. 

Augustine places the lenity of old Rome to- 
wards adulterous women in contrast with the 
severities exercised on Vestal virgins. His state- 
ment is not necessarily impugned by those who 
rank adultery among capital crimes (e. g. Cod, J, 
9, tit. 9, s. 9), since by some kinds of banishment 
^'eximitur caput de dvitate," and hence the 
phrase '^ civil death" (see Dig. 48, tit. 1, s. 2 ; 
tit. 19, s. 2 ; tit. 22, s. 3-7). Emperors varied 
from each other, and from themselves. Augustus 
exceeded his own laws (Tacit. Ann. iii. 24). Ti- 
berius was perverse (ibid. iv. 42). Appuleius, 
under the Antonines, represents the legal penalty 
as actual death, and seems to imply that burn- 
ing the adulteress alive was not an unknown 
thing (Met. ix. ut supra). Of Macrinus it is ex- 
pressly stated (Jul. Capit. 12), '* Adulterii reos 
semper vivos simul incendit, junctis corporibus." 
Alexander Severus held to a capital penalty (Cod. 
J. 9, tit. 9X as above. Paulus was of his council 
(cf. Ael. Lamprid. 25), a fact favouring the sup- 
position that the section (Recept. Sent. ii. 26, 14) 
which mentions a punishment not capital must 
represent an earlier law. Arnobius, undei Dio- 
cletian (see Diet. Biog.y^ speaks of adultery as 
capital (iv. p. 142, ecL Var.). With the above 
precedents before him, the reader may feel in- 
clined to distrust the charge of new and Mosaic 
severity brought against Constantine and his 
successors in chap. 44 of Gibbon, vol. v. p. 322, 
ed. Milman and Smith. 

Whether the disputed penal clause of Con- 
stantine be genuine or not, by another law of his 
(Cod. J, 9, tit. 11) a woman ofiendlng with a 
slave was capitally punished, and the slave burned. 
Constantius and Constans (Cod. Theod. 11, tit. 
36, 8. 4) enacted " pari similique ratione sacrilegot 
nuptiarum, tanquam manifestos parricides, in* 




•uere cnleo vivos, vel ezurere, jadicantem opor- 
teat." Compare Diet. Antiq. art. Leges Comeliae, 
*^ Lex PompeU de Parricidiis/' and for burning, 
Paul! Sentent. Recept, v. 24. Baronins (sub fin. 
Ann. 339) has a note on " Sacrilegos," — a word 
which placed the male offender in a deeply criminal 
light. The ezecation of the sentence was en- 
forced bj clear cases of adultery being excepted 
from appeal {Serd, Becepi. ii. 26, 17), and after- 
wards {Cod. Theod, 9, tit. 38, s. 3-8), from the 
Easter indulgence, when, in Imperial phrase, the 
Resurrection Morning brought light to the dark- 
ness of the prison, and broke the bonds of the 
transgressor. Yet we may ask, Was the Con- 
stantian law really maintained? Just thirty 
years later, Ammianus (zxviii. 1) gives an ac- 
count of the decapitation of Cethegus, a senator 
of Rome ; but though the sword was substituted 
for fire, he reckons this act among the outrages 
of Maximin, prefect of the city ; and how easily 
a magisti'ate might indulge in reckless barbarity 
may be seen by the horrible trial for adulterv 
described by Jerome (Ad Innocent.), in which botn 
the accused underwent extreme tortures. Again, 
though the Theodosian code (in force from ▲.D. 
439) gave apparent life to the Constantian law, 
yet by a rescript of Majorian (a.d. 459) it is 
ordered that the adulterer shall be punished '* as 
under former emperors," by banishment from 
Italy, with permission to any one, if he return, 
to kill him on the spot (NoveU, Major. 9). That 
death in various times and places was the penalty, 
seems clear from Jerome on Nah. i. 9 ; the Vandal 
customs in Salvian, 7; and Can. Wallici, 27. 
Fines appear in later Welsh, as in Salic and 
A. S. codes. For these and other punishments 
among Christianized barbarians, see Ancient Lavs 
of Wales ; Lindenbrogli Cod. Leg., Wilkins, vol. i., 
Olaus Mag. de Gent. Septent. XIV. ; and Ducange 
8. V. and under Trotari. 

For Justinian's legislation see his 134th Novell. 
Cap. 10 renews the Constantian law against the 
male offender, extends it to all abettors, and in- 
flicts on the female bodily chastisement, with 
other penalties short of death. Cap. 12 contem- 
plates a possible evasion of justice, and further 
offences, to which are attached further severities. 
Caps. 9 and 13 contain two merciful provisions. 
Leo, in his 32nd Novell, (cited by Harmenop. as 
19th), compares adultery with homicide, and 
punishes both man and woman by the loss of 
their noses and other inflictions. For a final 
summary, cf. Harmenop. Proch. vi. 2, and on the 
punishment of incontinent married men, vi. 3. 

Spiritual penalties may be thus arranged — 1. 
Against adultery strictly so called (Can. Apost. 
61 al. 60). A convicted adulter cannot receive 
orders. — Ancyra, 20. Adultera and adulter (so 
Schol., husband with guilty knowleilge, Houth 
and Fleury), 7 years' penitence. — Neocnesarea, 1. 
Presbyter so offending to be fully excommunicated 
and brought to penitence. — Neocaesarea, 8. The 
layman whose wife is a convicted adultera can- 
not receive orders. If the husband be already 
ordained, he must put her away under penalty 
of deprivation. — Basil, can. 9. An unchaste wife 
must be divorced. An unchaste husband not so, 
even if adulterous ; this is the rule of Church 
custom. [N.B. — We place Basil here because ac- 
cepted by Trull. 2.}— Basil, 58. The adulter 15 
yeiirs' penitence ; cf. 59, which gives 7 years to 
simple incontinence, and compare with both can. 

7 and Scholia. — Gregor. Nyss., can. 4^ prescribef 
18 years (9 only for simple incontinence). — ^Basil, 
27, and Trull. 26, forbid a presbyter who has 
ignorantly contracted an unlawful marriage be* 
fore orders to discharge his functions, but do not 
degrade him. — Basil, 39. An adultera living with 
her paramour is guilty of continued crime. This 
forbids her marriage with him, as does also the 
civil law. Cf. on these marriages Triburiense, 40, 
49, and 51. — On intended and incipient sin, com- 
pare Neocaesarea, 4, with Basil, 70 (also Scholia) 
and Blastaris Syntagma, cap. xvi. — The synod of 
£liberis, though held a.d. 305, was not accepted 
by any Universal Council, but it represents an 
important part of the Western Church, and its 
canons on discipline are strict. The following 
arrangement will be found useful. Eliberis, 19. 
Sin of Clerisy. (Cf. Tarracon. 9.)— 31. Of young 
men. — 7. Sin, if repeated. — 69. Of married men 
and women.---47. If habitual and with relapse 
after penitence. — 64. Of women continuing with 
their accomplices ; cf. 69. — 65. Wives of clerks. 
— 70. Husbands' connivance (F. Mendoza remarks 
on the antiquity of this sin in Spain). — 78. Oi 
married men with Jewesses or Pagans. 

2. Against Adultery as under Syiritual but not 
Civil Law. — Both canonists and divines joined with 
our Saviour's precepts, Prov. xviii. 23 ; Jer. iii. 1 
(both LXX) ; 1 Cor. vi. 16, and vii. 11-16 and 39. 
They drew two conclusions : (1) Divorce, except 
for adultery, is adultery. Under this fell the 
questions of enforced continence, and of marriage 
after divorce. (2) To retain an adulterous wife 
is also adultery — a point disputed by divines, e.g. 
Augustine, who yielded to the text in Proverbs 
(Retract, i. xix. 6). These divisions should be 
remembered though the points are often blended 
in the canons. 

Can, Apost. 5. Ko one in higher orders to 
cast out his wife on plea of religion. This is 
altered as regards bishops by Ti-ull. 12, but 
the change (opposed to African feeling) was not 
enough to satisfy Rome. It must be remem- 
bered that, though divorce was restrained by 
Constantine, whose own mother had thus suf- 
fered (see £utrop. ix. 22), his law was relaxed 
by Theod. and Valentin, and their successors, 
and it was common for a clerk, forced into conti- 
nence, to repudiate his wife. Trull. 13, opposes 
the then Roman practice as concerns priests and 
deacons, and so far maintains, as it says. Can. 
Apost. 5. — ^The Scholia on these three canons 
should be read. For the Roman view of them 
compare Binius and other commentators with 
Fleury, Iltst. Eccl. xl. 50. Cf. Siricius, Ad Himer. 
7 ; Innocent I. Ad Exup. 1, and Ad Max. et Set. ; 
Leo I. Ad Rustic, 3, and Ad Anastas. 4. See also 
Milman, Lot. Christ, i. 97-100. The feeling of 
Innocent appeara most extreme if Jerome's asser- 
tion (Ad Dcmetriad.') of this pope's being his 
predecessor's son is literally meant, as Milman 
and others believe. — Can. Apost. 18, al. 17. 
On marriage with a aist-out wife; cf. Lerit. 
xxi. 7. — 48, al. 47. Against casting out and 
marrying again, or marrying a dismissed woman. 
"Casting out" and "dismissed" are explained 
by the Scholiasts in the sense of unlawful repu- 
diations. Sanchez (^Dc Matrim. lib. x. de Dicoti. 
Disp. ii. 2) quotes this canon in the opposite sense, 
and brings no other authority to forbid divorce 
before Innocent I. ; indeed in Disp. i. 12, he savs, 
" Posterior (excusatic) est, indissolubilitatem 




trimmi Don ita arcce in pnmitiyii Ecclesia in- 
telkctam ene, quia lioeret ex legitima causa, 
apod Episoopof prorinciales probata, libel lum 
npmdh dare." ¥. Hendoza makes a like reserve 
M Eliberis, 8. It is to be observed that Latin 
Rfiderings of Greek law terms are apt to be am- 
Vifaoos; e^. ^'Soluta" is sometimes used of 
a dismisMd wife, sometime of an unmarried 
voman. — Basil, Ad AmphUoch, can 9. The dictum 
of our Lord applies naturally to both sexes, but 
it b otherwise ruled hj custom [i.e. of th^ 
Chorch, see a few lines further, with Scholia ; 
ud on unwritten Church custom having the 
fcite of law cf. Photli Nomoc, i. 3, and refer- 
Moes], In the case of wives that dictum is 
Aria^tl/ observed according to 1 Cor. yi. 16 ; 
Jer. iiL 1, and Prov. xviii., latter half of 23 
(both in I .XX and Vulgate). — If, however, a di- 
voreed hosband marries again, the second wife is 
■ot aa adnltera, but the first ; cf. Scholia. [Here 
the Latin translator has mistaken the Greek ; he 
naders ovk o78a ct 96yarai by "• nescio an possit," 
iBsteid of ** nescio an non " — so as to give the con- 
tnrr of Basirs real meaning.] A woman must 
Bot iesre her husband for blows, waste of dower, 
inooBtineace, nor even disbelief (cf. 1 Cor, vii. 16), 
SBJer penalty of adultery. Lastly, Basil forbids 
seooad marriage to a husband putting away 
his wife, ue, wdawfuliy according to Aristenus, 
Sddcn, Tx. EffT. iii. 31, and Scholia on Trull. 87. 
Ob like Scripture grounds Can. 26 of 2nd Synod 
attjibated to St. Patrick, commands divorce of 
adalteresses, and permits husband to remarry. — 
Baai], 21, assigns extra penitence to what would 
Bov be called simple adultery (then denied by 
Chnrch custom to be adultery), i^. the incon- 
tineaey of a married man. Divorce is next 
tfested as a penalty — an offending wife is an 
adaltcreiB and must be divorced — ^not so the hus- 
hud ; cf. can. 9. Basil, unlike Gregory of Nyssa, 
dfiet not justify in reason the established custom. 
~35. AUndes to a judgment of the sort men- 
tuned by Sanchez and Mendoza, and referred 
to above. — Can. 48. Separated wife had better 
Bot r»>marry. 

Carthage, 105 ap. Bev. (in Cod. Eccl. Afric, 
102). — Divorced persons (t.e. either rightly or 
wrongly repudiating) to remain unmarried or 
be reconciled, and an alteration of Imperial law 
ia this sense to be petitioned for. This breathes 
a Latin rather than an Eastern spirit, and is the 
ame with 2 Mile vis (Mileum), 17 (repeated Cone, 
Afric. 69X cf. 1 Aries, 10, and Innocent I., Ad 
Ex%p, 6. The case is differently determined 
aader differing conditions by Aug. de Fid. et 
Oper. 2 (i.) compared with 35 (xix.). 

The Scholiasta hold that the Carthaginian 
eaaoo was occasioned by fiicility of civil divorce, 
but superseded by Trull. 87. Innocent III., with 
a politic regard for useful forgeries, ordained that 
earlier should prevail over later canons (cf. 
Josteil. L 311X but the Greek canonists (as here) 
Biaintain the reverse, which is likewise ably up- 
held and explained by Augustine, De Bapt, II. 4, 
(iii.X Md 14 (ix.> 

TralL 87, u made up of Basil's 9, 21, 35, and 
^ The Scholia should be read — but they do 
Boi Dotioe that, when it was framed, divorce by 
eonsent had been restored by Justin, Novell. 2 
(aathent. 140). They are silent because neither 
this JfcKtU. nor all Justinian's 117 were inserted 
h the Basilica then used ; his 134 alone repre- 

sented the law (see Photii Nomoc. XIII. 4, Sch. 3% 
— ^Trull. 87, is so worded as to express desertion, 
and therefore implies a judicial process, without 
which re-marriage must be held mere adultery 
(see on this point, Bkutaris Syntagm. : Oamma, 
13). The ^ divine " Basil, here highly magnified, 
is elevated still higher in Blastaria, Caw. Matrim. 
ap. Leunclavii Jus Graeco-Roman. p. 514. 

This canon closes the circle of Oecumenical 
law upon adultery, and on divorce, treated partly 
as its penalty and partly as its cause. The 
points of agreement with State law are plain ; 
the divergence is an effect of Church restraint 
upon divorce, which, if uncanonical, easily led to 
digamy, and foi-med per se a species of adultery. 
According to canonists (Photii Nomoc. I^ 2, Schol. 
2), Churdi law, having a twofold sanction, could 
not be resisted by Imperial constitutions. 

As the ancient mode of thinking on adultery 
is alien from our own, it seems right to refer 
the reader to the vindication of its morality by 
Gregory Nyss. {Ad Let. 4). — Gregory is by no 
means lenient to the incontinency of married or 
unmarried men with single women; 9 years of 
penitence with all its attendant infamy made up 
no trifling chastisement. But he held that the 
offence of a married woman and her paramour 
involves three additional elements of immoralitv 


— the treacherous, the specially unjust, and the 
unnatural ; or, to put the case another way, he 
estimated the sin by the strength of the barriers 
overleaped by passion, and by the amount of 
selfishness involved in its gratification. So, in 
modern days, we often speak of an adulteress as 
an unnatural mother, and visit her seducer with 
proportionate indignation. Thus viewed, spuri- 
ousness of progeny is not a censure by rule of 
expediency, but a legal test of underlying de- 

This section may usefully close with examples 
showing how the ancient position has been over- 
looked as well as resisted. We saw that Car- 
thage, 105, and its parallels forbade mari'iage 
after divorce, whether just or unjust, and that 
the view of its being adultery had gained ground 
in the West. Now, three earlier Eliberitan canons 
uphold the other principle. Can. 8. Against re- 
marriage of a woman causelessly repudiating. 
9. Against re-marriage of a woman leaving an 
adulterous husband. 10. Against marriage with 
a man guilty of causeless dismissal. From this 
last canon, compared with 8 and 9, it appeai-s 
that the husband divorcing an adulteress may 
marry again, which by 9 an aggrieved wife can- 
not do ; cf. the parallel, Basil, 9, supra. Cotc- 
lerius, note 16, 3, to Herm. Pad, Mand. iv., 
quotes cans., 9 and 10 as a support to the pseudo- 
Ambrose on 1 Cor. vii. 10, 11, and construes 
both to mean that the man is favoured above 
the woman under like conditions. He is fol- 
lowed by Bingham, xvi. 11, 6, as far as the so- 
called Ambrose is concerned. But we have suf- 
ciently proved that Church custom did not per- 
mit incontinency to be held a like condition 
in husband and in wife. The pseudo-Ambrose 
himself misleads his readers — his law agrees 
with the Basilean canon, but not content with 
laying down the law, he goes on to reason out 
the topic — the man's being the head of the 
woman, &c. The Western Canon ascribed to St. 
Patrick (jsuprd) seems a remarkable contrast to 
the Latin rule. The fiict is equally remarkable 




that at DO ftu*ther distance from Eliberis than 
Aries, and as early as a.d. 314, it was enacted 
hj Can. 10 that joung men detecting their wives 
m adultery should be counselled against marry- 
ing others during the lifetime of the adulteresses 
(cf. Nantes 12). Most curious to us are the de- 
crees of Pope Leo I., Ad Nicet, 1, 2, 3, 4, which 
allow the wires of prisoners of war to marry 
others, but compel them to return to their 
husbands under pain of excommunication should 
the captires be released and desire their society. 
Such instances as these and some before cited 
illustrate the various modes of affirming an iron 
bond in marriage, and of resisting the law on 
adultery, and on divorce as the penalty of adul- 
tery (afterwards received in Trullo), ere yet the 
opposition formed an article in the divergence 
of Greek and Latin Christendom. With them 
should be compared the extracts from divines 
given under Division 11. supra, which display in 
its best colours the spirit of the revolution. For 
other particulars, see Divorce. 

3. Constncctive Advitery, — ^The following are 
treated as guilty of the actual crime : — Trull. 98. 
A man marrying a betrothed maiden ; cf. Basil, 
37, with Schol., and Dig. 48, tit. 5, s. 13, § 3; 
also Siricius, Ad Him, 4. — Elib. 14. Girls seduced 
marrying other men than their seducers. — Basil, 
18. Consecrated virgins who sin and their para- 
mours ; cf. his 60. These supersede Ancyra, 19, 
by which the offence was punished as digamy. 
See on same. Trull. 4 ; £lib.l3 ; Siric. Ad Him, 6, 
Innocent, Ad Victr, 12 and 13. Cyprian, ^dPom- 
pon., pronounced it better they should marry — 
the offender is " Christi Adultera.*' Jerome, Ad 
Demetriad. sub fin., perplexes the case for irre- 
vocable vows by declaring, ^ Quibus aperte dicen- 
dum est, ut aut nubant, si se non possunt conti- 
nerc, aut contineant, si nolunt nuberc." — Laod. 
10 and 31, accepted by Chalced. i. and TruU. 2, 
forbid giving sons and daughters in marriage to 
heretics. Eliberis, 15, 16, 17, enact severe penal- 
ties against parents who marry girls to Jews, 
heretics, and unbelievers, above all to heathen 
priests. 1, Aries, 11, has same prohibition, so too 
Agde, 67. By Cod, Theod. 16, tit. 8, s. 6 (a.d. 
339), Jews must not take Christian women ; by 
Cod, Theod, 3, tit. 7, s. 2 (a.d. 388), all marriage 
between Jew and Christian is to be treated as 
adultery, a law preserved by Justinian (Cod, J. 
1, tit. 9, s. 6). Some suppose this phrase simply 
means treated as a capital offence, but Klib. 15, 
mentions the risk o{ adultenum animae. The pas- 
sage in Tertullian, Ad Ux. [[, 3, ''fideles gentilium 
matrimonia subeuntes stupri reos esse constat," 
&c. (cf. Division I. tuprd) shows how early this 
thought took hold of the Church. Idolatry 
from Old Testament times downward was adul- 
tery ; and divines used the principle 1 Cor. vi. 
15, 16, and parallel texts, to prove that marriage 
with an unclean transgressor involved wile or 
husband in the sinner's guilt. Compare Justin 
Martyr in the history cited Division I., Cyprian, 
Testimon, iii. 62, and Jerome, Epitaph, FoUtiolae. 
It would appear therefore that law was thus 
worded to move conscience, and how hard the 
task of law became may be gathered fi'om Chal- 
cedon, 14. This canon (on which see Schol. and 
Routh's note, Opusc, ii. 107) concerns the lower 
clerisy ; but the acceptance of Laodicea by Can. 
1 had already met the case of lay people. See 
fbrther under Marriage. 

The Church was strict against incitementi am] 
scandals. Professed virgins must not lire with 
clerks as sisters. See SuB-nrntODUCTAE. Oa 
promiscuous bathing. Trull. 77, Laod. 30 ; the 
custom was strange to early Rome, but practice 
varied at different times (see Did, Antiq. Bal- 
neae). Cn female adornment, Trull. 96, and com- 
pare Commodian's address to matrons, Inst. 59, 
60. — Elib. 35, forbids women's night watching 
in cemeteries, because sin was committed under 
pretext of prayer. Against theatricals, loose 
reading, some kinds of revels, dances, and other 
prohibited things, see Bingham, xvi. 11, 10-17, 
with the references, amongst which those to 
Cyprian deserve particular attention. 

For the general literature on Canon Law see 
that article. Upon civil law there are excellent 
references under Justinianus, Diet, Biogr,, with 
additional matt«r in the notes to Gibbon, chap. 
44, ed. Smith and Milman, and a summary re- 
specting the Basilica, vol. vii. pp. 44, 45. * We 
may here add that Mommsen is editing a text of 
the Corpus Juris Civilis ; and the whole Russian 
code is now being translated for English publica- 
tion. There is a series of manuals by Ortolan 
deserving attention: Histoire de la lAgislation 
romaine, 1842 ; Cours de Legislation pSnale com- 
pareey 1839-41 ; Explication des Instittds, 1863. 
Gothofredi Manuals Juris, and Windscheid's 
Lehrbuch d, Pandektenrechts (2nd ed.) may be 
useful. An ample collection of Councils and Ec- 
clesiastical documents relating to Great Britain 
and Ireland is being published at Oxford. Re- 
ferences on special topics have been fully given 
above, and will serve to indicate the ret^est 
sources for further information. Curious readers 
will find interesting matter in Saint Edme, Die- 
tionnaire de la P€naliU; Taylor, On Civil Law; 
and Duni, Origine e Progressi del Cittadino e del 
Oovemo civile di Roma, 1763-1764. [W. J.] 

ADVENT {Advenius, f^nffrcia r&v Xpurrov 
ytvvuv)^ is the season of preparation for the 
Feast of the Nativity, to which it holds the like 
relation as does Lent to Easter. As no trace of 
an established celebration of the birth of our 
Lord is met with before the 4th century [Na- 
Txyrrr], no earlier origin can be assigned to the 
ecclesiastical institution of Advent; the state- 
ment of Durand (Rationale divin. off. vi. 21^ which 
makes this an appointment of St. Peter (unless, 
like other statements of the same kind, it means 
only that this was an ordinance of the see of St. 
Peter), may rest, perhaps, on an ancient tradition, 
making Christmas an apostolic institution, but 
is contrary to all historical testimony, and devoid 
of probability. Expressions which have been 
alleged on that behalf from Tertullian, St. Cyprian, 
and other early writers, are evidently meant, not 
of "Advent" as a Church season, but of the 
coming of the Lord in the fulness of time. A 
passage of St. Chrysostom (Horn, iii. ad Eph, 
t, xi. 22 B), in which Koiphs ttjs wpo<r69ov is 
mentioned in connection with t^ *Eiri^ayla (t. e. 
the ancient Feast of Nativity and Baptism) and 
with the Lenten Quadragesima, speaks, as the 
context manifestly shows, not of the season of 
Advent, but of the fit time (or rather fitness in 
general) for coming to Holy Communion (compw 
Menard on Libr, Sacram, S. Gregorii ; Opp, t. iiu 
col. 446). Setting aside these supposed testi- 
monies, and that of the Sermons de Advmt^ 




alkfed as St An^iutiDe's, but certainly not his, 
veksTv two homiHes In (or De) Adcentu Domini^ 
dc «o qvod dietam est, stent fid^ur cortiscans, &c., 
ct itdmlmt w lecto uno^ hj St. Maximxis, Bishop 
at Taria, o6l 466. In neither of these sermons 
b then aaj indication of Adrent as a season, 
tmj sliwion to Lessons, Gospels, &c., appro- 
pruted to such a season, or to the Feast of 
XatintT as then approaching. And, indeed, the 
ha, that the ** Sundays in Advent " are unknown 
i« the Sacnmentary of Pope Leo of the same age 
MffideatJr shows that this season was not yet 
otabiibhed in the time of Mazimns. Among 
Ut HomiJies (donbtfully) ascribed to this 
bisiMiH edited by Mabillon (iftis. ItcU. t. i. pt. 2), 
cae, horn. tjL, preached on the Sunday before 
CkristaMs, simply ezhort« to a due observance of 
tte fiaast, and contains no indication of any 
cedaBastical rule. Even in the Sermons de 
jiKata, formerly ascribed to St. Augustine, 
WW generally acknowledged to have been 
■fiittea by Gaesarius, Bishop of Aries, o6. 542 (S. 
Aagastini 0pp. t. v. 210, Ben, Append, n. 115, 
116X there is no distinct recognition of Advent 
as aaestablished obeervance. In these, the faithful 
arc exhorted to prepare themselves, several days 
{taUe ptures die8% foi the due celebration of the 
Kaiivity, especially of the Christmas Communion, 
hf good worlcs, by guarding against anger and 
katnd, by modest hospitality to the poor, by 
itnct eontioence, &c. Still there is no indi> 
cation of the length of time so to be set apart, 
Mr any reference to Lessons, Gospels, or other 
■attcn of Church usage. Tlie preacher urges 
nek preparation, not on the ground of Church 
•Wrvaace, but as matter of natural fitness : 
** Evea as ye would prepare for celebrating the 
iirtk-day of a great lord by putting your houses 
la Older," Jic ^ Ideo ab omni inquinamento 
sate ejus Natalem multis diebus abstinere de- 
ictis. QuoHetcumqve aut Natalem Domini ctut 
rtHqmis 9oUemnitatea celebrare disponitis, ebrieta- 
tem ante omnia fhgite," &c. And so in the 
sMood sermon : **■ £t ideo (fuotiescumque aut dies 
Xatalift Domini, cent reUffuaefestimtates adveniunt, 
sicat frequenter admonui, ante plures dies non 
aolam ab infelici concubinarum consortio, sed 
vtisB a propriis uzoribus abstinete : ab omni ira- 
candia,** ftc. There is indeed a canon cited by 
Gntiatt {Decretal, zxxiii. qu. 4) as of the Council 
of Lerida, ▲.!>. 523, prohibiting all marriage /rom 
AAval to Epiphany. But this canon is known 
to be spurious, and does not appear in the 
aatlwBtie copies (see Brun's Concilia^ t. ii. 20). 
A shnilar canon of the Council of Mftcon, (a.d. 
581, ihid. 242) is undisputed. This (can. ix.) 
eajoiBs that from the Feast of St. Martin 
(Xov. 11) to the Nativity there be fasting 
e« Monday, Wednesday, and Friday of each 
week, and that the canons be then read ; also 
that the aacrifices be offered in the quadragesimal 
sHer. (Subsequent councils, after our period, 
eijoia the observance of this Quadragesima S. 
Jbrtini as the preparation for Christmas, corre- 
^aading to the Lenten Quadragesima before 
Easter.) It does not appear what were the 
cuns i^ipointed to be read, relating, of course, 
ts the ohservance of these forty days before 
CSnistnus; only, it may be inferred that such 
were, or were supposed to be, in exist- 
of evlier date than that of Mftcon (in the 
to which council it is said these enact- 

ments are not new : ^ non tarn nova quam prieca 
patrum statuta sancientes " &c.). In the second 
Council of Tours (a.d. 567), the fast of three 
days in the week is ordered (can. zvii.) for the 
months of September, October, and November, 
and from (1) December to the Nativity, omni 
die. But this is for monks only. St. Gregory, 
Bishop of Tours, in De Vitis Fatrwn, written 
between 590 and 595, alleges that Perpetuus, 
Bishop of Tours (461-490), ordered "a deposi- 
tione B. Martini usque ad Nat. Dom. terna in 
septimana jejunia." This may have been one 
of the prisca atatvta appealed to ; but no trace 
is extant of any such canon, either in the First 
Council of Tours, a.d. 460, or in any other Latin 
council before that of M&con. It seems, from all 
that is certainly known, that Advent took its place 
among Church seasons only in the latter part 
of the 6th century. When the Nativity had 
become established as one of the great festivals, 
it was felt that its dignity demanded a season of 
preparation. The number of days or weeks to be 
so set apart was at first left to the discretion of 
the faithful : ''ante plures dies, multis diebus,'* 
as in the above-cited exhortation of Caesarius. 
Later, this was defined by rule, and first, it 
seems, in the Churches of Gaul. Tet not every- 
where the same rule : thus the oldest Gallican 
Sacramentary shows three Sundays in Advent, 
the Gothic-Gallican only two (Mabillon, Jfus. 
Hal. t. i. pp. 284-288 ; and de Liturg. Gallicana, 
p. 98, eqq.). But the rule that the term of pre- 
paration should be a quadragesima (correspond- 
ing with that which was already established for 
Easter), to commence after the Feast of St. 
Martin, which rule, as has been seen, was not 
enacted, but reinforced by the canon of M&con, 
581, implies six Sundays ; and that this rule ob- 
tained in other Churches appears from the fact 
that the Ambrosian (or Milan) and Mozarabic 
(or Spanish) Ordo show six missae, implying that 
number of Sundays ; and the same rule was ob- 
served (as Martene has shown) in some of the 
Gallican Churches. The Epistola ad Bibianum 
&lsely alleged to be St. Augustine's account of 
^ the ofiices of divine worship throughout the 
year " in his diocese of Hippo (see Bened. Ad- 
monitio at end of 0pp. S. Augustini, t. ii.), 
also attests this for Churches of Gaul, if, as 
Martene surmises, this was the work of some 
Gallican writer. It should be remarked that 
this writer himself makes the ordo adventtis 
Domini begin much earlier, at the autumnal 
equinox, Sept. 25, as being the day of the 
conception of St. John the Baptist, and so the 
beginning of the times of the Gospel. "Sed 
quia sunt nonnulli qui adventum Domini a festi- 
vitate B. Martini Turonensis urbis episcopi 
videntur insipienter excolere, nos eos non repre- 
hendamus '' &c. This Quadi-agesima S. Martini 
seems to have originated in Gaul, in the diocese 
of Tours, to which it was specially recommended 
by the devotion paid to its great saint ; an 
odditiouiil distinction was conferred upon his 
festival in that it marked the beginning of the 
solemn preparation for the Nativity. So far, we 
may accept Binterim's conclusion {Denkumrdig- 
keiten der chritt.-kathol. Kirche, vol. v., pt. i., p. 
166): the rule — ^not,as he says, of Ad vent, but — of 
this Quadragesima is first met with in the diocese 
of Tours. If, indeed, the Tractatus de Sanctis 
tribus QuadragesitniSf ''undo eas observari ae» 




cepimus, quodque qui eas transgrediuntur legem 
, violent " (ap. Ooteler, Momim. EccL Gr, iii. 425), 
be, as Care {Hist. LH,") represents, the work of 
that Anastasius Sinalta who was patriarch of 
Antioch, 561, ob, 599 ; this Quadragesima, under 
another name {** Q. S. Philippi," or " Fast of the 
Nativity"), was already observed in the £ast. 
But the contents make it plain enough that its 
author was another and much later Anastasius 
s>inalta, who wrote after A.D. 787. The ob- 
servance of the "Quadragesima Apostolorum," 
and '^ Quadragesima S. Philippi" (the Feast of 
St. Philip in the Greek Calendar is November 
14) is enjoined upon monks by Nicephorus, 
Patriarch of Constantinople, 806. This fast of 
40 days before Christmas seems to have been 
kept up chiefly by the monastic orders in Gaul, 
Spain, Italy, (Martene De Hit. Ant. EccL, iii. 
p. 27); it was observed also in England in 
the time of Bede (Hist. iii. 27 ; iv. 30), and 
much later. It was not until the close of the 
6th century that the Church of Rome under 
St. Gregory received the season of preparation 
as an ecclesiastical rule, restricted, in its proper 
sense, to the four Sundays before the Nativity 
(Amalarius De Eccl. Off. ilL 40, A.D. 812, and 
Abbot Bemo, De quibusdam r^us ad Missam 
pertinentibuSf c. iv. 1014); and this became the 
general rule for the Western Church throughout 
the 8th century, and later. And, in fact, four is 
the number of Sundays in Advent in the Sacra- 
mentary of Gregory {Liber Sacrament, de oircuh 
anniy ed. Pamelius ; and in the Lectionanum ^o- 
manumy ed. Thomasius). But other and older 
copies of the Gregorian Sacramentary (ed. Menard, 
1642, reprinted with his notes in the Benedic- 
tine 0pp. S. Gregorii, t. iii.); the ComeSf ascribed 
to 3t. Jerome ; the Sacramentary (jf GelasiuSf ob. 
496 (a very ancient document, but largely in- 
terpolated with later additions); the Antiquiun 
Kalend. Sacrae Romanae Eccl. ap. Martene. Thee, 
Anecdot. t. v. (in a portion added by a later hand) ; 
the Pontifical of Egbert^ Archbishop of York, cb. 
767 ; a Lectionary written for Charlemagne by 
Paul the Deacon (ap. Mabillon) ; and other MSS. 
cited by Martene (u. s. iv. 80, ff.), all give five 
Sundays. Hence, some writers have been led to 
represent that the practice varied in different 
Churches, some reckoning four, others five Sundays 
in Advent — an erroneous inference, unless it could 
be shown that the first of the five Sundays was 
designated " Dominica Prima Adventus Domini." 
The seeming discrepancy is easily explained. 
The usual ancient names of the four Sundays, 
counted backwards from the Nativity, are : Do- 
minica i., ante Nat. Domini (our 4th Advent), 
Dom. ii., Dom. iii., Dom. iv. ante Nat. Domini. 
To these the next preceding Sunday was prefixed 
under the style Dom. v. ante Nat. Dom., not as 
itself a Sunday in Advent, but as the preparation 
for Advent. So Amalarius and Bemo, u. «., 
and Dumndus: *4n quinta igitur hebdomada 
ante Nat. D. inchoatur praeparatio adventus . . . 
nam ab ilia dominica sunt quinque ofHcia domi- 
uicalia, quinque epistolae et quinque evangelia 
quae adventum Domini aperte praedicant." The 
intention is evident in the Epistle and Gospel 
for this Sunday, which in the Sarum Missal is 
designated ''dominica proxima ante Adventum," 
with the rule (retained by our own order from 
that of Sarum)^ that these shall always be used 
for the last Sunday before Advent begins. 

After the pattern of the Lenten fitst. Advent 
was marked as a season of mourning in the pub- 
lic services of the Church. The custom of 
omitting the Gloria in Exoelsis (replaced by the 
BenedioamMS I>omino)y and also the Te Dewn and 
Re missa est, and of laying aside the dalmatic 
and subdeacon's vestment (which in the 11th 
and 12th century appears to have been the 
established rule, Micrologus De Eccl. O&t . c. 46 ; 
Rupert Abbas Tuit. de Div. Off. iii. c 2), wss 
coming into use during the eighth century. In 
the Mozarabic Missal, a rubric, dating probably 
from the end of the 6th century (».«. from the 
refashionment of this ritual by Leander or Isidore 
of Seville), appoints : " In Adventu non dicitnr 
Gloria in Excdsis dominicis diebus et feriis, sed 
tantum diebus festis." And Amalarius, ob. 812 
{De Offic, Sacr. iii. c. 40), testifies to this custom 
for times within our period: '' Vidi tempore 
prisoo Gloria in Excelsis praetermitti in diebus 
adventus Domini, et in aliquibus locis dalmaticas": 
and iv. c. 30 : " Aliqua de nostro officio reser- 
vamus usque ad praesentiam nativitatis Domini, 
h. e. Gloria in Excelsis Deo, et clarum vesti- 
mentum dalmaticam ; si forte nunc ita agitur 
ut vidi actitari in cdigtUbw locis." The Bene- 
dictine monks retained the Te Deum in Advent as 
in Lent, alleging the rule of their founder. The 
Alleluia also, and the Sequences, as also the 
hymns, were omitted, but not in all Churches. 
In the Gregorian Antiphonary, the Alleluia is 
marked for 1 and 3 Advent and elsewhere. In 
some Churches, the Miserere (Ps. li.) and other 
mournful Psalms were added to or substituted 
for the ordinary Psalms. For lessons, Isaiah 
was read all through, beginning on Advent 
Sunday ; when that was finished, the Twelve 
Minor Prophets, or readings from the Fathers, 
especially the Epistles of Pope Leo on the Incar« 
nation, and Sermons of St. Augustine, succeeded. 
The lesson from ^' the Prophet " ended with the 
form, *^ Haec dicit Dominus Deus, Convertimini ad 
me, et salvi eritis." 

In the Greek Church, the observance of a 8e8s<A 
of preparation for the Nativity is of late intro- 
duction. No notice of it occurs in the liturgical 
works of Theodorus Stndites, ob. 826, though^ 
as was mentioned above, the 40-day8' fast of St 
Philip was enjoined (to monks) by Nicephoros, 
▲.D. 806. Tliis T€ffaa.paKoyTafifitpov, beginning 
November 14, is now the rule of the Greek 
Church (Leo Allat. de Consensu iii. 9, 3). Codintis 
{De Off. Eccl. et Curiae Constantinop. c. 7, n. 20) 
speaks of it as a rule which in his time (cir. 
1 350) had been long in use. The piece De Tribtu 
Quadragesimis above noticed, ascribed to Ana- 
stasius Sinalta, Patriarch of Antioch, shows that, 
except in monasteries, the rule of a 40-day8* fast 
before the Nativity was contested in his time 
(A.D. 1100 at earliest). And Theodore Balsarooo, 
A.D. 1200, lays down the rule thus:— "We ac- 
knowledge but one quadragesima, that before 
Pascha ; the others (named), as this Fast of the 
Nativity, iEire each of seven days only. Those 
monks who fast 40 days, viz. from St. Philip 
(14 Sept.), are bound to this by their rule. So<^ 
laics as voluntarily do the like are to be praised 
therefor." Mespons. ad qu. 53 Marci Fatriarck. 
Alex., and ad interrog. mondchorum, app. to 
Photii Nomocanon. In the calendar formed 
from Evangelia Eclogadia of 9th century our 4 
Advent is marked ** Sunday before the Nativity,* 


vkilt the preceding Sundays Kn nambered from ' 
Ail SftiaU = our Trinity Sunday. (Aflsemanni 
KalemiL Eecl. Umc^ t. vi. p. 575.) The term 
*^idT«Bi" it not applied to this season: the 
■■yiaff^ riit 9€wr4pat Tiapowrias is our Seza- 

b the separated Churches of the East, no 
tnee aj^Man, within our period, of an Advent 
•eiMB ; unless we except the existing Nestorian 
•r Chaldean rule, in which the liturgical year 
^tgiat with four Sundays of Annunciation (coay- 
7tAir]pi«»X before the Nativity (Assemanni Bi' 
UUAmi OnenL U iii. pt. 2, p. 380 s??.). This 
btgianiag of the Church year is distinguished as 
&i jattfiUtfo, i^, initium codicis, from the Rish 
Aamato, Le, new-jeAt^s day in October. The 
AnMoian Church, refusing to accept 25th De- 
eanber ts the Feast of Nativity, and adhering to 
the noR ancient sense of the Feast of Epiphany 
a* iadading the Birth of Christ, prepares for 
this high fiutival (6th January) by a &8t of 50 
dijs, beginning 17th November. 

The first Sunday in Advent was not always 
the beginning of the liturgical year, or circulus 
tflUvs anni. The Comes and the Sacramentary 
ef St. Gregory begin with IX. Kal. Jan., the 
Vigil «f the Nativity. So does the most ancient 
Leetioasriom Gallicanum ; but the beginning of 
this is lost, and the Vigil is numbered VII., the 
ITstirity VIU. Hence HabiUon (Liturg. QaUic, 
pi 98, 101) infers that it began with the fast of 
SC Martin (or with the Sunday after it, Dom. 
n. sate Nat. I>om.> One text of the Miaaale 
Ambrmaamm begins with the Vigil of St. 
Kartia (ed. 1560> The Antiphonariw of St. 
Gregory begins 1 Advent, and the Liber He- 
ifummHt with its VigiL But the earlier practice 
VIS to begin the ecclesiastical year with the 
■oBth of March, as being that in which our 
Loid was crucified (March 25); a trace of this 
Rnains in the notation of the Quatuor Tem- 
fon as Jejunium primi, quarti, septimi, decimi 
the last of whidi is the Advent Ember 

UUrahtre, — De CatkoUcaeEcclesiae dUvinia offic, 
ns, Rome, 1590 (a collection of the 
liturgical treatises of St. Isidore, Alcuin, 
Micrologus, Petr. Damianus, &c.); 
Mirtcne, De Ritibm Ant, Ecclesiae et Mona- 
elonm, 1699; Binterim, Die vorzuglickstm 
DtnhcirdigkeiUH der christ.'katholischefi Kirche, 
Mainx, 1829 (founded on the work of Pel- 
De Ckritt. Eccla. Pnmae Mediae et No- 
Aetatis PoHtia, ^evp. 1777); Augusti, 
aus der christlichen Archdo- 
Leipug, 1818 ; Herzog, Real-EncyclopSdie 
fSr pvtatatdiache Theohgie if. Kirche, s. a. Ad- 
veatszeit, 1853; Rheinwald, Kirchiiche Archa- 
nloyie, 18:{0; Alt, Der Christliche CWHu, Abth. 
ii Do» Kireheniakr, 1860. [H. B.] 

•sestai^ or Defensor^ Ecclesiae or Monasterii ; 
l fa> usi ,*Eir>ucoy : and ^9oea<ib=the office, and 
senetimes the fee for discharging it): — an eccle- 
■istaesl officer, appointed subsequently to the 
neogaiticB of the Church by the State, and in 
eoMcqueaoe (1) of the Church's need of pro- 
tection, (2) of the disability, both legal and re- 
ligious, of clergy or monks {Can, Apost, xx., 
iuxi. ; (^onstit, Apostol, ii. 6 ; Justinian, Novell, 
nxm. 6 ; and see Bingham, vi. 4) cither to plead 

catisr. AKT. 


in a civil court or to intermeddle with worldly 
business. In its original form it was limited ta 
the duties thus intimated, and took its origin as a 
distinct and a lay office in Africa {Cod, Can, EccL 
Afric, c 97, A.D. 407, " Defeneorea,'* to be taken 
from the *« Schokutici; " Cone, Milemt, ii. c 16, 
A.D. 416 ; Can, Afric, c 64, c a.d. 424) ; but re* 
oeived very soon certain privileges of ready and 
speedy access to the courts from the emperors 
{Cod, Theod, 2. tit. 4. § 7 ; 16. tit. 2. § 38). 
It became then a lay office {defensoreSj distin- 
guished in the code from '* coronati " or tonsured 
persons), but had been previously, it would seem, 
discharged by the oeoonomi (Du Cange). And, aa 
it naturally came to be reckoned almost a minor 
order, so it was occasionally, it would seem, still 
held by clerics (Morinus, De Ordin, ; Bingham). 
The adiaocatua was to be sometimes asked from 
the emperors (authorities as above), — as judicee 
were given by the Praetors ; — ^but sometimes was 
elected by the bishop and clergy for themselves 
{Cod, lib. i. tit. iv. constit, 19). The office is 
mentioned by the Council of Chalcedon, cc 2, 
25, 26, A.D. 451, and is there distinguished both 
from the clergy and from the oeconomus ; by Pope 
Gelasius, Epiat, ix. c 2, A.D. 492-496 ; and by 
MaxentiuB {Beep, ad Hormiad.) some score of 
years later. But it had assumed a much more 
formal shape during this period, both at Con- 
stantinople and at Rome. In the former place, 
as protectors of" the Church, under the title of 
*E«cicAi}0-i^ic8(ico(, there were four officers of the 
kind: i. the vpnrikBiKos,, who defended the 
clergy in criminal cases ; ii. one who defended 
them in dvll ones ; iii. b rov B-fiftaroSj also called 
the irpvrAirairas \ iv. 6 ri|f *EKK\iifflas ; increased 
by the time of Heraclius to ten, and designed in 
general for the defence of the Church against 
the rich and powerful (Justinian, Edict, xiii., and 
Novell, Ivi. and lix. c 1 ; and see the passages 
from Codrinus, Zonaras, Balsamon, &c, in Meur- 
sius, Gloaa, Oraecobarbartany voc. "Eicfturor, and in 
Suicer). They appear also to have acted as 
judges over ecclesiastical persons in trifling cases 
(Morinus). They were commonly laymen (so 
Cod, Theod, as above) ; but in one case certainly 
{Cone, Conatantin,, a.d. 536, act. ii.) an ^kkAii- 
ffi4K9ucos is mentioned, who was also a pres- 
byter; and presbyters are said to have com- 
monly held the office, while later still it was held 
by deacons (Morinas). In Rome, beginning with 
Innocent I. (a.d. 402-417, Epiat. xii. ed. Con- 
stant) and his successor Zosimos {Epiat, i. c. 3), 
the Defenaorea became by the time of Gregory 
the Great a regular order of officers {Defenaorea 
Romanae Ecclniae), whose duties were — i. to da^ 
fend Church interests generally ; ii. to take care 
of alms lefl for the poor ; iii. to be sent to held 
applicants from a distance for Papal protection ; 
iv. to look after outlying estates belonging to 
St. Peter's patrimony (S. Greg. M., Epistt, pas- 
sim). There were also in Rome itself at that 
time seven officers of the kind, called Defenaorea 
Regumarii {Ordo Roman.\ each with his proper 
region, and the first of the seven known as the 
PrinUceriua Defenaorwm or Primua Defensor (St. 
Greg. Epiatt., passim). St. Gregoiy certainly 
marks them out as usually laymen, yet in some 
cases clerics, and generally as holding a sort of 
ecclesiastical position. And the other Popes who 
allude to them (as quoted above), are led to do 
so while treating the question of the steps and 



deUfi to be mad* m admiUmg la jmen to holj 
ordciiy and feel it aeeeewry to nj that aoch re- 
atrietioBf applj ** eren " to Dejenaom, See also 
St. OngQTj of Touiy Z>» Fiitf Po^mm, c 6. 

The great derelopmeni of the office, howerer, 
took place onder Charlemagne ; who indeed, and 
Pipin, were themeelree, jEorr* ^|oxir, ** Defenaora 
EocMm BomanaeJ* And the German emperors 
became, teehnicallj and hj title, Advocati et 
J>€fen$ore9 Ecclesiarum (Chailee V. and Henrj 
VIII. being coupled together long afterwards as 
respectirelygcc/diMtf, t^fdei, defenaorei). It was 
ih«i established as a regular office for each church 
or abbey, nnder the appellations also occasionally 
of MuniSbwdi (or ^iiSrgt), Pastora Laioif and 
sometimes suiply eaumdiei or itUorei ; to be nomi- 
nated by the emperor [Leo DL, however, as Pope 
appointed (Dn Ciuige)jj but then probably for a 
particolar emergency only (Oar. A CapU, r. 31, 
Tii. 808); and nsnally as an office for life, to 
which the bishops and abbats were themselves 
to elect (fiono. Mogwd, c, 50, A.D. 813,-~-all 
bishops, abbats, and clergy, to choose ''rioedo- 
minos, praepodtoe, adrocatos, sire defensores;" 
Cbnc. Rem, U. c 24, a.d. 813, — " Ut praepositi et 
Ticedomini secnndum regnlas vel canones con- 
stitnantnr;" and see alM Cone, Moman. oc. 19, 
20, A.D. 826, and Cone, Duziac, ii. P. iii. c 5. 
A.D. 87 IX bat " in praesentia comitmn " (Legg, 
Lonaobard, lib. ii. tit. xlrii. § 1, 2, 4, 7^ and from 
the landowners in their own neighbourhood (cap. 
sir. ex Lege SaUca, Sonuma, et OttmlxUa, — ** £t 
ipei [advocati] habeant in illo oomitatu propriam 
haereditatem;" and in a capitular of A.D. 742, 
we find mention of a ^ Qraphio" i, e. count, ^ qui 
est defensor," Morinus, De Ordin., P. III. p. 307) ; 
and this, not only to plead in court or take oath 
there (sometimes two advocati^ one to plead, the 
other to swear, Legg, Zongobard, ii. zlviL § 8), 
but in course of time to hold courts (placita or 
media) as judges in their own district 0^ Cange, 
but A.D. 1020 is the earliest date among his 
authorities), and generally to protect the secular 
interests of their own church or abbey. The 
Advocaitu was at this time distinguished from 
the VicedommUf sometimes called Major Domua, 
who ruled the lay dependents of the Church ; 
from the Praepoeiius, who ruled its clerical de- 
pendents ; and from the Oeconomus, who (being 
also commonly a cleric) managed the interior 
economy of its secular affiiirs ; although all these 
titles are occasionally used interchangeably. He 
was also distinct from the Cancettaritu, whether 
in the older sense of that term when it meant 
an inferior officer of the court, or in the later 
when it meant a judge (Bingh. III. zi. 6, 7). 
Two circumstances however gradually changed 
both the relative position of the Advocattu to 
his ecclesiastical clients, and the nature of his 
functions; the one arising from the mode in 
which he was remunerated, the other from the 
mode of his nomination. 1. He was paid in 
the first instance at this period by sometimes an 
annual salary, with certain small privileges of 
entertainment and the like ; also, by the third 
part of the profits of his judicial office (Tertia 
pars hannontnif emendanimy legum, compositionwny 
sc. " placitorum ad quae ab abbate vocatus fue- 
rit," Chron, Sen, lib. ii. o. 5, in D'Ach. Spicil, ii. 
C13, ed. 1723 ; tertifu dencuriua) ; but commonly 
and fio.Hlly by lands held from the church or 
abbey, a third of their value belonging to himself 


as his portioB. And the growth of the feudal 
tenure, in addition to other obvious inflooioes, 
gTadnally converted him through this last cir- 
eomstance from a dependent into a superior, 
from a law offieer into a military one, and from 
a beneficiary into an owner, and sometimes into 
an usurper outright. In the Ordo Bomaam^ b 
an Ordo ad armanium Ecclemae Dtfeneorem vei 
alimn MQitem^ beginning with a beniUctiovexUli^ 
lanceaef entis (p. 178 Hittorp., about the time of 
Charlemagne). His tMbadnadmSy let us add (the 
number ef whom was limited by various enact- 
ments), was to be paid in one instance by the 
receipt, from each vill of the ecclesiastical pro- 
perty, of one penny, one oock, and one eexiarim 
of oats. 2. The nomination to the office, resting 
originally with the Church itself or with the ent- 
peror, was usurped gradually by the founder, 
and as an hereditary appanage of his own estate ; 
whence followed first an usurpation of the Church 
property by the lay AdfoocatuSf and next an usurpa- 
tion by the same officer of the right of nomi- 
nating to the church or abbey. And from the 
latter of these has arisen the modem use of the 
word advotceonj which now means exclusively 
and precisely that right which the original advo- 
caiue did not possess; the jm patronabte no 
doubt being attached to the founder of a church 
from the time of the Council of Orange (c 10) 
A.D. 441, and of Justinian (Novell, IviL c 2, cxxiii. 
c. 18), A.D. 541, 555 ; but the combination of 
foundership with the office of advooatva being an 
accidental although natural combination, belong- 
ing to the ninth and following centuries. The 
earliest charter quoted by Du Cange, in which 
mention is made of an election (in this case of an 
abbat) '^ assensu et coiisilio advocati," is a " pri- 
vilegium Rudolphi Episc Halberstad.," A.z>. 1147. 
But in Scotland, Wales, and Ireland, the officer 
analogous to the lay advocattu had usurped the 
position and the very name of abbat long pre- 
vious to the 12th century [see Abbat]. And 
instances of similar usurpation abroad may no 
doubt be found of a like earlier date (see Robert- 
son's Early Scotland), The advooatio of a bishopric 
seems to have included, at least in England, the 
cuitodia (t. e, the profits) of the property of the 
see, 9ede vaccmte ; but was a distinct right from 
that of nomination to the office, the ^dignitta 
crodae '* (as e, g, in the case between the Welsh 
Lords Marchers and the English Crown, the former 
claiming the cuatodia but not the nomination): 
although the two became in England combined ' 
in the Crown. There does not, however, appear 
to be evidence, that this particular usurpation 
was laid to the charge of advocati abroad during 
the Carlovingian period ; although the system of 
lay abbats, commendataries, &c., and the usurpa- 
tion of such offices by kings and nobles, led to 
the same general result of usurpation, there 
also, by the lay, over the ecclesiastical, func- 
tionary. Coundls in England put restrictions on 
these usurpations of lay dominie advoasti, &c, as 
early as the Council of Beccanceld, A.D. 696 X 716 
and of Clovesho, a.d. 803 (Councib UI. 338, 
Haddan and Stubbs ; Wilk. i. 56, 167). Abroad, 
the first canon on the subject is that of Rheims 
(c. 6), A.D. 1148, followed among others by 
the Councils of Salzburg (c 24), A.D. 1274 and 
(c. 12), A.D. 1281. But a check upon them 
was attempted as early as the 10th century hj 
the Capetian dynasty in France. 




lb OUc of FUei Dpfmnor^ atUehed to tlie 
Ckwra 9i EngUadf and m strangely inverted ftv>ni 
Um ipedal intent of ite original Papal donor, may 
ka taken ee the last existing trace of the ancient 
A fe mrfw or XVfmsor JSb^MMM. Unless (with 
Sphnaa) we are to giro an ancient pedigree to 
ckirehwardena» and find the old office still in 
IkcB. (Bingham; Da Cange; Mearsixu, Ghn, 
Gneoobarhor. s Iforinns, JM Ordinat.; Tho- 
■Mm.) [A. W. H.] 


— 'Afliongit the laws which imposed restraints 
■pan the dergj was one which forbad them, 
oecpt m certain specified cases, to act as advo- 
Sitcs before dril tribunals; since it was con- 
■fcied that any such interference with worldly 
■stten would be inconsistent with the words 
•f St. Psnl (2 Tim., iL 4 ** No man that war- 
ffth {mSUans Deo] entangleth himself with the 
sfths of this life:" see St. Ambrose, De Off. 
ifiBHt 1, 36; and Gelasii Papae Epp, 17, sec 
15). For this reason the 3rd Council of Gar- 
th^ (AJ). 397) in its 15th canon prohibits all 
slois from becoming agents or procurators. 
The prohibition is repeated in the 3rd canon of 
tiieOecnmrnieal Council of Chalcedon (▲.D. 451), 
Bot with the proviso that secular business may 
\t ndertaken by the clergy when the bishop 
iirecti it for the protection of Church property, 
«r of orphans and widows who are without any 
«ne to defend them. This exception was in later 
extended to the poor and all others who 
the designation of '' miserabiles 
So likewise were monks forbidden by 
the 11th canon of the Council of Tarragona 
(uk. 516) to undertake any legal business ex- 
eqvt for the benefit of the monastery and at the 
«— maiMJ of the abbot. 

la Fraaee the abore-dted proTisions of the 
Goaadl of Chalcedon were repeated by the 16th 
cnoa of the Council of Yemeuil (A.D. 755) and the 
14th canon of the Council of Mayence (A.D. 813). 

There are many other canons which prohibit the 
dergy from mixing themselTes up with worldly 
■stten, and which therefore forbid, though 
Mt m express terms, their acting as advocates. 

There are also several imperial constitutions 
to the Hune effect, as, for instance, one of Theodo- 
siai IL (A.D. 416) which he afterwards repeated 
iathe Oodex Theodoskmus, A.D. 438 (16. tit. 2. 
4SX sad which was also inserted in the Ist book 
(titls. 17) ofihe Oodex BepdUMPraelectumis 
ef Jwtiaian (a.d. 534> 

Similar provisions are to be found in the 34th 
title of the LAer ntndlanm of Valentian III. 
(aji. 452), and in the 6th chapter of the 123rd 
neeeflL of Justinian (A.D. 541). 

(ThMnaasinus, Vehu et nova Ecdesiae Disci- 
IiNm, Ik Beneficus, Pars III. Lib. 3, cap. 17-19 ; 
Boflix, Tradahu de JmUcOs Ecclesiadicis, Pars 
L, 3, 4^). [I. B.] 


AEGATES, Saint, commemorated Oct. 24 

AETTHALAS. (1) Deacon and martyr, com- 
Bcmorsted Nov. 3 (CW. Byzant). 
(I) Nartyr, commemorated Sept. 1 (/&.). [C] 

AFlfTTJANUa (1) Saint in Armenia, com- 

MBwated Feb. 8 (lf<tf^ro^ Bom. Vet^ Hieron,). 

(S) CoBftMor i» Africa, Dec. 6 (Mart. B. F.). 

(1) Confessor, Jan. 8 (OaL Bygomt,), 

(4) Bishop of Cyzicum, Confossor, Aug. 8 
(i&.). [C] 

AEMTLIUS. (1) Martyr in Africa, comme- 
morated May 22 {Martyrol, Bom, Vet,). 

(5) Of Sardinia, May 28 (A.). 

(8) Commemorated June 18 (Mcart, Hieron,), 


AEB. [Veil.] 

AEBA. [Eba.] 

AFBA, martyr in Rhaetia, commemorated 
Aug. 6 (Martyrol, Bom, Vet,)\ Aug. 6 (M. 
Hieron,), [C] 

AFFIDATIO (afflanoey Spenser; Fr. fian- 
gatlle8)f betrothal, ft appears doubtful whether 
this term came into use within the first nine cen- 
turies of the Christian era. It seems rather to 
belong to the period of fully developed feudalism. 
The earliest example quoted by I>u Cange, from 
the synodal statutes of the Church of Li^ge in 
Mart^e's Thesaurtu Nome Anecdotorum, is in- 
deed of the year 1287. The forms given in 
Mart^ne's work, De Antiquie eooleeiae Bitibua 
(see vol. ii. pp. 136, 137^ in which the word 
occurs, from the ritnak of Limoges and of 
Rheims, are palpably more modem vet, to judge 
from the passages in French which are inter- 
mixed in them. [J. M. L.] 

AFFINITY iadfinit€u% a relationship by 
marriage. The husband and wife being legally 
considered as one person, those who are related 
to the one by blood are related to the other in 
the same degree bv affinity. This relationship 
being the result of a lawfril marriage, the per- 
sons between whom it exists are said to be related 
tfi law ; the father or brother of a man's wife 
being called his fatfter-inrlaw or brother-in'law. 
The distinction between affinity and consanguinitv 
is derived from the Roman law. The kinsfolk 
(pognati) of the husband and wife become re- 
spectively the adfines of the wife and husband. 
We have borrowed the words affinity and con- 
sanguinity from the Roman law, but we have no 
term corresponding to adfines. The Romans did 
not reckon degrees of adfinitas as they did of 
consanguinity (pognatio) ; but they had terms to 
express the various kinds of adfinitas^ as soctfr, 
fiither-in-law ; socrus, mother-in-law. 

It has resulted from the Christian doctrine of 
marriage that persons related by affinity have 
been always forbidden by the Church to marry 
within the same degrees as those who are related 
by blood. The Council of Agde (506) particu- 
larises the forbidden degrees as follows (Can. 61) : 
— ^**A man may not marry his brother's widow, 
his own sister, his step-mother or father's wife, 
his cousin-german, any one nearly allied to him 
by consanguinity, or one whom his near kinsman 
had married before, the relict or daughter of his 
uncle by the mother's side, or the £iughter of 
his uncle by the father's side, or his daughter- 
in-law, •>. hia wife's daughter by a former 

This canon is repeated almost verbatim in the 
Council of Epone, and again in the second Council 
of Tours (566). The same prohibitions are also 
specified in the Council of Auxerre (578). 

Certain spiritual relations have been also in- 
cluded within the prohibited degrees. This re- 
striction, however, was first introduced by 

D 2 



Justinian, who made a law {Cod. Jtut, lib. 5, 
tit. 4,' d€ NupUis, leg. 26) forbidding anj man 
to marrj a woinan for whom he had been god- 
lather in baptism, on the ground that nothing 
induces « more, paternal affection, and, therefore, 
a jttster prohibition of marriage, than this tie, 
bj which their souls are in a divine manner 
united together. 

The Council of TruUo (Can. 53) extends the 
prohibition to the mother of the godchild : and, 
bj the Canon law afterwards, these spiritual 
relations were carried still farther, so as to 
exclude from marrying together even the bap- 
tiser and the baptised, the catechist and cate- 
chumen, and various other degrees of supposed 
spiritual affinity. Such restrictions, however, of 
course, could not be maintained in practice, and 
the dispensing power of the Pope was accordingly 
extended to meet the necessity. (Bingham ; Gib- 
son's Codex; Thorndike; Wheatly^ On Common 
Prayer.) [D. B.] 

AFFUSION. [Baptism.] 

AFRICAN CODE. [African Coxtnciia] 

AFRICAN COUNCILS. Under this head 
we must include whatever Councils were held in 
Africa — ^no matter at what places, only distinct 
from Egypt — for this simple reason ; that so many 
of their canons were so soon thrown together in- 
discriminately and made one code, which, as 
such, afterwards formed part of the code received 
in the East and West. On this African code a 
good deal has been written by Jnstellus {Cod. Eccl. 
AfriCf Paris, 1614, 8vo.), who was the first to pub- 
lish it separately, Bishop Beveridge {Synod, vol. 
ii. p. 202, et seq.), ]>e Marca {Diss, de Vet. Coll. 
Can. c. iv.-xi.), and the Ballerini in their learned 
Appendix to the works of St. Leo (tom. iii. De 
Antiq. Col. Diss., pars I. c. 3, 21-9), but a good 
deal also remains unsolved, and perhaps insoluble. 
Several of the canons contained in it have been 
assigned to more Councils than one, and several 
of the Councils differently dated or numbered by 
different editors or collectors. Perhaps the best 
edition of it is that published in Greelc and Latin 
by Mansi (tom. iii. pp. 699-^43). Not that it 
was originally promulgated in both languages, 
though, as Beveridge suggests, the probability is 
that it had been translated into Greek before the 
Trullan Council of a.d. 683« by the second canon 
of which it became part of the code of the Eastern 
Church. As it stands in Mansi, then, it compre- 
hends, first, the deliberations of the Council of 
(/srthage, A.D. 419 ; then the canons of the same 
Synod to the number of 33 ; then '* canones di- 
versorum oonciliorum ecclesiae Africanae" — in 
the words of their heading, the first of which is 
numbered 34, in continuous series with the pre- 
ceding, and the last 138. However, in reality, 
the canons proper ought to be said to end with 
the one numbered 133, at which point Aurelius, 
Bishop of Carthage, who presided, calls upon the 
Council to subscribe to all that had gone before, 
which is accordingly done ; he signing first, the 
primate of Numidia second, the legate from 
Rome, Faustinus, Bishop of Potenza, third, St. 
Augustine, Bishop of Hippo, fourth ; and the other 
bishops — ^217 or 229, according to the reading 
selected — in order ; and after them all the two 
presbyter-legates from Romev who sign last. 

This done, the day following, a letter in the 
name of the whole Synod was addressed to Boni- 


face, bishop of Rome, to be despatched by the ihrea 
legates. This is given at length, and numbered 
134. It acquaints him with their objections te 
the ^ commonitorium ** or instructions received 
by the legates from the late Pope Zosimus, par- 
ticularly to that part of it bearing upon appeals 
to Rome in conformity with some supposed canons 
of Nicaea, which they had not been able to find in 
any Greek or Latin copy of the acts of that 
Council in their possession, and therefore beg him 
to send for authentic copies of them at once from 
the Churches of Antioch, Alexandria, and Con- 
stantinople. This course they had already taken 
themselves, while recommending it to him ; and 
what follows as canon 135 proves to be a letter 
fVom St. Cyril of Alexandria to the same bishopii 
telling them that in conformity with their re- 
quest he has bent them, by his presbyter Inno- 
cent, faithful copies of the authentic Synod of 
Nicaea, which they would also find, if they looked 
for them. In the ecclesiastical history : he does 
not say by whom. 

In the same way canon 186 is a letter from 
Atticus, patriarch of Constantinople, telling them 
that he too sends them the canons as defined by 
Nicene Fathers pure and entire, by their mes- 
senger Maroellus the sub-deacon, as they had re- 
quested. We can hardly suppose the Synod to 
have been sitting all the time that it must have 
taken these messengers to go and return. Next 
a copy of the Nicene Creed fbllows, and is num- 
bered 137. It had been already recited and ac- 
cepted, together with the Nicene canons, in the 
previous deliberations of the Council, befbre the 
resolution to send for authentic copies of both 
had been carried out. Caecilian, who was Bishop 
of Carthage at the time of the Council of Nicaes, 
and had attended it, had brought back with him 
copies of its creed and canons in Latin, which had 
been preserved with great care by his Churdi 
ever since. What follows in the last place, and 
is numbered 138, cannot have been written 
earlier than a.d. 422, it being a letter addressed 
to Celestine, the successor of Boniface, who died in 
that year, ^' our beloved lord (ScmrifiT;) and most 
honoured brother," as he is styled, in the nam« 
of Aurelius and others whose names are given 
(St. Augustine's is not one) and the rest of those 
present in the universal Council of Africa, in 
which they tell him that the canons of which his 
predecessor had spoken were nowhere to be found 
in the authentic copies of the Nicene decrees jnsi 
received from the East ; and, farther, that in no 
Council of the Fathers could they find it defined 
that " any should be despatched as it were from 
the side of his Holiness," as had been attempted in 
this instance. If the last, or 20th Council, as it is 
called, under Aurelius, therefore, has been rightlj 
assigned to A.D. 421, — and Aurelius opens its pro- 
ceedings by saying that, for reasons well known 
to his audience, it had been suspended for the 
space of two years, thus connecting it with th« 
Council of A.D. 419, — either it must have sat the 
year following as well, or there must have been 
a 21st Council under Aurelius the year following 
to indite this epii»^ie, which, as has been obserred, 
could not have been done till the accession of 
Celestine had become known in Africa, that is, 
till towards the end of A.D. 422. And with it thii 
collection of the canons of the African Church it 
brought to a close. Dionysius Exiguus, in hit 
edition, heads them appropriately ** Uie Synod of 




Ike Afticus at Cui^ge that enacted 138 
eaaoBi^" meaning of oaurae the Synods of A.D. 
41^22 eonsidered as one, where they were 
iwased or eonfirmed (Migne*s Patrol., torn. 67, 
pw 161 H S07.). Not but there are other ooUeo 
tions extant containing fewer or more canons 
thu are incloded in this. For instance, the 
Spaaiih and Isidorian Collections begin with the 
Synod of Carthage under Gratus, a.d. 348, and 
cad with the Synod of Mileyis, ▲.D. 402, making 
c^t Synods in all, one of Milevis and seven of 
Carthage (Migne'a Patrol^ torn. 84, pp. 179-236). 
h fiereridge (Synodic, L p. 365-72) the synodi- 
cd letter of a (Council of Carthage as far back as 
JLA. 258 (or 256 according to others) under St. 
Cyprian, is printed in the form of a canon, and 
pboed, together with the speeches made there by 
kirn end others, immediately before the Ancyran 
aaoas, as thongh it had been one of the provin- 
cial Cooncib whose canons had been accepted by 
the whole Church, which it was not. Earlier far 
tiaa either of them is Uie oompendimn of eccle- 
s»tioal canons, African mainly, 232 in all, by 
Folgentins Ferrandus, deacon of the Chnrch of 
(^jthage, seemingly drawn from independent 
•onrccs (Migne*s PatroLj tom. 67, p. 949-62). 
Thea earlier still than his were the two books 
prodsced by Boniface, Bishop of Carthage, at the 
Synod held there by him A.D. 525, as having 
been discovered in the archives of that church, 
sne volume containing the Nicene canons in part, 
end those which had been passed in Africa 
before the time of AureliiiB ; the other volume 
called ** the book of the canons of the time of 
Airelios," in which, according to the Ballerini, 
Biae of the Synods of Carthage under Aurelius, 
9ad same others of Milevis and Hippo, were con- 
talaed (Mansi, viiL p. 635-56). Finally, there 
ii a "Breviarium canonum Hipponensium " 

E'sted in Mansi, with the comments of the 
llerini npon them, supposed to have been 
fM«cd in the Synod held there A.D. 393, at 
vkich St. Augustine was present, but as a 
priest ; and afterwards inserted in the Council of 
Carthage, held four years afterwards under 
Anreliafi, amongst its own, and evidently con- 
firmed by the 34th canon of the Sjrnod of A.D. 
419, as proposed hj one of the bishops named 

IHie argument drawn by the Ballerini, after 
daborately comparing these collections, is unfa- 
Tonrable to the title given by Justellus to the 
138 CMOom above mentioned of the African code : 
still as designating those canons alone which 
hare been received generally by the East and 
West, it cannot be called meaningless ; and this 
&ct having been made patent by his publication 
of them, it remains as a matter of antiquarian 
iaiereit solely to determine what canons belong 
to wbat councils. The general account seems to 
l« that there are sixteen Councils of Carthage, 
one of Milevis, and one of Hippo, whose canons 
were receiTed and confirmed by the Council of 
A.a 419 besides its own (Johnson's Vade Mecum, 
VL 171); but it is beset with difficulties. The 
two canons interdicting appeals beyond the sea — 
28 sad 125 according to the Latin numbering, 
and doubtless 23 and 39 were passed with the 
>UBe object — have been attributed to a Synod of 
Hippo by some; but the 22nd canon of the 
ieooad Synod of Milevis, A.D. 416, to which both 
Aiirelios and St. Augustine subscribed, reads 

identical with one of them, and the 34th canon 
of a Council of C^thage two years later with the 
other. It is of more practical importance to 
ascertain whether they steer clear of the Sardican 
canons, as some maintain; or were framed in 
antagonism to them, as others. The Sardican 
canons, it has been said, allowed bishops to appeal 
to Rome ; the African canons forbade priests and 
all below priests to appeal to Rome. The African 
tathers carefully abstained from laying the same 
embargo upon bishops : nay, they undertook to 
observe the canons cited by Zosimus as Nicene, 
till authentic copies of the Nicene canons had 
been obtained from the East. There can be no 
doubt whatever that all this is delusive. In the 
discussion that took place on the canons cited in 
the '* Commonitorium," some were for observing 
them, pending the inquiry ; St. Augustine among 
the number. But when Aurelius called upon the 
Council to say definitively what it would do, the 
collective reply was : ** All things that were en- 
acted in the Nicene Council are acceptable to ns 
all." And to no more could they be induced to 
pledge themselves. Then as to the canons, which 
if they did not frame, they confirmed subse- 
quently ; the 28th, according to the Latin num- 
bering, is : "It wss likewise agreed that presby- 
ters, deacons, or any of the inferior clergy with 
causes to try, should they have reason to com- 
plain of the judgment of their bishops, might be 
heard by the neighbouring bishops with consent 
of their own; and such bishops might decide 
between them ; but should they think they ought 
to appeal from them likewise, let them not ap- 
peal to transmarine tribunals, but to the primates 
of their provinces, as has also been frequently en- 
acUd in regard oflMops, But in case any should 
think he ought to appeal to places beyond the 
sea, let him be received to communion by nobody 
within AfHca,*' The words " sicut et de episcopis 
saepe constitutum est," are found in all manu- 
scripts of this canon, as it stands here. They are 
wanting in. the 125th. And the meaning is 
clearly, that there had been earlier canons in 
abuncUtnce passed for regulating episcopal ap- 
peals ; for instance, the 6th canon of the Council 
of Constantinople, where it is said that bishops 
should be brought before the greater Synod of 
the diocese, in case the provincial Synod should 
be unable to decide their case. And nothing had 
occurred to induce them to legislate further for 
bishops. The present controversy had onginated 
with a simple priest, Apiarius. Accordingly their 
canons were directed to prevent priests and all 
below priests in future from doing as he had 
done, in short, they told Celestine that *' the 
canons of the Nicene Council left all, whether 
inferior clergy or bishops themselves, to their 
own metropolitan; it having been wisely and 
justly considered there that, whatever questions 
might arise, they ought to be terminated in their 
own localities." Which was in effect as much as 
telling him that the genuine Nicene canons were 
in flat contradiction upon each point to those so 
designated by his predecessor. Canon 125 is 
identical with the preceding, except that it omits 
the clause *' sicut et de episcopis," &c., and men- 
tions the African Councils as another legitimate 
tribunal of appeal besides the primates. Canon 
23, that ^* bishops should not go beyond the sea 
without leave from their primate," reads very 
like another outpouring of their sentiments on 



the same sabject ; and canon 39, that " no pn- 
maie should be called a prince of priests, or pon- 
tiff/' seems almost borrowed fh>m the well- 
known invective of St. Cyprian against Stephen. 
Such, then, is the language of some of the canons 
of the African code, fairlv construed, to which 
the assent of Rome as well as Constantinople has 
been pledged. And ^ it was of very great autho- 
rity,*' says Mr. Johnson (^Vade Mgcum, ii. p. 171) 
m the old English Churches; for many of the 
^ excerptions " of Egbert were transcribed from 

It only remains to set down the different 
African Councils in the order in which they are 
generally supposed to have occurred, with a run- 
ning summary of what was transacted in each ; 
referring generally for all further information to 
Mansi, Cave, Beveridge, Johnson, ]>e Marca, the 
Art de vSrifier Us dates, and the Ballerini. Num- 
bering them would only serve to mislead, at least 
if attempted in any consecutive series. Cave, for 
instance, reckons 9 African between AJ>. 401 and 
603, and as many as 35 Carthaginian between 
A.D. 215 and 533 ; but among the latter are in- 
cluded 6 (between a.o. 401 and 410), which he 
had already reckoned among the 9 African. 

Carthage, a.d. 200,217 — Supposed to be one 
and the same, under Agrippinus, in favour 
of rebaptizing heretics. 

— ^ A.D. 251 — ^Under St. Cyprian; decreed 
that the lapsed should be received to com- 
munion, but not till they had performed 
their full penance. 

-^— A.D. 252 — ^Against Novatian, who denied 
that the lapsed were ever to be received to 
communion again ; and Felicissimus, who af- 
firmed they were, even before they had 
performed their penance. 

— A.D. 254, 255— Doubtful in which year ; 
under St. Cyprian, in favour of in£uit bap- 

-^— A.D. 256 — ^Under St, Cyprian, approving 
the consecration' by the Spanish bishops of 
Felix and Sabinus in place of Basil and 
Martial, — ^two bishops who had purchased 
certificates, or " libels," of having sacrificed 
to idols, and declaring that Stephen, Bishop 
of Rome, had interjrased in favour of the 
latter unreasonably, from having been 
duped by them. 

i— A.D. 256 — ^Another held in the same year 
—or there may have been several — in fa- 
vour of rebaptizing all who had received 
heretical baptism, when St. Cyprian uttered 
his celebrated invective against Stephen. 
The question was finally ruled in the 7th 
of the Constantinopolitan canons. This is 
the Council whose synodical letter is 
printed by Beveridge in the form of a 
canon, immediately before those of Ancjrra. 
It is given in Mansi, L 922-6; but the 
speeches belonging to it follow 951-92, 
under the head of **Concil. Carthag. iii. 
sub Cypriano episcopo ;" what purports to 
have been the second being given p. 925, 
and all three supposed to have been held 
A.D. 256. 

CiRTA, A.D. 305— To elect a new bishop in 
place of one who had been a " traditor ;" 
that is, had surrendered copies of the Scrip- 
tures to the Pagan authorities, to which all 


present, when they came to be asked, how- 
ever, pleaded eqntdlv guilty. 

Cabthaoe, a.d. 312 — Of 70 Donatist bishops 
against Caecilian, bishop of that see. 

— — — A.D. 333 — ^under Donatus, author of the 
schism ; favourable to the *' traditores." 

A.D. 348 — under Gratus; its acts are 

comprised in fourteen chapters, of which 
the first is against rebaptizing any that 
have been baptized with water in the name 
of the Trinity. This is probably the Council 
whose canons are invoked in canon 12 of 
the AfVican code. 

Theveste, A.D. 362— Of Donatists quarrelling 
amongst themselves. 

African, a.d. 380 — Of Donatists, in condem- 
nation of Tichonius, a Donatist bishop. 

Carthage, a.d. 386— Confirmatory of the 
synodical letter of Siricius, Bishop of Rome. 

Leftes, A.D. 386 — Passed canons on disci- 

Carthage, a.d. 390 — Formerly regarded ai 
two separate Councils, under Genethlius, 
Bishop of Carthage; made 13 canons, by 
the second of which bishops, priests, and 
deacons are required to abstain from their 
wives and observe continence. Mansi prints 
what used to be regarded as a second 
Council of this year twice, iii. pp. 691-8 
and 867-76. 

A.D. 393 — Of Maximian's (Donatist 

bishop of Carthage) supporters against 
Primian (another Donatist bishop of Car- 

Hippo, a.d. 393— At which St. Augustine dis- 
puted ^de fide et symbolo" as a pres- 

Cararubsi and of the Caternb, a.d. 394—^ 
the same on the same subject. 

Bagaib, A.D. 394 — Of Primian's supporters, 
against Mazimian. 

- A.D. 396 — One canon only preserved; 
against translations of bishops and priests. 

BrzATiuif, A.D. 397 — Confirming all that had 
been decreed in 393 at Hippo. 

Carthage, a.ix 397 — Called the 3rd, either 
reckoning that under Gratus as first, and 
that under Genethlius as 2nd; or else 
supposing two to have been held under 
Aurelius previously in 394 ana 397, and 
making this the 3rd under him ; passed 50 
canons, among whicn the ^'Breviariom 
canonum Hipponensium " is said to have 
been inserted (Mansi, ilL 875, and the 

Carthage, a.d. 400 — Called the 5th under 
Aurelius; of 72 bishops; passed 15 canons 
on discipline (Pagi, quoted by Mansi, iii. 
p. 972). Yet, p. 979, Mansi reckons a first 
African Council in 399, and a 2nd and 3rd 
in 401, which he calls 4th, 5th, and 6tk 
Councils xmder Aurelius, in the pontificate 
of Anastasius. 

MiLEYiB, A.D. 402 — ^To decide several points 
affecting bishops. 

Carthage, a.d. 403, 404, 405— Mansi makes 
3 African Coxmcib of these ; a 1st, 2nd, 
and 3rd, in the Pontificate of Innocent, 
or 8th, 9th, and 10th under Aurelius, for 
bringing back the Donatists to the Chnrch 
(ui. pp. 1155 and 1159). 

A.D. 407, 408, 409— Called by Mansi 




4tfc, Mb, 6th, and 7th AfKcaa Oonncik in 
tke pontificate of Innooent, the 5tb and 
6th being regarded bj him aa one, or the 
nth, IsSi, and 13th Coandlfl under Aore- 
Ini»— ell incorporated into the African 

code Ctii. P- 1168> 
Garhaos, ajd. 410— Against the Donatists— 
probeblr the 14th niuler Anrelins. 

— XJK 411 — Great conference between the 
Oatkolics and the Donatists ; Anrelins and 
St AngosUne both taking part on behalf 
of the former ; 286 bishops said to have 
been present on the Catholic side, and 279 
on the Donatist, yet 313 names are given 
oo the latter skle. There were three dif- 
ferent stages in the proceedings, (Mansi, 
ir. pp. 269 and 276.) 

— AJk 412 — ^In which Celestins was ac- 
aued of Pelagianism and appealed to the 
Pope, probably the 15th nnder Anrelins. 

Cdti, AJ>.412 — ^In the matter of the Donatists 
— pnhlished a synodical letter in the name 
of Anrelins, St. Angnstine and others. Sil- 
vsans, primate of Nnmidia, heads it. 

AmcA5, A^. 414— Of Donatists. 

CAmuoB, AJK 416— or the 2nd against the 
Pefaigiaas : probably the 16th nnder An- 
relins : composed of 67 bishops: addressed 
a synodical letter to Innocent of Rome, 
condemning both Pelagius and Celestins. 

HiLEvn, AJD. 416— Called the 2nd of MileTis 
against Pelagius and Celestins— <»mposed 
of 60 bishops — ^pnblished 27 canons on 
discipline— addreued a synodical letter to 
Innocent of Borne, to which was sppended 
another in a more familiar tone from 
Anrelius, St. Augustine and three more. 

TlDKA, AJK 417 — Passed canons on disci- 

CiSiiiAaB, A.D. 417, 418 — ^Against the Pela- 
gians—Regarded as one, probably the 17th 
under Anrelins. 


PsMed canons on discipline preserred by 
Fmaadns (Mansi, ir. 439). 

IkKSEi^ AJ>. 418 — ^Published nine canons on 

tAKTHAOK, A.l». 419 — ^Attended by 229, or, 
socording to other accounts, 217 bishops ; 
and by f anstinus, Bishop of Potenza, and 
two presbyters as legates flrom Rome. Its 
proceedings haTS been anticipated in what 
was laid on the African code. It would 
•eem as if it really conmienced in 418, 
and extended through 419. Pagi supposes 
33 canons to have been pasMd in the 
fonner year, and but 6 in the latter 
(Hansi, ir. 419) ; and Mansi seems even to 
make two synods of it, calling one a 5th 
or 6th, and the other a 7th Council of 
Carthage (against the Pelagians, he pro- 
bably meansX and yet evidently reckoning 
both together as the 18th nnder Anrelius. 
From 419 it seems to have been adjourned 
to 421, and then lasted into 422 at least, 
ai has been shown above ; this adjourned 
eoondl was therefore in reality the 20th 
under Aurelian, Chough sometimes headed 
the 18th, as being one with the council of 
which it was but the adjournment. Then 
the 19th nnder Anrelius is the title given 
hi Mansi (ir, 443) to one held in the 

mterim, a.d. 420, to determine oertain 
questions of precedence amongst bishops, 
possibly the missing 6th against Pela- 

NuHiDiA, A.D. 423 — ^In which Antonius, a 
bishop of that province, was condemned. 

CARTHAaE, AJ). 426— At which Leporius, a 
French presbyter, cleared himself from 

Hippo, a.d. 426 — At which Heraclius was 
elected successor to St. Augustine at his 

A.D. 427 — Said to have passed canons 

29 and 30, in the Latin numbering of the 
African code (Mansi, iv. 539). 

African, a.d. 484 — ^To render account of their 
' faith to King Hunneric, when it appeared 
that of 475 sees, 14 were then vacant : 88 
had been deprived of their bishops by 
death, and most of those who survived 
were in exile (Mansi, viL pp. 1156-64 
and the notes). 

BrzATiuic, A.D. 507 — ^To appoint new bishops 
in place of those who had died or been 

JUNCA, A.D. 523 — under Liberatus: to con- 
demn a bishop of the province of Tripoli 
who had usurped a church not in his 
diocese : St. Fulgentius, Bishop of Rnspe, 
being one of those present. 

CABTHAas, A.D. 525 — ^under Boniface ; when 
two volumes of the canons were found, as 
already described (Mansi, viii. 635-56). 

African, a.d. 533— Sent a synodical letter to 
John II. of Rome by Liberatus, deacon of 
the church of Carthage, so well known for 
his writings. 

BrzATiUH, A.D. 541 — Sent a deputation to 
Justinian, and legislated on discipline. 

African, a.d. 550 — ^Excommunicated Yigilius 
for condemning the three chapters. 

SuFFETULA, A.D. 570 — ^Passed canons on dis- 
cipline, some of which are preserved. 

African, aj>. 594 — Against the Donatists, 
probably for the last time. 

Btzatium, A.D. 602 — ^To examine certain 
charges made against Clement the pri* 

KuiODiA, A.D. 603— To examine the case of 
Donadeus, a deacon, who had appealed 
from his bishop to Rome. 

Btzatium, Kumidia, Mauritania, Car- 
thage, A.D. 633 — Against Cyrus, Pyrrhus, 
and SergiuB, the Monothelite leaders. 

Btzatium, Kumidia, Mauritania, Car* 
thaqe, 646 — ^Against the Monothelites : 
the councib of Byzatium, Nnmidia, and 
Mauritania addressed a joint synodical 
letter: and the Bishop of Carthage a 
letter in his own name to Theodore, 
Bishop of Rome : all preserved in the acts 
of the Lateran Council under Martin I., 
A.D. 649. [E. S. F.] 

AGABUS, the prophet (Acts xxi. 10), com- 
memorated Feb. 13 {Martyrol, Bom. Fet.) ; April 
8 {Cat. Byxant.). [C.] 

AGAPAE. — ^The custom which prevailed in 
the Apostolic Church of meeting at fixed times 
for ^ common meal, of which dl alike partook 
as brothers, has been touched on in the Did. of 
the Bible [Lord's Supper.] It had a precedent 



in the habits of the Esmdo communities in 
Judaea (Joseph. BeU, Jud. ii. 8), And in the tpayot 
of Greek ^uUds or associations ; in the Charidie9 
of Roman life (Ovid, Fasti, ii. 616), in the 
trwrtrlria of Crete, in the ^ciSfria of Sparta. 
The name apparently was attached to the meals 
towards the close of the Apostolic age. The 
absence of any reference to it in 1 Cor. zi. or 
ziii., where reference would have been so natural, 
had it been in use, may fidrly be taken as nega- 
tive evidence that it was not then current. The 
balance of textual authoritv inclines in favour of 
kydftaiSy rather than &ir«mur, in Jude v. 12, 
and perhaps also, though less decidedly, in 2 Pet. 
J. 13, and we may fairly assume (without enter- 
ing on the discussion of the authorship and date 
of those epistles) that they represent the termi- 
nology of the Church in the period from a.d. 60 
to A.D. 80. The true reading of 1 Pet. v. 14 
(^i' ^lA^/xori h.yi.'wris) cannot be disjoined from 
the fact that there was a feast known then or 
very soon afterwards by that name, at which 
such a salutation was part of the accustomed 
ceremonials. Soon the name spread widely both 
in the East and West. Ignatius (ad Smym. c. 8),* 
for the Asiatic and Syrian Churches, Clement 
for Alexandria (Paedag. ii. p. 142), Tertullian for 
Western Africa {Apol, c 39), are witnesses for 
its wide-spread use. 

It is obvious that a meeting of this character 
must have been a very prominent feature in the 
life of any community adopting it. The Christians 
of a given town or district came on a fixed 
day, probably the first day of the week (the 
'* stato die ** of Pliny's letter to Trajan, Ej^, x. 
96), in some large room hired for the purpose, 
or placed at their disposal by some wealthy con- 
verts. The materials of the meal varied ac- 
cording to the feeling or wealth of the society. 
Bread and wine were, of course, indispensable, 
both as connected with the more solemn com- 
memorative act which came at some period or 
ether in the service, and as the staple articles of 
food. Meat, poultry, cheese, milk, and honey, 
were probably used with them (August., c. 
Faust, XX. 20). Early paintings in the cata- 
combs of Rome seem to show that fish also 
was used (Aringhi, Roma SubUrran, ii. pp. 77, 
83, 119, 123, 185, 199, 267). Both the fact of 
its being so largely the common diet of the poor 
in Syria (Matt. vii. 9, xiv. 17, xvi. 34), and 
the associations of Luke xxiv. 42, John xxi. 
9 (to say nothing of the mystical significance 
attached to the word Ix^hs as early as Tertul- 
lian), would naturally lead Christians to use it 
at their ^* feasts of love." The cost of the meal 
fell practically on the richer members of the 
Church, whether it was provided out of the 
common funds, or made up of actual contribu- 
tions in kind, meat or fruit sent for the purpose, 
or brought at the time. At the appointed hour 
they came, waited for each other (1 Cor. xi. 33), 

* There is a snggestive difference, Indicating a change 
In language and practice, between the shorter and longer 
teztA of the Ignation Epistles In this itassage. In the 
former the writer claims for the bishop the sole prero- 
gative of baptizing, or dydin^v voMtf. In the latter the 
word irpotr^^ctr ii interpolated between them. The 
Agap^ Is dlstingolBbed. i. e. fhnn the '*SDpper of the 
Lord," with which it had before been identified ; and the 
latter, thns separated, is associated with a more sacrificial 
terminology, and placed before the social fea^t 


men and women seated at different tables, pe^ 
haps on opposite sides of the room, till the bishoj* 
or presbyter of the Church pronounced the 
blessing (jshKoyla). Then they ate and dranl^. 
Originally, at some time before or after ^ the 
rest of the meal, one loaf was specially blessed 
and broken, one cup passed round specially as 
" the cup of blessing." When the meal was over, 
water was brought and they washed their hands. 
Then, if not before, according to the season of the 
year, lamps were placed (as in the upper room st 
Troas, Acts xx. 8) on their stands, and the more 
devotional part of the evening began. Those 
who had special gifts were called on to expound 
Scripture, or to speak a word of exhortation, or to 
sing a hymn to God, or to " Christ as to a God" 
(Plin. 1. c). It was the natural time for intel- 
ligence to be communicated from other Churches, 
for epistles from them or their bishops to be 
read, for strangers who had come with iwior6XQi 
awrrarucaX to be received. Collections were 
made for the relief of distressed churches at a 
distance, or for the poor of the district (1 Cor. 
xvi. 1 ; Justin. M. Ap<^ ii. ; Tertullian. Apol. c. 
39). Then came the salutation, the kiss of lore 
(1 Pet. V. 14), the " holy kiss" « (Rom. xvi. 16), 
which told of brotherhood, the final prayer, the 
quiet and orderly dispersion. In the ideal Agapae, 
the eating and drinking never passed beyond the 
bounds of temperance. In practice, as at 
Corinth, the boundary line may sometimes have 
been transgressed, but the testimony of Pliny in 
his letter to Trajan (1. c.), as well as the state- 
ments of the Apologists, must be allowed as. 
proving that their general character at first ws« 
that of a pure simplicity. The monstrous 
slanders of ^' Thyestean banquets " and ^ shame- 
less impurity" were but the prurient inventioos 
of depraved minds, who inferred that all secret 
meetings must be like those of the Bacchanalian 
orgies which had at various periods alarmed the 
Roman Senate with their infinite debasement 
(Liv. xxxix. 13, 14). At Alexandria, indeed, ss 
was natural in a wealthy and luxurious city, 
there seems to have been a tendency to make 
the Agape too much of a sumptuous fesst, 
like the entertainments of the rich, and to give 
the name to banquets to which only the rich 
were invited. Clement protests with a natural 
indignation against such a misapplication of it 
by those who sought to *' purchase the promise 
of God with such feasts" (Paedag. ii. 1, § 4, p. 61). 
It seems probable from his protest against the 
use of fiutes at Christian feasts {Paedag, ii. 4, p. 
71) that instrumental music of a secular and 
meretricious character had come to be used instesd 
of the *' psalms and hymns and spiritual songs*' 
(Eph. V. 19, Col. iii. 16) which had been in use, 
without accompaniment, at the criginal Agapae. 
Clement, however, permits the employment of 
the harp or lyre. 

At first the practice would naturally serve as a 

^ Chrysostom (Horn. 27 and 54, on 1 Cor. zl.), followed 
by Theodoret and TheophyUct tn loc, and moot liturgical 
writers, say * before^" but obvionslj nnder the Inflneiioe 
of later practice, and the belief that the Eadiarlfi ooold 
not have been received otherwise than fasting In the time 
of the Apostles. 

« We may probably think of some order like that which 
attends tbe use of a " graoe-cnp" In coUege or dvic frast; 
each man kissed by his neighbour on one side, sod kisring 
in turn him who sat on the other.. 




I and bond of the brotherhood of Chrbtians. i 
fikb aad poor, eTen master and slave, met together 
ea the same footing. What took place but once 
B jcar ia the Roman saturnalia was repeated in 
the Christian sodetj onoe* a week. But in pro- 
portion as the society became larger, and the 
Kflie of brotherhood leas living, the old social 
dbtinctioos would tend to reassert themselves. 
Tke Agapae would become either mere social 
eaterUiaments for the wealthy, as at Alexan- 
dria, or a mere dole of food for the poor, 
a* ia Western Africa (Angustin. c. Faustum 
u. 20), and in either case would lose their 
or^ioal significance. Other causes tended also 
to tkrow them into the back-ground. When 
Qirii^tiaBS came to have special buildings set 
apazt fin- worship, and to look on them with 
SMDcthiag of the same local reverence that the 
Jews had had for the Temple, they shrank from 
nttiag down in them to a common meal as an 
act of profanation. The Agapae, therefore, were 
gradully forbidden to be held in churches, as 
bjtbe Council of Laodicea (c. 27), and that of 3rd 
Guthage A.D. 391 (c 30), and that in TruUo 
nock later < (^.D. 692). This, of course, to- 
gether with the rule of the 3rd Council of Carthage 
(e.29), that the Eucharist should be received 
6stiag, snd the probable transfer, in consequence 
«f tkat mle, of the time of its *' celebration ** from 
tke erening to the morning, left the '* feast of 
fere " without the higher companionship with 
i^ich it had been at first associated, and left it 
to take more and more the character of a pauper 
laeaL Even the growing tendency to asceticism 
lid men who aimed at a devout life to turn aside 
fitttidioQsly from sitting down with men and 
vwBcn of all classes, as a religious act. So 
Tertuilian, who in his Apofogy had given so 
beavtiiul a description of them, after he became 
a MoBtanJst, reproaches the Church at large 
vitk the luxury of its Agapae, and is not ashamed 
to repeat the heathen slander as to the preva- 
lence in them even of incestuous licence (/>« 
J^wi. e. xriL). One effort was made, as by the 
GoBBcil of Gangra, to restore them to their old 
position. Those who despised and refused to 
come to them were solemnly anathematised (c. 
11). But the current set in strongly, and the 
practice gradually died out. Their close con- 
nexion with the annual commemoration of the 
deaths of martyrs, and the choice of the graves 
•f nartyrs as the place near which to hold them, 
was, perhaps, an attempt to raise them out of 
the disrepute into which they had fidlen. And 
fat a time the attempt succeeded. Augustine 
descnbes his mother Monica as having been in 
tke habit of going with a basket full of provi- 
■ons to these Agapae, which she just tasted her- 
self^ and then distributed {Confess, vi. 2). And 
this shows the prevalence of the practice in 
Western Africa. In Northern Italy, however, 
Ambrose had suppressed them on account of the 
diiorders which were inseparable, and their re- 
semblance to the old heathen Parentalia, and 
Angnstine, when he returned to Africa, urged 
Anrdios, Bishop of Cuthage, to follow the 
example (£^/»M. xxii). The name, indeed, still 
lingered as given to the annual dedication feasts 

' The (rigniflcaace of the revenal of the prohibition 
rt w liteadate. Is that it shews that the pracUoe sUll 

of churches at Rome in the sixth century (Greg. 
M., Epp, ii. 76X and the practice left traces of 
itself, in the bread, blest as distinct from conse- 
crated, which, under the title of EtTLOOiA, was 
distributed in churches, or taken from them to 
absent members of the congregation, (2) in the 
practice, prohibited by the Apostolic canons (c. 
3), and by the Council in Trullo (c. 28, 57, 99) 
of bringing to the altar honey, milk, grapes, 
poultry, joints of meat, that the priest might 
bhiss them there before they were eaten at a 
common table. The grapes appear, indeed, to 
have been actually distributed with the &7ia, or 
consecrated elements, while the joints of meat 
are mentioned as a special enormity of the 
Armenian Church. (3) Traces of the Agapae 
are to be found lastly in the practice which 
prevailed in Egypt, from the neighbourhood of 
Alexandria to the Thebaid, in the 5th century, 
of meeting on the evening of Saturday for a 
common meal, generally fall and varied in its 
materials, after which those who were present 
partook of the "mysteries" (Sozom. ff. E, 
viL 19 ; Socrates, H. E. v. 22). The practice, 
then, noticed as an exception to the practice 
of all other Churches (comp. Augustin. Epist, 
ad Jan, i. 5) was probably a relic of the primi- 
tive Church, both as to time and manner, when 
the Lord's Supper had been, like other suppers, 
eaten in the evening, when an evening meeting 
on *' the first day of the week" meant, accoi*ding 
to the Jewish mode of speech, the evening of 
Saturday, when the thought that " fasting" was 
a necessary condition of partaking of the Supper 
of the Lord was not only not present to men's 
minds, but was absolutely excluded by the 
Apostle's rule, that men who could not wait 
patiently when the members of the Church met^ 
should satisfy their hunger beforehand in theii 
own houses (1 Cor. xi. 34). 

The classification of Agapae, according to the 
occasion on which they were held, as (1) con- 
nected with the anniversaries of martyrdoms 
[comp. Natalitia], (2) as Connubiales [comn. 
Marriage], (3) as accompanying funerals 
[Burial], (4) as at the dedication festivals of 
churches [Dedications], must be looked on as 
an after-growth of the primitive practice of 
weekly meetings. Details will be found under 
the respective headings. 

We have lastly to notice the probable use at the 
Agapae of cups and plates with sacred emblems 
and inscriptions, of which so many have been 
found in the Catacombs [Glass, Christian], and 
which almost suggest the idea of toasts to the me- 
mory of the martyrs whose Natalities were cele- 
brated. ** Victor Vivas in Nomine Laureti " 
(Buonarrott. Plate xix. fig. 2), " Semper Refri- 
oeris in Nomiite Dei" (/6m/. xx. 2), "IIIE 
VAS, BIBAS (for Vivas) IN PACE," are ex- 
amples of the inscriptions thus found. In tho 
judgment of the archaeologist just refeiTed to, 
they go back to the third, or even to the second 
centurv. The mottoes were probably determined 
by the kind of Agape for which they were intended 
(comp. Martigny, art. Fonds de Coupe,), [E.H.P.] 

AGAPE. (1) Virgin of Antioch, commemo- 
rated Feb. 15 and March 10 (Mart, Hieron,). 

(8) Virgin of Thessalonica, commemorated April 
3 (Marti/rol. Bom, Vet,), 


(8) Martyr, April 16 (Cb/. Byzant.). 

(4) Daughter of Sophia, Sept. 17 (/6.). 

(6) Virgin, oommemorated at Rome Aug. 8 

(6) Virgin, commemorated at Heraclea, Nov. 
20 {M. Hicron,). [C] 

AGAPETI, and AGAPETAE, respectively, 
men who dwelt in the same house with dea- 
conesses, and virgins who dwelt in the same 
house with monks, under a profession of merely 
spiritaal lore; the latter of the two akin to 
(rvyc/trcucroc, and also ciilled &8cA^ : denounced 
by St. Greg. Naz. {Carm, III.), by St. Jerome 
(Ad Etutoch, and Ad Oceaniun, — ** Agapetarum 
pestis "), by St. Chrysostom (Pallad. in V. 8. 
Chrys. p. 45), by Epiphanius {Haer, Ixiii., Izxix.), 
and by Theodoret {In Epist, ad Fhilem. y. 2) ; 
and forbidden by Justinian {Novell, vi. c. 6), and 
others (see Photius in Nomoooan, tit. yiii. c. xiy. 
p. 99). (Du Cange, Meursius in Olossar., Suicer.) 
The Irish Rules and Penitentials severely con- 
demn a like practice : see e. g. Reg. Columban. 
ii. 13. And the "second oHer of saints," in 
Ireland itself (according to the well-known 
document published by Ussher), " abnegabant 
muliernm administrationem, separantes eas a 
monasteriis," owing apparently to the abuse 
arising from the practice when permitted by 
" the firet order." See Todd, Life of St. Patrick, 
pp. 90-92. (See trwtlffaicToi,) [A W. H.] 

AGAPETU8 or AGAPITUa 1. Comme- 
morated March 24 {Mart. JSieron., Bedae). 

{%) Of Asia, April 12 {Mart. Bieron.). 

(8) The deacon, martyr at Rome, commemo- 
rated with Felicissimus, Aug. 6 {Mart, Bom, 
Vet., Hieron,, Bedae). Proper office in Gregorian 
Sacramentary, p. 118, and Antiphon in Lib, 
Antiph., p. 705. 

(4) Martyr at Praeneste, commemorated Aug. 
18 {Mart, Bom, Vet,, Hieron., Bedae), Proper 
office in Gregorian Sacramentary, p. 123, and 
Antiphon in Lib. Andph. p. 707. [C] 

AGAPIUS. (1) The bishop, martyr in Nu- 
midia, commemorated April 29 {Mart. Bom, Vet.). 

(2) And companions, martyrs at Gaza, March 
15 {Cal. Byzant.), [C] 

AGATHA or AGATHE. (1) The virgin, 
martyr at Catana, passion oommemorated Feb. 5 
{Mart Bom. Vet., Hieron., Bedae, Cal. Byzant), 
Another commemoration, July 12 (if. Bieron.), 
One of the saints of the Gregorian Canon. Proper 
office for her Natalie in Gregorian Sacramentary, 
p. 25, and Antiphon in Lib. Antiph. p. 665. 

(8) Commemorated April 2 {Mart Bieron.), 


AGATHANGELUS, martyr, commemorated 
Jan. 23 {Cal. Byzant), [C] 


AGATHO. (1) Martyr at Alexandria, oom- 
memorated Dec. 7 {Mart. Bom. Vet.). 
(2) Deacon, April 4 {Mart Bedae), 
(8) CommemoratedJuly5(i^. et£ri(9royi.). [C] 

AGATHONICA of Fergamua, oommemo- 
rated April 13 {Mart Bom. Vet.). [C] 

AGATHONICUS, martyr, commemorated 
Aug. 22 {Cal. Byzant,). [C] 

AGATHUS, commemorated May 8 {Mart, 
Bieron.), [C] 



CoNcnjDM), April 30, A.D. 515, 5ie, or 523; d 
sixty bisliope and sixty nobles, nndei Sigismiuid, 
King of the Burgundians ; established the *^ Laos 
Perennis" in the monastery of Agaune (or St. 
Maurice in the Valais), then also endowed with 
lands and privileges. Maximus, Bishop of Geneva, 
heads the signatures; but Avitns, Archbishop 
of Vienne, is supposed to have been also present 
(Mansi, viiL 531-538). [A W. H.] 

AGDE, COUNCIL OP (Aoathense Conci- 
UUU), in Narbonne, a.d. 506, Sept. 10 or 11; 
of 35 bishops from the South of France ; in the 
22nd year of Alaric, (Arian) King of the Goths ; 
enacted 73 canons in matters of discipline; 
among other things, forbidding **bigami" to 
be ordained; commanding married priests and 
deacons to abstain from their wives ; fixing 25 
as the age of a deacon, 30 as that of a priest or 
bishop, &c It was assembled ''ex permissu 
domini nostri gloriosissimi magnificentissimique 
regis," 9C, Alaric; without any mention of the 
pope (Symmachus), save as mentioning his year 
in the title (Mansi, viU. 319-346). [A W. fa.] 

AGE, CANONICAL. The age required by 
the canons for ordination. In the case of bishops 
it appears to have been the rule of the Church 
from early times that they should be thirty 
years old at the time of their ordination. This 
rule, however, was frequently dispensed with, 
either in cases of necessity or in order to pro- 
mote persons of extraordinary worth and singular 
qualifications. It may be questioned whether 
Uiis rule was observed from the days of the 
Apostles, as it is nowhere enjoined in St. PauFs 
Pastoral Epistles or elsewhere in the New Testa^ 
ment. And in the so-called Apostolical Consti- 
tutions, which may be taken as expressing the 
system of the Eastern Church as it was es- 
tablished about the end of the third century, 
fifty is the age required of a bishop at his ordi- 
nation, except he be a man of singular merit, 
which may compensate for the want of years. 

The age of thirty is required by implication 
by the Council of Keocaesarea, a.d. 314, which 
forbids to admit any one, however well qualified, 
to the priesthood, under thirty years of age, 
because the Lord Jesus Christ at that age be- 
gan His ministry. The Council of Agde (Con- 
cilium Agathense) forbids the ordination of 
bishops or priests under thirty years of age. 

By this rule, as enacted by the above-named 
councils, the ordinary practice of the Church 
has been regulated. The deviations, howerer, 
in special cases have been numerous, and for 
these a warrant may be found in the case of 
Timothy, whose early ordination as Bishop of 
Ephesus is inferred from the Apostle's admo- 
nition, — **Let no man despise thy youth" (1 
Tim. iv. 12). We learn from Eusebius, that 
Gregory Thaumaturgus and his brother Atheno- 
dorus were both ordained bishops very young ; 
Iri y4ovs ifjL^, It is probable that Athanaaius 
was ordained to the see of Alexandria before he 
was thirty. Remigius, Bishop of Rheims, as all 
authors agree, was ordained at the age of twenty- 
two, A.D. 471. 

In later times, boys of eleven or twelve years 
of age have been ordained to the episcopate by 
papal dispensation ; but this abuse was unlcnown 
to the ancient Church. 

Presbyters, like bishops, might not be ordaued 



Mn tb* ■(• of thirt;. Jutinlu, indMd, 
mUd Iktt IMW iboold bi m pr«abyt«r bafore 
■kirtj-En; tat the Sixth Qenenl Coondl of Con- 
I nuli»|ila radocad it to tha old period, ippointing 
tUrtf br X primt aod tweutj-fiTS Tor m deaoin. 
Wkicb ipa wen d» lettled in the SaioQ Cborch, 
a fftm bj Egbart'e Callwtton of the Cauoiu 


Tht csiudl* of Agde, 506, of Cuiluge, 397, 
•f Trallo, 692, of Toledo, 633, all prescribe 
twittf-Gn u the miniinam of age for ■ deecan ; 
nd, >eeerdiBg to Biaghua, thii rule wu wry 
tiai) •Wrnid, lo that we uaroe meet with on 
atuate of uj one that «u ordsiDed before thii 
^billthehiitorj of the Church. Forthii the 
Cwnl of Toledo citea the Leritiail precsdect. 

Ii tk< Greek Chorch the age of thirty is itill 
fntcntied fiir a prieat, and twenty-fire for a 
l/Mnt. In oar own Choreh, the firrt Prajer- 
hak ef Edward VI. pracribed twenty-one for 
tow, tventf-fbiir for prteati. The preaent 
rubric b a proTiakm of Caooa 34. 

(Biugkai, I. I. a. 20 ; Leadon'i ifontlaJ of 
dmalt ; Combei^i Conhpanion ; Frayerbooi in- 
tiWawi.) [D. &] 

AGENDA (from agtn in the ipecial aeuM of 
pHfmBiBg ( tacred act). A word tued to deiig- 
■atc hMh the HUM and other portions of DiTine 

L UOtplmrtU.—TiM wcond Conadl of Car- 
tkip (3M) ipeak* of preahfter* who committed 
• hndi of diacipline, in that " agant agenda " in 
ptinle hoBiea, withoat the anthoritf of the 
liA^ (Cbhb 9). Innocent I. {EpitMa ad Dt- 
mti m\ { 3, p. 552, Higne) apeaka of cele- 
kntiag etiwr agenda, in contrast with the con- 
D of Uw mnteriea. 

UK. Per iaatance, SI Benedict in hii Rule, 
n(|L291Xipeaking of the morning and erenii 
•fiei,nn, "Agenda matatina et xeipcrtina non 

3. The word "agenda" it not onfreqaentlf 
Ml ahnlntelj to denote the office for the dead. 
Tks Bay Bot improhablr be the caie in the 
CUM qaot«d abora bj the IL Coac Carthage ; 
nd it ia certainly uied in thii letue b; Venerable 
iMe, when, ipeaking of local commemorationi of 
UK itai, he aayi, " Per omne iabbstom a preeby- 
IB* lad illitti Agendae earum tollenniter cala- 
biwtar" ( Vita St, Aagvstini, in Dncange a. r.)i 
Cmpare Uenard*! note in hia edition eiOrtgttrjfi 
Suramiitary, f. 482. (Dncanga'a Glotmry, a. t. 
■"> [C.J 

A0ME8, or AGME (iyrh)- (X) The vii^in, 
Bulyr at Bom*. Her Satida, which ia an an- 
ost and hlghly'hODanred featiral, ia celebrated 
Jib. 31 (Jforl £oa. Fri., funM., £stae} ; Octal 
Ju. 28 (».). PTot«r office for the Salalii 
tki Ongotian SaerxBnenlary, f, S3, and Antiphon 
ia Ul Ami^ p. 664. By Theodoma Lector 
(filya ii.) Uie depoeition of'^her relica i* joined 
■ilh the dcpoaition of tbote of Stephen and 
Inrace (aee Greg. Sacrtm. p. 304, ed. Mdiard). 
be it «Be of the aainle of the Gngoiian Canon, 
vben her name appears in the form Agne. 

TilUnwt (J&bL £M. It. 345) conjectarei 
that the seeood featiral on Jan. 2S commemorates 
the ippuition of St. AgMa to het parenti eight 
^ after bD deatlk. 

' remains are aaid to hare been bnritd in a 
praedialtan belonging to her ftmily on the Via 
" — -.ntana. The crypt dug to reoeiTe them be- 
the nncleua of the tamona cemetery of St, 
Agnes. Two churches at Rome ara dedicated to 
St. Agnei, one of which is said to be that built 
by Conatantine at the request of his daughter 
Constantia, and ia certainly one of the most nu- 
' int basilicas in Rome. In early times, it waa 
Btomary for the Pope to be present at the fts- 
ti»al of St. Agnes in this chorch, in which 
Gregory the Great deliversd several of his homi- 
Uca (e.g. In Matt, c liii., Som. 2); and in this 
chuicb atill, on Jan. 21, the lambs are blessed, 
from the wool of which the PaLLu destined Air 
archbiahopa are to be made. 

In the illustration, taken from an ancient 
glass yeasel, the doves on each side bear the two 
crowns of Chantity and of Martyrdom. Thi» 
representation illustrates the verse of Prudentiui 

(Periiteph. I 


Representationa of St. Agnes are foond very (re- 
lently on glass vessels in the catacombi ; only 
_ i. Peter and St. Paul are foond mure often so 
represented. When alone, she is generally placed 
between tiro tress ; sometimes she is at the aide 
of the Virgin Mary ; sometimes between the 
Lord and St. Laurence; between St. Vincent 
and St. Hippolytus ; between St. Peter and St. 

(2) There is another festival of St. Agnes on 
Oct. 18 (ifart. iTfcron.). Tiliemont (1. c) con- 
jeotoree that this was inatituled in commemora- 
tion of the dedication of some church in her 
honour. (Hartigay, Did. del Antiq, <ArA. p. 
22 ff. ; the Abb« Martigny has also written a 
monograph, Notice hietoriqiie, litnrgiitie, ct arclufa- 
logipit nir le Cvita de Ste. AgnO. Paris et 
Lyons, 1847.) [C] 

AGMirnS, commemorated Aug. 16 (Jfarl. 
BiertM.y [C] 

AQNTJBDEI. The veraicle "Agnus Dei, qui 
tollia peccata mnndi. Miserere nobis, is generalljr 
apoken of as the " Agnus Dei." 

1. A reference to the " Lamb of God, which 
taketh away the sin of the world," was Intro- 
duced (as waa natural) into some of the litnrgiaa 
at an early period. Thos in the Liturgy of St. 
Chrysostom, doring the breakicg of the bread, 
the priest saya, HtAt^evw «el SHU't^fftTOi t 




d/ivbs TO? ecou (Neale's Teiralogia, 176) ; and in 
that of St. James, after breaking and signing 
with the cross, the priest says, *l8i 6 kfu^hs rod 
8cov, 6 Tibs rov HarphSf 6 vHptiv r^v Ofuunlay 
Tov K6fffioVt ffifMKyuurOtls ^Ip rris rov Kwr/iov 
C»ris Koi awrnplas {lb, 179). And in the ancient 
^ Morning Hymn " [Gloria in Exoeuis] 
adopted l^th in Eastern and Western Liturgies, 
the deprecation is found: 'O i/ivbs rod Oeov, 
'O Tihs rov HarphSf 6 vHpw rh.s a^Mfnlas rov 
K6<rfioVt 'EKeriffotf ^fuis, 

2. At the Trullan Council (692) it was decreed, 
among other matters^ that the Lord should no 
longer be pictui*ed in churches under the form of a 
lamb, but in human form (Canon 82). The then 
Pope, however, Sergius I., rejected the decrees of 
this Council (though its conclusions had been 
subscribed by the Papal legates), and Anastasius 
the Librarian (in Baron., an. 701, vol. xii. 179) tells 
us that this Pope first ordered that, at the time 
of the breaking of the Lord's body, the '* Agnus 
Dei" should be chanted by clerks and people. 
Some think that Sergius ordered it to be said 
thrice, where it had previously been said only 
once ; others, as Krazer {De iiturgiis, p. 545), 
that he ordered it to be said by the whole body 
of the clergy and people, as being a prayer for 
all ; not, as previously, by the choir only. How- 
ever this may be, the evidence of the Ordines 
Roman! I., II., and III. (Mabillon, Museum Itali- 
cuiriy ii. pp. 29, 50, 59), and of Amalarius of 
Metz, shows that in the beginning of the 9th cen- 
tury the choir alone, and not the priest at the 
altar, chanted the "Agnus Dei;" and this was 
the case also when Innocent III. wrote his trea- 
tise on the " Mystery of the Altar." The Ordines 
Romani do not define the number of repetitions of 
the versicle ; but Martene (^De Ritihus Ecclesiae, 
lib. i., c 4, art. 9) proves from ancient documents 
that the threefold repetition was expressly en- 
joined in some churches — as in that of Tours — 
before the year 1000 ; and in the 12th century 
this custom prevailed in most churches. Subse- 
quently, probably from about the 14th century, 
the *' Agnus Dei " came to be said in a low voice 
by the priest with his deacon and subdeacon. In 
later times, says Innocent III. (^De aacro Altaris 
MysteriOy i. 4, p. 910, Migne), as trouble and ad- 
versity fell upon the Church, the response at the 
third repetition was changed into " Dona nobis 
pacem ;" in the church of St. John Lateran 
only was the older form retained. When 
the substitution of '* Dona nobis pacem " 
was made is uncertain; it is found in no 
MS. older than the year 1000. The reason 
which Innocent gives for the introduction of the 
prayer for peace may perhaps be the real one ; 
but it is not an unreasonable conjecture that it 
had reference to the ^'pax," or kiss of peace, 
which was to follow. 

3. Gerbert {De Musicd Sacrd, i. p. 458) men- 
tions among ancient customs the chanting of the 
"Agnus Dei" by the choir during the time that 
the people communicated, before the antiphon 
called " Communio " (Daniel, Codex LUurgicus, 
i. 148). 

4. The " Agnus Dei " was sometimes interpo- 
lated with " tropes ;" for instance, the following 
form is quoted by Cardinal Bona from an ancient 
missal, the date of which he does not mention : 
"Agnus Dei, qui tollis peccatji mundi, crimina 
toiiiSf aspera moilis, Agnus hotioriSf Miserere nobis. 

Agnus Dei, qui tollis peccata mundi, vtAitra 
tanas, ardua pianos, Agnus amoris. Miserere nobis. 
Agnus Dei, qui tollis pecoata mundi, sordida 
mundas, cuncta foecundas, Agnus odoris, Doaa 
nobis pacem " (De B^nts Intwgicis, lib. ii. c 16, 
p. 473). And Rupert of Deutz has the addition, 
" Qui sedes ad dextram Patris, Miserere nobis" 
(Daniel, Codex Lit i. 142). 

5. In the Ambrosian rite the "Agnus Dei" 
occurs only in masses for the dead ; where, after 
" Dona nobis pacem," the words are added, " Re- 
quiem sempitemam, et locum indulgentiae cum 
Sanctis tuis in gloria" (Krazer, De LiturgOt, 
p. 637). 

6. A legend preserved by Robert of Mount St 
Michael (in Bona, Be Reb. Lit. lib. ii. c. 16) tells 
how, in the year 1183, the Holy Virgin appeared 
to a woodman at work in a forest, and gave him 
a medal bearing her own image and that of her 
Son, with the legend " Agnus Dei, qui tollis pec- 
cata mundi. Dona nobis pacem." This she. bade 
him bear to the bishop, and tell him that all who 
wished the peace of the Church should make 
such medals as these, and wear them in token of 
peace. [C] 

AGNUS DEI. A medallion of wax, bearing 
the figure of a lamb. It was an ancient custom 
to distribute to the worshippers, on the fint 
Sunday after Easter, particles of wax taken from 
the Pasdial taper, which had been solemnly 
blessed on the Easter Eve of the previous year. 
These particles were bui'ued in houses, fields, or 
vineyards, to secure them against evil influences 
or thunder-strokes. 

In Rome itself, however, instead of a Paschal 
taper, the archdeacon was accustomed to pro- 
nounce a benediction over a mixture of oil and 
wax, from which small medallions bearing the 
figure of a lamb were made, to be distributed to 
the people on the first Sunday after Easter, espe- 
cially to the newly baptised. {Ordo Bomanus L 
pp. 25, 31; Amalarius de Ecci, Off, i. 17, p. 
1033; Pseudo-Alcuin, de Div, Off, c 19, p. 482.) 

In modem times this benediction of the Agnus 
Dei is reserved to the Pope himself, and takes 
place in the first year of each pontificate, and 
every seventh year following. 

The Paschal taper was anciently thought to 
symbolise the pillar of fire which guided the 
Israelites, and the Agnus Dei the Passover Lamb 
(Amalarius, u. s. c 18 ; compare the Gregorian 
Sacramentary, p. 71; "Deus, cujus antiqna 
miracula in praesenti quoque saeculo coruscare 

A waxen Agnus Dei is said to have been among 
the presents made by Gregory the Great to 
Tlfeodelinda, queen of the Lombards (Frisi, 
Memorie di Monza, i. 34) ; but nothing of the 
kind is mentioned by the saint himself in the 
letter (JEpist, xiv. 12, p. 1270) in which he gives 
a list of his presents. One was found in 1725 in 
the church of San Clemente on the Coelian Hill 
at Rome, in a tomb supposed to be that of 
Flavius Clemens a martyr. This Agnus is sup- 
posed, by De Yitry (in Calogiei-a's JRcKXoita, 
xxxiii. 280), to have been placed in the tomb at 
the translation of the relics which he thinks took 
place in the 7 th century. 

An Agnus was frequently enclosed m a case or 
reliquary ; and some existing examples of suck 
cases ai-e thought to be of the 8th or 9th con* 




Ivf. A Tery remarkable one, said to hare 
Moi^^ to Charlemagne, is among the treasures 
ef Aii-la-Chapelle ; but the style appears to be 
of t nach later age than that of Charlemagne 
(CUUer and Martin, Milangea <fAroh^>logie, 
TeLi.pL xiz. fig. D.). [C] 

AQRICIUS, Bishop of Tr^ree and confessor, 
dcpasitioB Jan. 13 {Mori. Bedae\ [C] 

A6BI00LA. (1) In Africa, martyr, com- 

memorsted Xor. 3 (Jtfl Hierotu). 
(8) Martyr at Bologna, commemorated Nov. 

'27 ^Jfarl Bom, Vet^y. 
^) Saint, Naiale Dee. 3 ( Jf. Bedae), 
(i) In Anrergne, Dec. 9 (Jf. Hieron,}, 
(f) At Rarenna, Dec 16 (Jf. JJwron.). [C] 

AGBIPPINA, martyr at Rome, commemo- 
nted Jane 23 (Oi/. Bytant.), [C] 



AGRIPPIN1T8, of Alexandria, oommemo- 
lated Jnlr 15 (^MarL HieroiL)\ Jakatit 5 = Jan. 


AISLE. [Chubch.] 

(iQinsoBAKEiisiA Concilia): — ^i. a.d. 789; a 
■ixed synod held under CSiarlemagne in his 
fslMX, which enacted 82 capitulars respecting 
the Qiarch, 16 ad monachoBj 21 on matters of a 
mixed kind (Balnx., CapU. i. 209).->-ii. A.D. 797 ; 
abo under Charlemagne, and consisting of bishops, 
iUmUs, and counts ; at which 11 capitulars were 
inde req>ecting matters ecclesiastical and civil, 
ad S3 ** de partibns Saxoniae." The canons (46) 
flfTheodnlph, Bishop of Orleans, ''ad parochiae 
siae saeerdotes," are appended to this oonndi 
(Balaz., Capa. i. 250 ; Mansi, xiii. 994-1022).— 
is. A.O. 799; also under Charlemagne, and in 
his pabee, of bishope, abbats, and monks, where 
Felix of Urgel was induced by Alcuin to re- 
HMinoe the heresy of Adoptianism (Mansi, xiii. 
1033-1040, from Alcuin, ad Elipand, i., and the 
Vita JievM.). — ir. A.D. 802, October ; also under 
Charlemagne, of bishops, priests, and deacons, 
who then took the oath of allegiance to him 
(Haasi, xiiL 1102> — v. A.D. 809, November; 
also nnder Charlemagne, upon the question of 
the ftUoqne ; which sent messengers to Pope 
Leo UL, and was instructed by him to omit the 
wnds from the Creed, although the doctrine 
Itself mtde/ide (Mansi, xiv. 17-28). The later 
Cevadb of Aix are beyond the period assigned 
to this work. [A. W. H.] 

ALB (oAo, tunica alba, tunica talaris, podcris, 
Ami, mfpanUj subucuh, camitia ; see also Sti- 

\ 1. Tkt word and Us deritfotion. — ^The Latin 
word albOf the Ailler expression for which is 
twUca alba, first appears, as the technical de- 
signttion o( a white tunic, m a passage of Vopis- 
CBS, who speaks of an oRa sdhserica, or tunic 
■ade of silk interwoven with some other mate- 
mi sent as a present, circ. 265, A.D., from Gal- 
lieaos to Claudius (^iM. Attgust, Script, Tre- 
beliitts i» CUmdio, p. 208). The same expression, 
jAa nbieriea, occurs more than once in a letter 
if the Emperor Valerian. The word survives in 
the Pr, *• aube," as in our own ** alb." The cor- 

respondmg Italian word ^'camioe" iu derived 
from ** camisia " (see below, § 3). 

§ 2. Ecclesiastical use of the word, and of the 
vestment. — ^There are two uses of the term in 
ancient writers, between which it is not always 
easy to distinguish. When used in the singulai 
it has generally the technical meaning above no- 
ticed, that of a white tunic. But in the plural 
the phrase in albis, and the like, may either 
mean " in albs," or, more vaguely and compre- 
hensively, "in white garments." Context only 
can determine which is meant. 

The first recorded instance of the technical 
use of the term, as a designation of a vestment 
of Christian ministry, occurs in a canon of the 
African church (jConcU. Carthag, iv. can. 41), 
dating from the close of the 4th century. That 
canon prescribes that deacons shall not wear the 
alb except when engaged in Divine service. " Ut 
diaconus tempore oblationis tantum, vel lectionis, 
alba utatur." This probably implies that bishops 
and presbyters, but not deacons, were allowed 
to wear in ordinary life a long white tunic, re- 
sembling that worn in divine service. Other 
early canons, on the subject of ecclesiastical 
habits, show, as does that last quoted, that there 
was a general tendency on the part of the dea- 
cons, and other yet inferior orders, to assume the 
insignia which properly belonged to the higher 
grades of the ministry. ** Human nature " had 
found its expression in such and the like ways in 
the early church as in later times. 

This conjecture as to an alb being worn by 
bishops and presbyters even in ordinary life 
(from the time of the " Peace of the Church " 
under Constantine), at least on occasions when 
'* full dress " was required, is confirmed by the 
remarkable mosaics in the church of St. George 
at Thessalonica. These date in all probability 
from the 4th century. Among the personages 
represented, all of them in the more stately dress 
of ordinary life, there are two only who are 
'ecclesiastics, Philip Bishop of Heraclea, and the 
Presbyter Romanus ; and the dress of each is so 
arranged as to show the white chiton (or tunic), 
though an outer tunic of darker colour is also 
worn. In this respect their dress differs from 
that of the other figures, which are those of lay- 
men. These mosaics are figured in the Byzantine 
Architecture of Texier and PuUan (Lond., 1864). 
That an alb was so worn, more or less generally, 
by presbyters, at least in some parts of the West 
in later centuries, appears clearly from such a 
direction as that of Leo IV. in his Cura Pastor^ 
alisz "Nullus in alba qua in suo usu utitur 
praesumat missas cantare." This direction is 
repeated almost verbatim in the Capitula of 
Hincmar of Rheims (t882), and in the Disciplina 
Ecclesiastica of Regino, abbot of Prume, in the 
following century. 

§ 3. Primitive forms of the Alb. — In the early 
ages of the church the alb of Christian ministry 
was of frill and flowing shape, and distinguished 
in this respect from the closely-fitted txmic of 
Levitical priesthood. St. Jerome (Epist. ad Fa- 
bioktm) follows Josephus {Antiq. Jud, iii. 7) in 
dwelling particularly on this distinctive charac- 
teristic of the Levitical tunic ; and in order to 
convey to his readers an idea of its general ap« 
pearance, he is obliged to refer them to the linen 
shirts, called camisiae, worn by soldiers when on 
service. More than four centunes later, Amala« 


rina ofHeti qnatM thli puuga sf St. Jnome, 
ia hii treatiM Dt EccbaiaMcit Offidit (lib. iL 
cap. IB) ; and aiprsaglj notlcea tha tvA that the 
ClirutiaD alb diiTgrcd from the podtrit, or iiill- 
laagUi tDnia of L«vltic4l miolBtrr, in thit, while 
thii lut vat ttrtctum, cloulj fitted to tbo bodj, 
that of the charch was largim, fall ind flowlag. 
With thi> Btatement the earliest moDiiDieiits of 
miniAteniig veatmeot< quit« oownL The albe 
(if the; be not nther dalmatia) worn by 
Archbitbop MiiimiiQ and hii stteadaat clergi 
in the Ravenna mouia (lee rcifioriuni C/irit- 
tianum, PI. iiriil. ; and under TESTMENTS), and 
in a leu degree, Uiat asiigned to the deacon in 
the froco repreteuting Ordiafttion in tbe 
cemetery of St. Hermes at Rome (Xrin([hi, Boma 
^kM. tom. ii. p. 3S9); and again thou worn 
under a planeta bj' Pope Cornelini of Rome and 
St. Cyprian of Carthage in t^escoe* of (probably) 
the 8tb centniT (De Ko«>l, Soma Soil. vol. i. pp. 
298-304) all agree in this reaped. In the» 
Uat, particularly, the alba (pooiblj dalhaticb, 
q. T.) worn under the planeta, hare ileerea oi 
Urve a< thoee of a modern inrplice. 

Bat while thii waa, no doubt, the preniling 
form, we have pictorial Bridenco lo thow, that. 
In the ninth century certainly, and iu all probfr- 


uiderably earliec 

a differc 

■ had been the case, we may well 
believe, in the caia of the Lerittcal prieetl. If 
theie latter, in the diecharge of their ucrilicial 
dutiei, wonld have been not only incommoded 
but eiidangered by wearing full and Bowing linen 
garmento, lo were there occaiions, particularly 
the admiaiitration of baptiim, when large and 
full ileeTei, like those of the ordinar; alb or 
ddmatic, would have been ineoDreuient in the 
highest degree to those engaged in officei of 
Christian ministry. We find accordingly, in an 
illumiuation dating ft-om the 9tb century (>ee 
woodcut in the article baPTiSII), that the priest 
in baptiiing wore a cloaely fitted alb, girded. 
This is, we hare retuon to bellere, the earliest 
example in Christian art of an alb so shaped ; 
bat in later centuries, as the "sacred vest- 
ments " continually increased in number, the 
> worn underneath the 

gradually n 

n form 

e present time the alb, techi 
called, is a closely-iitting vestment, girded, 
nearly resembling that of the priest in the plaU 
just referred to. 

$ 4. DiKoraHoa of ffie oA.— Like other vest- 
linen only, the alb was often enriched in later 
times in respect of omatnent, material, and 
colour. Details as to this are given by Bock 
{Lilurgiache Geadnd^, li. 33) and by Dr. Rock 
{Church of our Fathtrt, vol. i. p. 424 iff.). The 
most common omameats of tbe kind were known 
as parunu (a shorter form of panlume), nbich 
were oblong patches, richly coloured and oma- 
mmted, atMched to the tunic Hence a distinc- 
tion between aHa parata, an alb with " ap- 
parels " (technically so called), and aSta pura, 
this last being the ^^ white alb piain " spoken of 
in the first Prayer-book of Edward VI. These 
atboB paratae date, according ttt Professor Weiss, 
from the close of the IDth century (£asfwn- 
teub, a. *. w., p. 667). But this is true only of 


similar import. See Casaubon's j 

sage ofTrebellina referred to in $1. [WJJl] 

ALBANTJB (1) (St. AiAaii) or ALsnnn 
(Mart, Hkron.') and hij compoulooa, martyrs in 
Britain, commemoratad Jane 22 (Jbrt. Jtm. 
Vet., Bieroa., tt Btdat). 

(8) Saint, commemoiatad Decembet 1 (M. 
Bedat). [C.] 

ALBINTJS. (I) Bishop and canfonor, com- 
memorated March 1 {Mart. Hitron., Btiku). 
(8) Martyr, June 21 (if. Bedae). [(^] 

ALCE8TER, Council or (Aursirni Cov- 
CiLicii), A.D. 709 ; an imaginary council, resting 
solely on the legendary life of Ei^win, BialiD)! 
of Worcester, snd founder of Evesham Abbey, by 
Brihtwald of Worcester (or Glastonbury); said 
to hare been held to confirm the grants made 
to Evesham (Witk. i. 72, 73; Maosi, lii. 132- 
189). Wilfrid of York, said to have been at the 
council, died June 23, 709. [A- W. H.] 

ALDBQUKDI5, virgin, deposition Jon. 80 
(Jfart. Bidaa). [C] 

ALDEBUANN. [E&ldobjun.] 
ALEXANDER, (1) martyr under Dedo^ 
ed Jan. 30 {Mart. Son. Frt.). 
emontsd Feb. 9 {Mart. Bedae). 
f Cl^ndina, martyr at Ostia, ?eb. 

> of Alexandria, Feb. 26 (7i.) ; April 

Hsalonica, Feb. S7 (JT. ffi»r<m.\ 
ics, March 5 (if. JHenm.), 
amedio, March 6 (if. fnertm.'). 
Qains, March 10 (Mart. Bedae). 

> of Jemsalem, martyr, Uarch 18 
,_ Frt., Badat). 

(10) Martyr at Caesorea in Palestine, March 
28 (Karl. Son. Fit.); Mar. 27 {M. Bedae). 

(11) Saint, April 24 (ifarl. Bedae) : April SI 

(IS) The Pope, martyr at Rome under Trajan, 
Hay 3 {Mart. Som. Vet., Bedae). Named in the 
Qregorian CaiuM, Antiphon in Lb. AnHph. p. 693. 

(IS) Martyr at Bergamo, Aug. 26 ( Jfort. Jioo. 

(14) Bishop and confessor, Ang. 28 (71.). 

(IB) " In Sabiuis," Sept. 9 {lb. et Illenm.). 

(18) Commemorated Sept. 10 (if. fiierrm.). 
(IT) In Capoa, Oct. 15 (if. Hitna.). 

(la) Patriarch, Nov. 7 ( Cat. Armen.) ; Hiaiiah 
22 - April 17, and Nohasse 18 = Aug. II (CU. 

(19) Bishop and martyr, Nov. 28 (JT. B. V.). 
(90) Uartyr at Aleiandria, tniislated Dec 

12 {lb.). [C] 


SCHOOL OF. The school thns described occo- 

wss instruction {nrriixvi'i') of some kind for con- 
verts [Catechukeks] ; everywhere, before long, 
there must have been some provisiDH mode for 
the education of Christian children. That at Alei- 
andria was the only one which acquired s ipecia! 
, repulatiou, and hod a succession of illnstrioui 


litckai^ and affected, directly and indirectly, 
tht tbeologj of the Church at large. The lives 
flf thoK teachers, and the special characteristics 
of tiicir theological specolations will be treated 
ffebewhere. Here it is proposed to consider 
(1) the outward history of the school ; (2) its 
tctasl mode of working, and general Inflnence on 
the religions life of the Alexandrian Chnrch. 

(L) The origin of the Alexandrian school * is 
tarisd ia ohscnrity. Ensebins {H. E^ y. 10) 
ipeib of it as of long standing (i^ ipx^ov 
Hm), hot the earliest tocher whom he names is 
hatacBOi, are. ajk 180. If we were to accept 
t^ snthority of Philip of Sida (Fragm. in I>od- 
«dl*s Distert ta Iren, Oxt pp. 488-497), the 
hoaovr of being its founder might be conceded 
to Athenagoras, the writer of the Apologia ; and 
thif voold carry ns a few years further. But the 
aithority of Philip is but slight. His list is 
maiftstly inaocnrate, the name of Clement com- 
jiq; ifter Origen, and eyen after Dionysius, and 
Ike sleooe of £oaebias and Jerome most be held 
to outweigh his assertion. Conjecture may look 
to St. Hark (Hieron., Cat, 36), with more proba- 
bility, perbapa, to Apolloe, as haying been the first 
cooqncooQs tMcher at Alexandria. Pantaenus, 
hoverer, is the first historical name. He taught 
both oially and by his writings, and, though his 
vnk was interrupted by a mission to India, he 
M9BBS to have returned to Alexandria, and to 
have ooatinoed teaching there, till his death, 
rust working with him, and then succeeding 
hiB, we haye the name of dement, and find bim 
oeeopjiag the post of teacher till the persecution 
of Sevcnu, aj>. 202, when he with others fled for 
■ietj. The vacant plaoe was filled by Origen 
(Eaeeb. H. E. yi 3), then only eighteen yeare of 
agt, but already well known as a teacher of 
gnmaxar and rhetoric, and aa having studied 
pnAnadly in the interpretation of the Scriptures. 
It ii probable, but not certain, that he himself 
kad attended Clement's classes. As it was, seekers 
after truth came to him in such numbers that he 
RMRUced his work aa an instructor in other 
nbjecta, and devoted himself to that of the 
■ekool whidft was thus reopened. Clement may 
pMnbly have returned to Alexandria, and worked 
with him till his death, circ. A.D. 220. Origen 
Umelf left soon afterwards, and founded, in some 
■OM, a rival school at Caeaarea. Of the teachera 
thit followed we know little more than the names. 
Philip of Sida (^.e.) givea them as Heraclas, 
Dteariioi, Pieriua, Theognostus, Serapion, Peter, 
Mieariiis, Didymua, Rhodon. Ensebins {H, E. 
TIL 32) names Pieriua aa a man of philosophical 
attajimenta at Alexandria, and mentions Achillas 
Mne distinctly aa having been entrusted with 
the MoncoActoy there under the episcopate of 
l^eooas. He further speaks of the school as 
euting in his own time (circ. A.D. 330). Theo- 
d«Rt (i. 1) names Arius as having at one time been 
titf chief teacher there, and Sozomen (J71 E. iii. 15) 
ttd Rafinns (JT*. JSl ii. 7) name Didymus, a teacher 
vbo became blind, as having held that post for a 
loag period ofyears (circ iuD. 340-^95). During 
tiM later years of his life he was assisted by 
^hod«i as a coadjutor, who, on his death, re- 

* Aaaj be worth wliUe to note the nimes by which It 
Ii tosflMd >— (1) T^ rfv iM in i x 'J ^— H » or tb tw tcpwv 
r, Eoseb^ A£y.lO,vL8.a6: (2)Tb 
rmv Itpm^ ^jaBiipAmv, Soaom. iU. 16 : 
% ftnhsiailinB Jafcoio, Hkwa, Qafcc.3«. 



moved to Sida, where he nxmibered among his 
pupils the Philip from whom we get the list of 
the succession. This seems to have broken up the 
school, and we are unable to trace it further. 

(2.) The pattern upon which the work at Alex 
andria was based may be found in St. Paul's 
labours at Ephesus. After he ceased to address 
the Jews through his discourses in the synagogue 
he turned to the " school " QrxoX^) of Tyrannus 
(Acta, xix. 9). That << school " was probably a 
lecture-hall (so the word is used by Plutarch, Vit, 
Arati, c 29), which had been used by some teacher 
of philosophy or rhetoric, and in which the apostle 
now appeared as the instructor of all who came to 
inquire what the ^ new doctrine " meant. Some- 
thing of the same kind must have been soon 
found necessary at a place like Alexandria. With 
teachers of philosophy of all schoob lecturing 
round them, the Christian Society could not but 
feel the need of lecturers of its own. Elsewhere, 
among slaves and artisans, it might be enough to 
hand down the simple tradition of the fiiith, to de- 
velope that teaching as we find it in the Catechesea 
of Cyril of JerusaleuL The age of apologists, ap- 
pealing, as they did, to an educated and reading 
class, must have made the demand for such teachers 
more urgent, and the appearance of Pantaenus as 
the first certainly known teacher, indicates that 
he was summonea oy the Church to supply it. 
In a room in his own house, or one hired for the 
purpose, the teacher received the inquirers who 
came to him. It was not a school for boys, but 
for adults. Men and women alike had free access 
to him. The school was open from morning 
to evening. As of old, in the schools of the 
Babbia, as in those of the better sophists and 
philosophers of Greece, there was no charge for 
admission. If any payment was made it came, in 
the strictest sense of the word, as an honorcuHwn 
from grateftd pupils (Euseb. H. E, vi. 4). 
After a time he naturally divided his hearers 
into classes. Those who were on the threshold 
were, it is natural to think, called on, as in the 
Cohortatio ad Graecoa of Clement, to turn from 
the obscenities and frivolities of Paganism to the 
living and true God. Then came, as in his Paeda- 
ffogWy the '* milk " of Catechesis, teaching them 
to follow the Divine Instructor by doing all 
things, whether they ate or drank, in obedience 
to ms wilL Then the more advanced were led 
on to the *' strong meat " of ^ iirorrucii Buppia 
(Qem. Alex., Strom, v. p. 686, Pott.). At times 
he would speak, as in a continuous lecture, 
and then would pause, that men might ask the 
questions which were in their hearts (Origen, 
in Matt, 2V. xiv. 16). The treatises which 
remain to us of Clement's, by his own account 
of them, embody his reminiscences of such instruc- 
tion partly as given by others, partly doubtless 
as given by himself. We may fairly look on 
Origen's treatises and expositions as having had 
a like parentage. (Comp. Guerike, DeSdiold 
Alex. ; Hasselbach, De Schola Alex, ; Redepen- 
ning's Origenes, i. 57, ii. 10; and Art. Alex- 
andrinischee Catecheten Sckuley in Herzog's Real, 
Encyohpadie ; Neander's Church History [Engl. 
Translation], ii. 260, et eeq.) [E. H. P.] 

were no councils of Alexandria proportionate to 
its situation as the marine gate of the East, or to 
the fame of its catechetical and eclectic sdiools. 




or to its ecclesiastical position, as hftying been 

the second see of the world. And the first of 

theiQ was held A.D. 230, under Demetrius, in a 

hastj moment, to pass judgment upon one of 

the most distinguished Alexandrians that ever 

lived, Origen : his chief fault being that he had 

been ordained priest in Palestine, out of the 

diocese. His works were condemned in this, 

and he himself excommunicated and deposed in a 

8ubsequc>nt council ; but both sentences were 

disregarded bj the bishops of Palestine, under 

whose patronage he continued to teach and to 

preach as before. 

A.D. 235 — ^There was a synod under Heraclas, 

who is said to have appointed 20 bishops ; 

one of whom, Ammonius, having betrayed 

the faith, was reclaimed at this synod. 

A.D. 263— This was a synod, under Diunysius, 

against the errors of Sabellius ; in another, 

Nepotianus, a bishop of Egypt, and Ce- 

rinthus fell under censure for their views 

on the Millennium. 

AJ>. 306 — under Peter; against Meletius, a 

bishop of Lycopolis, who had sacrificed to 

idols, and was therefore deposed. 

A.D. 321 — ^Against Arius, who was deposed in 

two synods this year under Alexander. 
A.D. 324--Against Arius once more ; but this 
time under Hosius, Bishop of Cordova, who 
had been despatched to Alexandria to 
make enquiries, by Constantino. 
A.D. 328 — ^When St. Athanasius was conse- 
crated bishop. (On the date, see Mansi, 
ii. 1086.) 
A.D. 340 —In favour of St. Athanasius. De- 
puties were sent from the council to Rome 
and Tyre in that sense. Its synod ical 
letter is given by St. Athanasius in his 2nd 
A.D. 352— Called "Egyptian;" in favour of 

St. Athanasius again. 
A.D. 362 — under St. Athanasius, on his return 
from exile, concerning those who had 
Arianised. It published a syno^ical letter. 
On its wise and temperate decisions, see 
Newman's Arians, v. 1. 
A.D. 363 — ^under St. Athanasius on the death of 
Julian ; published a synodical letter to the 
new emperor Jovian. 
A.D. 371 — Of 90 bishops, under St. Athanasius : 
to protest against Auxentius continuing in 
the see of Milan. This is one of those 
called « Egyptian." 
A.D. 371 — under St. Athanasius the same 
year ; to receive a profession of faith from 
Marcellus, Bishop of Ancyra, which turned 
out orthodox. 
A.D. 399 — ^Against the followers of Origen, 
who were condemned. Part of its synodical 
letter is preserved in that of the emperor 
Justinian to Mennas on the same subject 
long afterwards. 
A.D. 430 — ^under St. Cyril against Kestorius ; 
where St. Cyril indited his celebrated 
epistle with the twelve anathemas. 
A.D. 457 — under Timothy, sumamed Aelurus, 
or the Cat, at which the Council of Chal- 
cedon was condemned. This was repeated, 
A.D. 477. 
A.D. 482 — At which John Tabenniosites was con- 
secrated bishop ; he was ejected at once by 
the emperor Zeno^ when Peter Moggus re- 


turned, and m a subsequent synod the 
same year condemned the 4th cooncil, 
having first caused a schism amongst his 
own followers by subscribing to the He- 
notioon (Evag. iii. 12-16). 
A.D. 485— under Quintian, to pronounce Peter 

the Fuller deposed from Antioch. 
A.D. 578— The last of those called Egyptian ; 
it was composed of Jacobites, to consider 
the case of the Jacobite patriarch ot* 
Antioch, Paul. 
A.D. 589 — under Eulogius ; against the Sa 

A.D. 633 — under Cyrus, the Monothelite pa- 
triarch : the acts and synodical letter of 
which are preserved in the 13th action of 
the 6th general counciL This is the last 
on record. 
The interests of the Church History of Alex- 
andria are so great, that a few words may be 
added respecting its patriarchate. 

The patriarchate of Alexandria grew out of the 
see founded there by St. Mark, " according to the 
constant and unvarying tradition both o£ the East 
and West " (Neale's Patriarch of Alex, 1. 1.) ; to 
which jurisdiction was assigned, as of ancient 
custom appertaining, by the 6th Nioene canon, 
over "Egypt^ Libya,. and Pentapolis." This was, 
in effect, what was already known as the Egyp- 
tian diocese, being one of five placed under the 
jurisdiction of the praefect of the East, and com- 
prehending itself six provinces. Of these, An- 
gustanica was subdivided into Augustanica prims, 
and secunda : the first stretching upon the coast 
from Rhinocorura on the borders of Palestine to 
Diospolis on the east of the Mendesian mouth of 
the Nile, with the second immediately under it 
inland ; Egypt proper was likewise subdivided 
into prima and secunda, of which seconds 
stretched westwards of the same mouth of the 
Nile along the coast, with prima lying imme- 
diately under it inland. Then Arcadia at Hep- 
tanomis, foiining the 3rd province, lay under 
Augustanica secunda and Aegyptus prima on 
both sides of the Nile ; and south of this Thebaic, 
or the 4th province, whose subdivisions, prims 
comprehended all the rest of the country lying 
north, and secunda all the country lying south 
of Thebes, included in Egypt. Returning to- 
wards the coast, westwards of Aegyptus secunda, 
the 5th province, Libya inferior or secunda, was 
also called Marmarica ; and to the west of it 
was the 6th province, Libya Pentapolis, also 
called Cyrenaica. The ecclesiastical arrange- 
ments in each of these provinces have yet to be 
given. For this purpose the "Notitia** pub- 
lished by Beveridge (Synod, ii. 143-4) migiit 
have been transcribed at length ; but as the sites 
of so many of the sees are unknown, their mere 
names, which are often uncouth and of doubtful 
spelling, would be devoid of interest. It ma> 
suffice to enumerate them, with their metropolb 
in each case. Thus Augustanica prima con- 
tained 14 episcopal sees, of which Pelusium was 
the metropolis ; Augustanica secunda 6, at the 
head of which was Leonto ; Aegyptus prima 20, 
at the head of which was Alexandria ; Aegjrptns 
secunda 12, at the head of which was Cabssa 
The province of Arcadia contained 6, under the 
metropolitan of Oxyrinchus ; but 7 are given 
subsequently, corresponding to the 7 mouths of 
the Nile, of which Alexandria is placed first 




That vere 8 tees in Thebais prima, under the 
■cCropoUUn of Antino ; and twice that number 
ii TMiak Mconda, under the metropolitan of 
Plolanaii. Ubja secunda, or Marmarica, con- 
taiaed 8, nnder the metropolitan of Dranicon ; 
and Libja Pentapolis 6, at the head of which 
vat Sotiua. Tripoli was a later acquisition, in- 
daiiaf 3 sees onl j. They may have been placed 
aader Alexandria subsequently to the time of 
the 4th Council, when all to the west of them 
Isf in oonfusion nnder the Vandals ; and possibly 
■aj hare been intended to compensate for those 
two sees 1^ Berytus and Rabba bordering on 
Mestine, of which Alexandria was then robbed 
to swell the patriarchate of Jerusalem on the 
noth-vsst (Cave, Ck Govt. ir. 11). The list of 1 
•MS in Le Qaien (Orisiu Christianus, vol. ii. p. 
330-640), tllustrated by a map of the patriarch- 
tte from D^AnTille, agrees with the above in 
BMft respects, only that it is shorter. 

Alexandria had been synonymous with ortho- 
iuj while St. Athanasius liyed ; shortly after 
hii death, however, the next place after Rome, 
wkich it had ever enjoyed from Apostolic times, 
vas girea by the 2nd General Council to Con- 
stsatioople. For this it seemed to hare re- 
oGTKd ample compensation in the humiliation 
sf the Coostantinopolitan patriarch Nestorius, 
si the 3rd Council under St. Cyril ; when the 
viDt of tact and perverseness of his successor 
Diosooms enabled the more orthodox patriarchs 
of Jerusalem and Constantinople to help them- 
idres at its expense, and obtain sanction for 
that proceedings at the 4th Council. For a 
tone, it is true, Rome peremptorily refttsed as- 
sestii^ to them ; and charged their authors with 
hsTiag infringed the Nicene canons. But Alex- 
sadria &liing into the hands of those by whom 
the doctrinal decisions of the 4th Council were 
esUed in question and even condemned, Rome 
Mturally ceased taking any further steps in its 
&Toar; and nnder Jacobite patriarchs princi- 
pdly, and sometimes exclusively, Alexandria 
gndoally came to exercise no palpable influence 
whatever, even as 3rd see of the world, on the 
Rst of the Church. Le Quien reckons 48 patri- 
archs in all, down to Eustathius, who was con- 
secrated AJ>. 801, but several of them were 
heretical; and there were numerous anti-patri- 
aithi, botii heretical and schismatical, from time 
to time disputing their claims. The 'Art de 
verifier les Dates* makes this Eustathius the 
Wih patriarch. Dr. Neale makes him the 40th, 
aad coatemporary with Hark XL, the 49th Jaco- 
bite pstriardi. 

There were several peculiarities connected 
with the see of Alexandria, which have been 
vsrioosly explained. One rests upon the autho- 
rity of Eutychius, patriarch of Alexandria in the 
10th century, and of St. Jerome. The words of 
Entyefaios are as follows : ^ St. Mark along with 
Aautas ordained 12 presbyters to remain with 
the patriarch ; so that when the chair should 
beoome vacant, they might elect one out of the 
12 oa whose head the other 11 should lay their 
hands, gire him benediction, and constitute him 
pitriardi; and should after this choose some 
othe** nun to supply the place of the promoted 
pJ^ibyter, in such sort that the presbytery 
i^ud always consist of 12. This custom con- 
liBoed at Alexandria till the time of the patri- 
udi Alexander, one of tne 318 (Fathers of 

cimsr. AFT. 

Nicaea) who forbade the presbyters in future U. 
ordain their patriarch ; but decreed that on a 
vacancy of the see, the neighbouring bishops 
should convene for the purpose of filling it with 
a proper patriarch, whether elected from those 
12 presbyters or from any others." Eutychius 
adds, " that during the time of the firit 10 patri 
archs, there were no bishops in Egjpt; Deme- 
trius the 11th having been the first t« consecrate 
them." (Taken from Neale, p. 9.) This per- 
haps may serve to explain the extreme offence 
taken by Demetrius at the ordination of Origen 
to the priesthood out of the diocese, if a priest 
in Alexandria was so much more to the bishop 
than a priest elsewhere. It may also serve to 
explain the haste with which Alexander insti- 
tuted proceedings against Arius. The passage 
of St. Jerome seems conclusive as to the inter- 
pretation to be given to that of Eutychius. 
This Father in an epistle to Evagrius, while 
dwelling on the dignity of the priesthood, thus 
expresses himself: *^At Alexandria, from the 
time of St. Mark the Evangelist to that of the 
bishops Heraclas and Dionysius (in the middle 
of the Srd century), it was the custom of the 
presbyters to nominate one, elected from among 
themselves, to the higher dignity of the bishopric ; 
just as the army makes an emperor, or the dea- 
cons nominate as archdeacon any man whom the? 
know to be of active habits in their own body. ' 
{Ibid,"), St. Jerome would be talking nonsense, 
if the 12 of whom he is speaking had been 
bishops themselves; that is, of the same rank 
as their nominee was to be. Hence the theory 
of an episcopal college, to which Dr. Neale seems 
to incline, falls to the ground at once. On the 
other hand, it seems unquestionable that St. 
Jerome must have meant election, not ordina- 
tion, from the marked emphasis with which he 
lays down elsewhere that presbyters cannot or- 
dain. Otherwise, from the age in which Euty- 
chius lived, and still more the language in which 
he wrote, it would hardly be possible to prove 
that he meant election only, when he certainly 
seems to be describing consecration. But again, 
if there were ** no bishops in Egvpt during the 
timo of the first ten patriarchs," how could epis- 
copal consecration be had, when once the patri- 
arch had ceased to live ? To this no satisfactory 
answer has ever been returned. Eutychius, 
though he lived in the 10th century, may be 
supposed to have known more about the ancient 
customs of his see, in a land like Egypt, than 
those who have decried him. And certainly, 
though we know there were bishops in Egypt 
under Demetrius, for two synods of bishops 
(Phot. Bibl. s. 118 and Huet. Origen. i. 12), we 
are told, met under him to condemn Origen ; it 
would be difficult to produce any conclusive 
testimony to the fact that there were any epis- 
copal sees there, besides that of Alexandria, be- 
fore then. The vague statement of the Emperor 
Adrian, ** IIH qui Serapim colunt Christiani sunt ; 
et devoti sunt Serapi, qui se Christi episcopos 
dicunt," speaking of Egypt, clearly warrants no 
Huch inference, standing alone; nor does it ap- 
jioar to have ever been suggested that each of 
the first ten patriarchs consecrated his suc- 
cessor during his own life-time. Tet there was 
a strange haste in electing a new patriarch of 
Alexandria, that seems to require some expla- 
nation. The new patriarch, we leai n from Libe« 





ratus, always interred his predecessor ; and be- 
fore doing 80, placed his dead hand on his own 
head. Can it have been in this way, daring 
that early period, extraordinary as it may seem, 
that episcopal consecration was supposed to be 
obtained, as it were, in one continuous chain 
from St. Mark himself? The position of the 
patriarch after consecration was so exceptional, 
that it would be no wonder at all if his consecra- 
tion differed materially from all others. In 
civil matters his authority was very great ; in 
ecclesiastical matters it was quite despotic. All 
bishops in Egypt were ordained by him as their 
sole metropolitan. If any other bishop ever per- 
formed metropolitan iiinctions, it was as his dele- 
gate. The Egyptian bishops themselves, in the 
4th action of the Council of Chalcedon, professed 
loudly tuat they were impotent to act but at 
his bidding ; and hence they excused themselves 
from even subscribing to the letter of St. Leo 
while they were without a patriarch, after Dios- 
twrus had been deposed ; and that so obstinately, 
that their subscription was allowed to stand 
over, till the new patriarch had been consecrated. 
The patriarch could moreover ordain presbyters 
and deacons throughout Egypt in any number, 
where he would; and it is thought probable 
that the presbyters, his assessors, had power given 
tliem by him to confirm. All the episcopal sees 
in Egypt seem to have <»*iginated with him alone. 
As early as the 3rd century we find him called 
**papa," archbishop in the next, and patriarch 
in the 5th century, but not till after St. Cyril. 
In later times, "judge of the whole world " was 
a title given him, on account of his having for- 
merly fixed Easter. On the liturgies in use in 
the Egyptian diocese, Dr. Neale says (Oeneral 
Tntrod, i. 323-4), *^ The Alexandrine family con- 
tains 4 liturgies : St. Mark, which is the normal 
form, St. Basil, St. Cyril, and St. Gregory. . . . 
St. Mark's was the rite of the orthodox Church 
of Alexandria. . . . The other three are used by 
the Monophysites. St. Basil (t. e. the Copto- 
Jacobite) is the normal and usual form ; St. 
Gregory is employed in Lent ; St. Cyril on festi- 
vals. . . . Why the first of these liturgies bears 
the name of Sasil " is uncertain. " It is not 
possible now to discover its origin, though it 
would appear to have been originally Catholic; 
to have been translated from the Greek into 
Coptic, and thence after many ages into Arabic. 
The liturgy of St. Cyril is to all intents and 
purposes the same as that of St. Mark .... 
and in both that, and in the office of St. Gregory, 
the first part is taken from the normal liturgy 
of St. Basil." Both the proanaphoral and ana- 
phoral parts of the Copto-Jacobite liturgy of Si. 
Basil, together with the anaphoral part of that 
of St. Mark are given in parallel columns farther 
on in the same work. And the Copto-Jacobite 
patriarchal church at Alexandria, said to be the 
burial-place of the head of St. Mark, and of 72 
of the patriarchs, is described there likewise, p. 
277. Between the two works of Dr. Neale 
already cited, and the Orieru Christiantis of Le 
Quien, everything further that has yet been 
discovered on the subject of this patriarchate 
may be ootained. [£. S. F.] 

ALEXIUS, i h'Ofwvos rov Stov, comme- 
morated March 17 (Co/. Byzant); July 17 
{Afart. Rom.). [C] 

PEBTY. — In treating of a subject like that 
of the alienation of Church property, the canons 
and other authorities cited as evidence of the 
law concerning it might either be arranged ae- 
' cording to the various descriptions of property 
to which they refer, or else the entire legisktion 
I of each church and nation might be exhibited ia 
chronological order apart ft-om the rest. The 
latter plan has been here adopted, both as being 
more suitable to a general article, and also 
because in matters of church order and disci- 
pline the canons of councils were not in force 
beyond the limits of the churches in which they 
were authoritatively promulgated. 

The alienation — by which is t« be understood 
the transference by gift, sale, exchange, or per- 
petual emphyteusis •— of Church property [see 
PROPEBXr OF THE Chubch] was from early times 
restrained by special enactments. 

It is a much debated question amongst Ca- 
nonists whether or not alienation, except in ex- 
traordinary cases, was absolutely prohibited in 
the first ages of the Church, by reason of the 
sacred character impressed upon property given 
for ecclesiastical purposes, and by that act dedi- 
cated to God (see Balsamon in can. 12, Cone. VU. 
ap. Beveridge Pond. Can, L 303). As, however, 
the property of the Church must in those time^ 
have consisted only of the offerings and oblations 
of the fiuthful, which were placed in the hands 
of the bishops,^ it would appear most probable 
that they were free to make such use of it as 
they might think would be productive of the 
greatest benefit to their several dioceses. 

The general law of the Church has been well 
epitomised in the Commentary of Balsamon (ap. 
Beveridge Pand. Can. IL 177). ^ Unusquisqne 
nostrorum Episcoporum rationem administra- 
tionis rerum suae Ecclesiae Deo reddet. Yaai 
enim pretiosa Ecclesiarum, seu sacra, et reliqoa 
Deo consecrata, et possessiones immobilea, noii 
sunt alienabilia, et Ecclesiae servantur. £ccl»- 
siastioorum autem redituum administratio secure 
credi audacterque committi debere illis, qui statis 
temporibuB sunt Episoopi." Its history, as it is 
found in the councils of different chimshes, has 
now to be traced. 

In the East, — ^The earliest canon which refers 
to the subject is the 15th canon of the Conndl 
of Ancyra (a.d. 314), which provides that the 
Church (on the expression rh xvpuuchtf see Beve- 
ridge, Adnott, in loc.) may resume possession of 
whatever property the presbyters of a dioceie 
may have sold during the vacancy of the see; 
but this canon does not limit any power which 
the bishop himself may previously have poesesaed, 
and is simply an application of the well-known 
rule ** sede vacante nihil innovetur." 

The Council of Antioch (a.o. 341) has two 
canons, the 24th and 25th, bearing upon this 

• On the natare of this tenure see Smith's Dietiomanf 
of Oredc and Roman AntiquUiegt sub voo^ *£bpbj- 
teusis.' It may be described in brief as the rif^t to me 
another person's land as one's own, on condition of colti- 
vaiing it, and paying a fixed rent at fixed times. 

^ Tbe oath now taken by bishops consecrated accord- 
ing to the Roman ordinal, contains a clause relating to 
ibe alienation of Chnrdi property. In what words and 
at what time a clause of this nature was first InCrodiioed 
into the ordinal is a quesUoa which has given rise lo 
much controversy. 



an eithier imitated fxx>m the 
39th and 40Ui Apoctolie Caiioiu, or haye been 
mitatod by tike authors of tiiat oollection [Afo6- 
TQUC CabobbI. The 24th directs that Church 
fnftxij, whiclk ought to be administered subject 
to tht judcment and authority of the bishop, 
ihsald be distinguished in such a way that the 
pccsbyteis and deaoons may know of what it 
eoBsif^ to tiiai at the bishop's death it may not 
be cmbttiled, or lost, or mixed up with his private 
pnpexty. That part of tlus canon in which 
rafiraee u made to the duties imposed on pres- 
bftcn and deacons is not contained in the Apos- 
tolic caaw. This omission would seem to point 
to the eoodusion that this council is later in 
4ato than the 39tli Apostolic canon ; and Beve- 
ridfe {Cod, Gm. L 43} draws the same inference 
M to the date of the 40th Apostolic canon from 
ill not making mention of ol r«r ieypmv Kaprol, 
wnds vliich are to be found in the 25th Canon 
«f Aatioch. By the 25th canon it is provided that 
tbc IWiBdal Synod should have jurisdiction in 
cMBi wiiere the Inshop is accused of converting 
Chndi property to his own use, which was 
alio ftfbidden by the 37th Apostolic canon, 
«r TMiiaging it without the consent (ji^ furi 
Yixtfn*) of the presbyters and deaoons, and also 
is caiei where the bishop or the presbyters who 
art associated with him are accused of any mis- 
appropriation for their own benefit. Here again 
it will be noted that the effect of this canon is 
to asks provision for the better and more care- 
fel management of Church property, and that it 
dsei not abridge any right of alienation which 
tbe bishop may have before possessed. It must, 
hsverer, be obeerved that the power of the 
biiliop to manage (x«f ^C'cO Church property (an 
expcssion which would doubtless incdnde the 
set of alienation) is qoalified by the proviso that 
it most be exercised with the consent of his 
pmbytcrs and deaoons. 

The 7th and 8th oanons of the Council of 
(the date of this council is uncertain, 
writers placing it as early as a.d. 324, and 
late as A.i>. 871 : see Van Espen, 
DimrtaUo m Synothtm GangreHaem, Op. iii. 120, 
«d. Loraa. 1753, and Beveridge, Jdnott, in id. 
Cbac, who inclines to the opinion that it was 
bcU a short time before the Council of Antioch, 
AJii S41X prohibit under pain of anathema all 
fsrsiMi from alienating (diMMu f(» rif s ^icicXi}- 
das) produce belonging to the Qiurdi, except 
they fest obtain the consent of the bishop or his 
oeeononras, or officer entrusted with the care of 
Church property. 

The enactments contained in the second Coun- 
cQ of Nieaea (or as it is generally styled the 7th 
OseoBieiiical Coundl) A.i>. 787, will be more con- 
tcsieitly considered below. 

nt African Qmrch seems to have found it 
ne c ei Mij to place special restrictions upon the 
power ii aliouting Church property possessed 
by bishops under the general law. By the 31st 
caaea of the oode known as the Statuia Ecclesiae 
AtHqnoy promulgated (according to Bruns, Ca- 
aows, i. 140) at the 4th Council of Carthage 
(aj». 3M), the bishop is enjoined to use the pos- 
■ ■iuui of the Church as trustee, and not as if 
thej were his own property ; and by the next 
caaoo all gifts, sales, or exchanges of Church 
property uMde by bishops without the consent in 
vritiag (** absque oonniventia et subscriptione ") 

of their clergy are pronounced invalid. In the 
Slst canon there are ftirther provisions against 
the unauthorized alienation of Church property 
by the inferior clergy. If convicted in the 
synod of this offence they are to make restitu* 
Uon out of their own property. 

Again by the 26th (ap. Bw. 29th) canon 
of the Codex EcclesUu Africanae promulgated 
A.D. 419, which repeats the 4th canon of the 
5th Council of Carthage (a.d. 401), it is 
ordained that no one sell the real propei-ty be- 
longing to the Church ; but if some very uigent 
reason for doing so should arise, it is to be com- 
municated to the Primate of the Province, who is 
to determine in council with the proper number of 
bishops (t.«. twelve) whether a sale is to be made 
or not ; but if the necessity for action is so great 
that the bishop cannot wait to consult the synod, 
then he is to summon as witnesses the neigh- 
bouring bishops at least, and to be careful after- 
wards to report the matter to the synod. The 
penalty of disobedience to this canon was de- 
position. By the 33rd canon (ap. Bev. 36th) 
presbyters are forbidden to sell any Church pro- 
perty without the consent of their bishops; and 
in like manner the bishops are forbidden to sell 
any Church lands (praedia) without the privity 
of their Synod or presbyters. (See on these 
canons Van Espen, Op, liL 299, &c; and the 
8(Mion of Babtamon ap. Bev, Pond, Can. L 551.) 
Passing ftom Asia Minor and Aftica to ItcUjf, 
the earliest provisions with reference to alienation 
to be found in the councils are in the council held 
at Rome by Pope Symmachns in A.D. 502. The 
circumstances under which the canons of this 
council were passed (and which relate solely to Uie 
question of alienation) are thus described by Dean 
Milman : '^ On the vacancy of the see [by the death 
of Pope Simplicius, A.D. 483] occurred a singular 
scene. The clergy were assembled in St. Peter's. 
In the midst of them stood up Basilius, the 
Patrician and Prefect of Bome, acting as Vice- 
gerent of Odoaoer the barbarian King. He ap- 
peared by the command of his master, and by 
the admonition of the deceased Simplicius, to 
take care that the peace of the city was not 
disturbed by any sedition or tumult during the 
election. ... He proceeded, as the protector 
of the Church from loss and iigury by church- 
men, to proclaim the following edict : * That no 
one under the penalty of anathema should alio* 
nate any farm, buildings, or ornaments of the 
churches; that such alienation by any bishop 
present or ftiture was null and void.' So im- 
portant did this precedent appear, so dangerous 
in the hands of these schismatios who would 
even in those days limit the sacerdotal power, 
that nearly twenty years after, a fortunate occa- 
sion was seized by the Pope Symmachns to annul 
this decree. In a Synod of bishops at Rome the 
edict was rehearsedf, interrupted by protests of 
the bishops at this presumptuous interference of 
the laity with affidrs of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. 
The authenticity of the decree was not called 
in question; it was declared invalid as being 
contrary to the usages of the Fathers enacted 
on lay authority, and as not being ratified by 
the signature of any Bishop at Bome. The 
same council, however, acknowledged its wisdom 
by re-enacting its ordinances asainst the aliena- 
tion of Church property" (Jlittory of Latin 
Chistiamtyy vol. i., p. 221, 2nd ed.> On this 

£ 2 



Connoil Boehmer notes that it has not more 
authority than belongs to it as a Conncil of 
the Italian Church, and that therefore its decrees 
(which go far beyond any yet promulgated else- 
where) were not binding upon other Churches. 
Previously, howeyer, to this date Pope Leo the 
Qreat (▲.D. 447) had written to the bishops of 
Sicily and forbidden the alienation of Church 
property by the bishops except for the benefit of 
the Church, and with the consent of the whole 
clergy (Ep, 17). Pope Gelasius also (a.d. 492- 
496), writing to Justinus and Faustus (who were 
acting in the place of their bishop), directed the 
restitution of all property belonging to the 
Church of Volterra which had been alienated up 
to that time ; and in another letter he forbad 
the appropriation of Church lands for the pay- 
ment of any particular stipend (Fragg. 23 and 24, 
ap. Thiel> 

In the history of the QaUioan Church the 
•arliest reference to alienation is to be found 
in a letter from Pope Hilarus (a.d. 462) to the 
bishops of the proyinces of Vienne, Lyons, Nar- 
bonne, and the Maritime Alps, in which he pro- 
hibits the alienation of such Church lands as are 
neither waste nor unproductive (*'nec deserta 
nee damnosa ") except with the consent of a 
eouncil (Ep, 8 sec. ult.). 

The Council of Agde (a.d. 506) contains seve- 
ral canons on alienation. The 22nd canon, while 
declaring that it is superfluous to define any- 
thing afresh concerning a matter so well known, 
and a practice forbidden by so many ancient 
canons, prohibits the clergy from selling or 
giving away any Church property under pain of 
being excommunicated and having to Indemnify 
the Church out of their private resources for 
any loss, the transaction being at the same time 
declared void. The 26th canon inflicts the like 
punishment on those who suppress or conceal or 
give to the unlawiul possessor any document by 
which the title of the Church to any property 
is secured. The 48th canon reserves to the 
Church any property left on the death of a 
bishop, which he had received from ecclesiastical 
sources. The 49th canon repeats almost in the 
same words the above cited 31st canon of the 
Staivta Eoclesiae Antiqua ; the 53rd canon pro- 
hibits, and pronounces void, any alienation by 
parish priests ; while by the 56th canon abbots 
are forbidden to sell Church property without 
the bishop's consent, or to manumit slaves, ''as 
it would be unjust for monks to be engaged in 
their daily labours in the field while their slaves 
were enjoying the ease of liberty." 

The 1st Council of Oi-leans (a.d. 511) places 
all the immoveable property of the Church in 
the power of the bishop ** that the decrees of the 
ancient canons may be observed** (canons 14 
and 15). 

Pope Symmachus, A.D. 513 (who died a.d. 514), 
in answering certain questions put to him by 
Caesarius, Bishop of Aries, forbids Church pro- 
perty to be alienated under any pretence, but 
be permits a life rent to be enjoyed by clerks 
worthy of reward (Ep, 15). 

By the 5th canon of the 1st Council of Cler- 
mont (a.d. 535) all persons are excommunicated 
who obtain any Church property from kings. . 

In the same year Pope Agapetus writing to 
Caesanus, Bishop of Arlef , says, that he is un- 
willingly obliged to refu&e the bishop permission 

to alienate some Church lands, ^'revocant nee 
veneranda Patrnm manifestissima oonstituta, 
quibus specialiter prohibemur praedia juris ec- 
clesiae quolibet titulo ad aliena jura transferre ** 
iOonc, GaU. i. 240). 

The 12th canon of the 3rd Coundl of Orleans 
(a.d. 538) allows the recovery of Church pro- 
perty within 30 years, and ordains that if the 
possessor should refuse to obey the judgment of 
the Council ordering him to surrender, he is 

The 23rd canon renews the prohibition against 
the alienation of Church property by abbots or 
other clergy without the written consent of the 
bishop ; and by the 9th canon of the 4th Council 
held at the same city (a.d. 541) it is provided 
that Church property which has been alienated 
or encumbered by the bishop contrary to the 
canons shall, if he has left nothing to the 
Church, be returned to it ; but slaves whom he 
may have manumitted shall retain their freedom, 
though they must remain in the service of the 
Church. The 11th, 18th, 30th, and 34th canons 
contain further provisions on the subject. 

The 1st canon of the 3rd Council of Paris 
(a.d. 557) is directed against the alienation of 
Church property, but this canon, as well as those 
next mentioned, would appear to refer to seizure 
by force rather than to possession by any quasi- 
legal process. Alienation is forbidden by the 2nd 
canon of the 2nd Council of Lyons (a.d. 567). 

In the 2nd Council of Tours (a.d. 567) there 
are two canons — the 24th and 25th — relating to 
the recovery of Church property from the hands 
of unlawful possessors. 

In Spain the Council held A.D. 589 at Nar- 
bonne, which in its ecclesiastical relations most 
be considered in Spain (Wiltsch. Geog. of the 
Church, i. 100), prohibits the alienation of Church 
property by the inferior clergy, without the con- 
sent of the bishop, under pain of suspension for 
two years and perpetual inability to serve in 
the church in which the offence was committed 
(can. 8). 

By the 3rd Council of Toledo (held in the same 
year), can. 3, bishops are forbidden to alienate 
Church property, but gifts which, in the judg- 
ment of the monks of the diocese, are not detri- 
mental to the interests of the Church cannot be 
disturbed ; by the next canon bishops may 
assign Church property for the support of a 
monastery established with the consent of his 

By the 37th canon of the 4th Council of 
Toledo (A.D. 633) the bishop is permitted (sub- 
ject to the confirmation of a Provincial Council) 
to redeem any promise of rewai d made for ser- 
vices to the Church. 

The 9th Council of Toledo (a.d. 655) contains 
provisions very similar to the above cited canons 
of the 3rd Council held at the same place. 

In England, Archbishop Theodore of Canter- 
bury (A.D. 668-690) forbids abbots to make ex- 
changes without the consent of the bishop sod 
their brethren (Poenitentiale — De Ahbatibus). 

The Excerptiones ascribed erroneously to Arch- 
bishop Egbert of York (who held that metropo- 
litical see from A.D. 732 to 766) decbure that 
gifts, sales, or exchanges of Church property bjr 
bishops without the consent and written per- 
mission of the clergy shall he void (cap. 144). 
The Poenitentiale, also attributed wrongly to the 



mnt prelate, permits exchanges between mo- 
Mstcries with the consent of both oommnnities 
(addit. 25> 

The last Council which passed canons on the 
nbjcct of alienation during the period covered 
br this article, is the 2nd Council of Nicaea (the 
**'SeTeoth Oeenmenical Conncil ") held A-D. 787. 
The 12th canon making mention of the 39th 
Apostolic Csnon forbids Uie alienation or transfer 
of Qiisreh lands hj bishops and abbots in farour 
of princes or other secular potentates ; and it also, 
like maaj of the canons hereinbefore cited, pro- 
biUts bii^ops from appropriating any ecclesias- 
tkd property to their own use or to that of 
tkdr relatives. Even when the retention of any 
Charch lands is unprofitable they may not be 
M. to magistrates or princes, but to the clergy 
n to fimners ; and these again may not sell them 
to msgistrates, and so contravene the spirit of the 
cnunu Sadi deoeitiiil transactions are invalid, 
sad the bishop oi* abbot who is guilty of talcing 
part in them is to be deposed. — See the elaborate 
SAotiom of Balsamon on this canon, ap» Bev, 
Pad, Can. i 303. 

Having now gone through the principal 
cuoos passed by the ecclesiastical assemblies of 
the first eight centuries, there remain to be consi- 
dered the law« by which the Christian emperors 
hmited the power of the Church as regards the 
alienation of its property. 

Cbostantine the Great had in a decree of the 
year AJK 323 (sees. 16, 18) assured to the 
Chorch the safe enjoyment of its property, and 
lad commanded the restitution as well by the 
State as by private individuals of all such pro- 
perty as they might have got possession of; but 
It does not appear that there was any imperial 
Iqpslation concerning the alienation of Church 
pnperty until after the promulgation of the 
Codtx TKeodo&awus in ajd. 438. 

The Codex RepetUae Fradectumit promulgated 
bj Jastinian in December A.D. 534 contains in 
tkc 2nd title of the 1st Book various provisions, 
■sde by his predecessors and re-enacted by him, 
« the subject of alienation. 

In the 14th section there is a constitution of 
the Emperor Leo (A.D. 470) which prohibits the 
Archbishop of Constantinople, or any of his 
stewards (oeoonomi) from alienating in any way 
the land or other immoveable property or the 
esloni or slaves or state allowances (civiles 
saaoase) belonging to his Church, not even if all 
the dei^ agreed with the Archbishop and his 
steward as to the propriety of the transaction. 
The reason given for this stringent law is that 
as the Charch which b the mother of Religion 
and Faith, is changeless, her property ought to 
be preserved also without change. Any trans- 
actions completed in defiance of this constitution 
were void, and all profits resulting therefrom 
were given to the Church. The stewards who 
vers parties to the act were to be dismissed, and 
their property made liable for any damage which 
■light arise tram this infringement of the law. 
The notaries employed were to be sent into per- 
petasl exile, and the judge who ratified the pro- 
eeediag was punished by the loss of his office 
ud the eonnscation of his propertv. There 
was, however, an exception made to this rule in 
the case of a usufruct, the creation of which 
vss permitted for a term of years or for the 
Bfc of the nsafructnary* (The editions of the 

Corpus Juris Civilis generally contain after this 
section a series of extracts from the Novells on 
the same subject.) 

The 17th section contains a constitution of the 
Emperor Anastasius to which no precise date 
is affixed by the commentators, but which must 
have been promulgated between the years A.D. 
491 and 517 (Haenel, Indices ad Corpus Legum 
ab Imp, Rom, ante Just. Uxtarum, p. 82, Lipsiae 
1857). This constitution, like the last cited, 
applies solely to the Church of Constantinople, 
and relates to monasteries, orphanages and 
other eleemosynary institutions whose property 
might in cases of necessity be sold, exchanged, 
mortgaged, or leased in perpetual emphyteusis ; 
provided that the transaction be effected in the 
manner therein prescribed and in the presence 
of the civil authorities and the reprtsentatives 
of the particular body whose property is about 
to be dealt with. It is, however, decreed that if 
there be moveable property (the sacred vessels 
excepted) sufficient to meet the sum required, 
the immoveable property shall not be touched. 

In the 2l8t section is given a constitution of 
Justinian himself (a.d. 529) in which he forbids 
any sale or other alienation of sacred vessels or 
vestments except only with the object of re- 
deeming captives (and, according to some edi- 
tions, relieving famine) ; '^ quoniam non absur- 
dura est animas hominum quibuscunque vasis 
vel vestimentis praeferri." 

The rule which permitted the sale or melting 
down of Church plate for the redemption of 
captives i-* one of great antiquity. Its propriety 
is nowhere more eloquently defended than in 
the following passage from the 2nd Book of 
St. Ambrose De Offkiis Ministrorum (dr. A.D. 
391) "Quid enim diceres? Timui ne templo 
Dei omatus deesset ? Responderet : Aurum Sa» 
cramenta non quaerunt; neque auro placent, 
quae auro non emuntur. Omatus sacramento- 
rum redemptio captivorum est. Yere ilia sunt 
vasa pretiosa, quae redimunt animas a morte. 
lUe veros thesaurus est Domini qui operatur 
quod sanguis Ejus operatus est. . . . Opus 
est ut quis fide sincera et perspicaci providentia 
munus hoc impleat. Sane si in sua aliquis deri- 
vat emolumenta, crimen est ; sin vero pauperibus 
erogat, captivum redimit, misericordia est." He 
concludes by directing that vessels which are 
not consecrated should be taken in preference to 
those which have been consecrated ; and that 
both must be broken up and melted within the 
precinct of the Church (cap. 28). The supreme 
claims of charity over all other considerations are 
insisted upon in the same strain by St. Jerome 
{Ep, ad Nepotianum, A.D. 394) and St. Chrysostom 
(Hom. 52 in St. Matthaeum), while at the same 
time the proper respect due to the sacred vessels 
is always emphatically enjoined, as, for example, 
by St. Optatus, De Schismate Dinatistamm vi. 2. 
An example of the precautions taken against the 
abuse of this privilege is to be found in one of 
the letters of Gregory the Great (vii. 13) in 
which writing (a.d. 597) to Fortunatus, Bishop 
of Fano, he gives permission for the sale of 
Churdi plate in order to redeem captives, but 
directs, with the view of avoiding all suspicion, 
that the sale and the payment over of the 
money received therefrom should be made in 
the presence of the " defensor." 

Passing to the Novella of Justinian— the 7th 



Ncftell (A.D. 535) relates to the qnastloii of 
alienation of Ghnreh property, and profiBseee to 
amend and consolidate the then existing laws, 
and to eitend their operation to the whole of 
the empire. In the fint chapter the alienation, 
either by sale, gift, exchange, or lease on per- 
petual emphyteusis, of immoreables or quasi- 
immoveables belonging to churches or eleemo- 
synary institutions, was forbidden under the 
penalties prescribed by the above-cited consti- 
tution of Leo. 

Under the 2nd chapter alienation is permitted 
in favour of the emperor when the proper forms 
are observed and ample compensation made, and 
when the transaction is for the public benefit. 
The reason given for this eioeption is not with- 
out significanoe. In the Latin rersion it is as 
follows: **Nec mnltnm differant ab altemtro 
saoerdotium et imperium, et res sacrae a oom- 
munibus et publids ; qnaodo omnis sanotissimis 
ecdesiis abnndantia et status ex imperialibus 
munifioentiis perpetuo praebeatur." 

The third and four succeeding chapters con- 
tain regulations for the lease of Church estates 
by emphyteusis. Their provisions are too ela- 
borate to be set out at length, but may be 
briefly stated thus: ^The usual conditions of 
these emphytenses are for three lives — that 
of the original emphyteuta and of two of his 
or her heirs, being cnildren or grandchildren, 
or the husband or wife of the emphyteuta if 
there be a special clause to that effect (though 
about this power there is some doubt) in suc- 
cession. Thus the duration of the lease is in- 
determinate and contingent. The contract was 
iUTalidated by defiiult in payment of the quit 
rent (canon) for two instead of for three years 
as was the case with lay emphyteuses " (Colqu- 
houn. Soman Oivil Law, § 1709). 

The 8th chapter renews the prohibition against 
the sale, pledge, or melting down of c£urch 
plate, except with the object of redeeming cap- 

The 12th chapter sanctions the abandonment 
of all contracts made on behalf of the Church 
for the acquisition by gift or purchase of un- 
profitable land. 

The 40th Novell (promulgated the following 
year, A.D. 536) gives to the ^ Church of the 
Holy Besurrection " at Jerusalem the privilege 
of alienating buildings belonging to it, notwith- 
standing the general prohibition contained in 
the 7th Novell. 

The 46th Novell (a.d. 536 or 537) relaxed the 
law against the alienation of immoreable Church 
property when there was not sufficient moveable 
property to pay debts owing to the State or to 
private creditors. But this step could not be 
taken except after investigation by the clergy, 
the bishop, and the metropolitan, and under a 
decree of the ^ judex provinciae." 

The 2nd chapter of the 54th Novell (a.d. 
537) permits exchanges between ecclesiastical 
and eleemosynary corporations, but the Church of 
St. Sophia at Constantinople is excepted from 
the operatioil of this law as it is also from that 

The 55th Novell (a.d. 537) forbids alienation 
made ostensibly in favour of the emperor, but 
really for the benefit of private individuals. It 
also permits churches and other religious bodies 
(with the exception of the Church of St. Sophia) 

to lease their lands to one another In perpetual 

The 65th Novell has reference to the alienatioa 
of property belonging to the Chuich of Mysis, 
but being only of local importance it need not 
be further considered. 

In the 67th Novell (iuD. 538) the number 
of persons appointed under the 46th Novell to 
enquire into the propriety of any alienition is 
increased by the addition of two bishops ^osen 
by the metropolitan from his Synod. 

The 10th chapter of the 119th Novell (a.d. 
544) permits the alienation by the emperor of 
Churoi property which had been transferred to 

The last of the numerous edicts promulgated 
by Justinian on the alienation of Church pro- 
perty is contained in the 120th Novell (A.01. 
544) in which he again undertakes the task of 
consolidating the law on this subject. 

The first four chapters concern only the 
Church of Constantinople. The alienation of 
immoveables is forbidden, except in fiivour of the 

The 5th chapter relates to the property of 
other Churches. The provisions therdn con- 
tained, and those contained in the previous 
chapters on emphyteusis are thus briefly sum- 
marized by Colquhoun (^Boman CivO Laa^ § 
1709):— *< The 120th Novell was promulgated 
by Justinian in order to modify the rigour of 
the prohibition against creating perpetual em- 
phyteuses on ecclesiastical property by restrict- 
ing it to the estates of the Church of Constanti- 
nople, leaving the property of other Churches to 
be regulated by the common law. It is, how- 
ever, very doubtfU whether or not the emphy- 
teusis on Church property can be perpetual 
without the express stipulation for a term. Nor 
does the prohibition appear to be absolute even 
as regards the Church of Constantinople, which 
had permission to grant perpetual emphyteuses 
in cases where it owned ruined edifices without 
the means of restoring them. The Novell fixes 
the amount at a third of the revenue which 
such edifices produced before their then ruined 
state, payable from the date of the emphyten- 
tical title, or at a half of the revenue which the 
buildings actually produced after their reston- 
tion. What is doubtful with respect to the lay 
is clear with regard to ecclesiastical emphyteuses, 
viz., that they must be reduced to writing. As 
before, the contract was invalidated by default to 
pay the quit rent for two instead of three years, 
as was the case with lay emphyteuses. The 
point open to discussion, in respect to lay emphy- 
teuses, of whether the rent in arrear may be 
recovered and the expulsion of the tenant also 
insisted on, is clear in the case of ecclesiasticil 
emphyteuses in the affirmative. Lastly, the 
Churches enjoyed a right of resumption entirely 
exceptional to the common law when the estate 
accrued ' aut in imperialem domum, aut in sac- 
rum nostrum aerarium, aut in civitatem aliquam, 
aut in curiam, aut in aliquam venerabilem sii- 
am domum.' This right of resumption applied 
equally in the case of all transmission of the 
right, whether inter vivos or mortis causa, with- 
out reference to the title of acquisition, and the 
time for its exercise was two years instead of 
two months as in lay cases." 

The remainia{f chapters of this Novell relate 




to tke exchange of ecclesiastical property and 
the nle of immoyeables and Church plate for 
the redemption of captiyes. The proyisions 
t^eruB contained do not differ in any important 
peiticaiar from the prerious laws above dted on 
tkt same subject^ and they need not be repeated. 

The proTisions of the GiTil Law (which have 
BOW beoi examined) have been nseiiilly arranged 
bf the glossator on the Corpus JwiM Civtiis, 
Mor. 7 aiid Not. 120 (ed. Logd. 1627> Im- 
■orasUe property belonging to the Church can- 
ist be alknided under any circnmstances if it 
fidl within the following classes — 1. If it had 
beta giren by the emperor (Nov. 120, 7). 2. If 
tbe tUag to be aliennted is the church or mo- 
iMteiy itself (»&.). 3. When the proposed trans- 
frne is the oeoonomus or other church officer 
(A,). 4s. When the property was given to the 
Qituth subject to a condition that it should 
lot be alienated (Nov. 120, 9> 5. If the pro- 
poml transferee be a heretic (131, 14). But 
labjeet to the above restrictions, immoveable 
INopcrty may be alienated under the following 
dmmstances, vix.: — 1. For debt (Nov. 46)l 
1 Bj way of emphyteusia for a term (var.). 
X la exchange with another church (Nov. 54, 2). 
< If the transferee be the emperor (Nov. 7, 2). 
S. For the redemption of captives (Nov. 120, 9). 
Ob the other hand moveable property can be 
frcdy alienated if it be fi>r the advantage of the 
Ohnrch that such a step should be taken. The 
cxeeptioa to this rule is in the case of Church 
fbte, whidi cannot be alienated except for the 
ndcBiptaon of captives (Nov. 7, 8 and Nov. 120, 
lOX sad for the payment of debt when it is not 
for the proper performance of Divine 
(Nov. 120, 10> 

The Barbarian Code$ contain, as might be 
npected, many laws directed against the forci- 
ble seisare of Church property, but such acts 
ett hardly be considered to fitll under tiie head 
rf s fan at i on. There are, however, a ftw pro- 
viwos on the subject anterior in date to the 
iisth of Charlemagne. 

By the 3rd chapter of the 5th Book of the 
Yimgothorum (pi, A.D. 700: see Davoud 
Oghloa, Hidoirt de la LegiahUon de$ Anciens 
GarsMMs, i 2) if any bishop or clerk alienate 
by sale or gift any Church property without the 
eoaseat of the rest of the clergy, such sale or 
lift is void, unless it be made according to the 

AgiiB in the 20th chapter of the Lex Alam^ 
mamorwn (which in its present shape was pro- 
Ubly eompiled about the beginning of the 8th 
emtuiy— see Davoud Oriilou, op. cU. i. 304) the 
iafaior clergy are forbidden to sell Church lands 
sr daves exeept by way of exchange. 

la the eoUection entitled CkqMularia £sgwn 
Prmeonm there is a Capitulary of the date A.D. 
814, ibrhkldittg all persons whatsoever to ask 
iof «r rceeive any Church property under pain of 
•MBwnwnication (6, 135> 

There are also two Ospitularies which are 
pnbaUy not later in dti/e than the one last 
oted. By the first of these presbyters are for- 
siddeB to sell Church property without the con- 
<at of the bishop (7, 27); to which in the 
Nsond is added the consent of other priests of 
food repnUtion (7, 214). 

(The following authorities may be consulted : 
-^Dn BoQseeaQd de ia Combe, HecueU de J%tri$- 

pntdence Cawmique [Paris 1755], sub voce AltS" 
nation ; Boehmer, Jtts EcdesiastiGUm ProteHan^ 
<tum[Halae Magd. 1788, &c] in Decretal, HI. 13 ; 
Ferraris, Bibliotheoa Canonioa [ed. Migne], sub 
voce Alienatio; Sylvester Mazzolini da Prierio 
[Lugd. 1533] sub voce Alienatio; Kedoanns, Dt 
Betm Ecdesiae ncn alienandis [printed in the 2Dd 
part of the 15th volume of the Tractatus Uni» 
versi Juris, Venice, 1584] ; and the Commenta- 
tors on the above-cited passages from the Corpus 
Juris Civilis^ and on the following passages from 
the Corpus Juris CawnUoi, Decreti Secunda 
Pars, Causa xii. Quaestio 2 ; and Decretal, lib. 
m. 13). [I. B.] 

ALLELUIA (Greek *AXkfi\o^ia). The litur- 
gical form of the Hebrew R^'^/pH, " Sing ye 

praises to Jehovah ;" a formula found in Ps&lm 
117, and in the headings of several Psalms, espe- 
cially Psalms 113-118, which formed the *'Ha]- 
lel," or Alleluia Magnum, sung at all the greater 
Jewish feasts. Alleluia and Amen, says the 
Pseudo-Augustine (Ep. 178, ii. 1160, Migne), 
neither Latin nor barbarian has ventured to 
translate from the sacred tongue into his own ; 
in all lands the mystic sound of the Hebrew is 

1. It is thought by some that the early Church 
transferred to the Christian Paschal feast the 
custom of singing Psalms with Alleluia at the 
Paschal sacrifice; and this conjecture derives 
some probability from the fact, that in the most 
ancient sacramentaries the Alleluia precedes and 
follows a verse, as in the Jewish usage H precedes 
and follows a Psalm. Yet we can hardly doubt 
that the use of the Alleluia in the Church was 
confirmed, if not driginated, by St. John's vision 
(Apoc, 19, 6) of the heavenly choir, who sang 
Alleluia to the Lord Qod Omnipotent. By the 
4th century it seems to have been well known as 
the Christian shout of joy or victory ; for Sozo- 
men (i^. JS, vii. 15, p. 298) tells of a voice 
heard (an. 389) in the temple of Serapis at 
Alexandria chanting Alleluia, which was taken 
for a sign of its coming destruction by the Chris- 
tians. The victory which the Christian Britons, 
under the g^dance of Germanus of Auxerre, with 
their loud shout of Alleluia, gained over the 
pagan Picts and Scots (an. 429) is another instance 
of the ose of Alleluia for encouragement and 
triumph (Beda, Historia Ecclesiastica, i. c. 20, 
p. 49); and Sidonius ApoUinaris (lib. ii. Ep. 10, 
p. 53) speaks as if he had heard the long lines of 
haulers by the river side, as they towed the 
boats, chanting Alleluia as a **celensma," to make 
them pull together. These instances are of course 
not altogether free from suspicion; but they 
serve to show that in early times the Alleluia 
was regarded as a natural expression of Christian 
exultation or encouragement. 

2. A special use of the Alleluia is found in the 
liturgies both of £ast and West. In most Eastern 
liturgies, it follows immediately upon the Chb- 
RUBic Htjtn, which precedes the greater £n- 
TRANOB ; as, for instance, in those of St. James, 
St. Mark, and St. Chrysostom (Neale's TetrahgiOj 
pp. 54, 55). In the Mozarabic, which has many 
Oriental characteristics, it is sung after the 
Gospel, while the priest is making the oblation : 
*' Interim quod chorus dicit AUehiiay offerat »acer- 
dos hostiam cum calice" (Neale*s TetrtUogiOy 
p. 60). In the West, it follows the Gradual 




and flo immediately precedes the reading of ttaj 
Gospel. In early times it seems to have been 
simply intoned by the cantor who had sung the 
Gradual, standing on the steps of the Ambo, and 
repeated by the choir ; but before the 8th cen- 
tury the custom arose of prolonging the last syl- 
lable of the Alleluia, and singing it to musical 
notes (Ordo Romanus II., in Mabillon's Muaeum 
ItaHcunif Tol. ii. p. 44). This was called jtibila' 
tio. The jubilant sound of the Alleluia, however, 
was felt to be fitting only for seasons of joy ; 
hence its use was in many churches limited to 
the interval between Easter and Whitsunday. 
Sozomen, indeed (i^. U, vii. 19, p. 307) seems to 
say that in the Roman Church it was used only 
on Easter-day; but we cannot help suspecting 
that he must have misunderstood his informant, 
who may have used the word ** Pascha " to de- 
note the whole of the seven weeks following 
Easter-day; for St. Augustine distinctly says 
{Ep. ad Janarium; Ep, 119 [al. 55] p. 220 
Migne) that the custom of singing Alleluia dur- 
ing those fifty days was universal, though in 
several churches it was used on other days also. 
In the Rule of St. Benedict (c. 15, p. 297) the 
use of Alleluia in the responsories of the mass 
seems to be limited to the season from Easter to 
Whitsunday ; but soon after Benedict's time it 
was probably more common in the West to inter- 
mit its use only from Septuagesima to Easter. 
For at the end of the 6th century, Gregory the 
Great writes to John of Syracuse {Epist. iz. 12, 
p. 940) that some murmured because he (Gregory) 
was overmuch given to following the customs of 
the Greek Church, and in particular because he 
had ordered the Alleluia to be said at mass 
beyond the Pentecostal season (extra tempora 
Pentecostes); so far, he continues, is this from 
being the case, that whereas the Church of Rome 
in the time of Pope Damasus had adopted, 
through Jerome's influence, from the Church of 
Jerusalem the limitation of the Alleluia to the 
season before Pentecost, he had actually inno- 
vated on this Greek custom in ordering the 
Alleluia to be said at other seasons also. This 
seems the most probable sense of this much-con- 
troverted passage, as to the reading and interpret 
tation of which there is much difference of 
opinion. (See Baronius, Ann, 384, sx. 27 y vol. v., 
p. 578 ; and Mabillon, Mvisewn RcUicum, ii. xcvii.). 
The 4th Council of Toledo (oanon 11) orders that 
(in accordance with the universal custom of 
Christendom) the Alleluia should not be said in 
the Spanish and Gaulish churches during Lent — 
an injunction which seems to imply that its use 
was permitted during the rest of the year. The 
same canon (iu some MSS.) also forbids the Alle- 
luia on the Kalends of January, " quae propter 
errorem gentilium aguntur," but on which Chris- 
tians ought to fast. 

The intermission of Alleluia during a particular 
season is expressed by the phrase *^ Alleluia clau- 
sum " (Du Cange, s. v.). 

3. We have already seen that St. Benedict 
prescribed the use of the Alleluia in the respon- 
•sories of the Mass from Pasch to Pentecost. He 
prescribed it also in the ordinary offices {ReguUiy 
c 12, p. 286). From Pentecost to Ash-Wednes- 
day, however, it was to be said in the nocturnal 
office only with the six last Psalms: "A Pen- 
tecoste autem ad caput quadragesimae omnibus 
aoctibus cam sex posterioribus Psalmis tan- 

turn ad nocturnas dicatur" {Beg^thy p. 15, p. 

In the Roman arrangement of the ordizuuy 
offices, the Alleluia follows the ** Invocation " in 
all the hours; but from Septuagesima to the 
Thursday in Holy Week the verse, ^ Laus tibi 
Domine ; Rex aeternae gloriae," is substituted. 

4. We learn from Jerome {Ep. 27 [108], § 19, 
p. 712, ad Eustochium ; cf. 23 [38], § 4, p. 175) 
that the sound of the Alleluia summoned monks 
to say their offices : *' Post Alleluia cantatum, quo 
signo vocabantur ad coUectam, null! residere 
licitum erat." 

5. It was chanted at funerals ; as, for instance, 
at that of Fabiola (Jerome, Ep, ad Oosamon, 30 
[77], p. 466) ; at that of Pope Agapetus in Con- 
stantinople (BaroniuB, ann. 536, § 64^ voL ix., 
p. 544). 

This usage is found in the Hozarabic rite, and 
perhape once existed in the ancient Galilean (Ba- 
ronius, ann. 590, § 39, vol. x. p. 485). 

(Bona, De Divina Psalmodia, c xvi. § 7 ; 2^ 
R^nia LiturgiciSy lib. ii., c. 6, § 5 ; Krazer, De 
LUttrgiiSf p. 419.) [C] 

ALL SAINTS, Festival op (Omnium Sane 
torum NatcUiSy Festivitaa, Solemnitas). — In the 
Eastern Church a particular Sunday, the first 
after Pentecost, was appropriated in ancient 
times to the commemoration of all martyrs. 
Chrpostom, in the 'Eyxdifuoy ccs robs aylovs 
wdyrcu rohs iv tXtp r^ xicfu^ finf>Tvp>fiiraPTas, 
says that on the Octave of Pentecost they find 
themselves in the midst of the band of martyn; 
Tap4kafi€jf ilfMS fMpiTitfmv x^P^^ (^PP* "* 711): 
and there is a similar allusion in Orat. contra 
Judaeos, vi. (0pp. ii. p. 650). Thb Festival of 
All Martyrs became in later times a Festival of 
All Saints, and the Sunday next after Pentecost 
appears in the Calendar of the Greek Menologioo 
as Kvpioic^ r&if 'Aylcoy vdrrwv. The intention 
in so placing this commemoration probably was 
to crown the ecclesiastical year with a solemnity 
dedicated to the whole glorious band uf saints 
and martyrs. 

In the West, the institution of this festival 
is intimately connected with the dedication to 
Christian purposes of the Pantheon or Rotunda 
at Rome. This temple, built in honour of the 
victory of Augustus at Actium, was dedicated 
by M. Agrippa to Jupiter Vindex, and was called 
the Pantheon, probably from the number of 
statues of the gods which it contained, though 
other reasons are assigned for the name. 

Up to the time of St. Gregory the Great, idol- 
temples were generally thrown down, or, if thej 
were suBfered to remain, were thought unworthy 
to be used in the service of God. Gregory 
himself at first maintained this principle, but in 
the latter part of his life, thought it would con- 
duce more to the conversion of the heathen if 
they were allowed to worship in the accustomed 
spot with new rites (see his well-known letter 
to Mellitus, in Bede, Hist. Eccl. ii. 30 ; 0pp. vl 
p. 79) ; and from this time, the principle of con- 
verting heathen fanes to Christian uses seems to 
have become familiar. In the beginning of the 
7th century, the Pantheon remained almost the 
solitary monument of the old heathen worship 
in Rome. In the year 607 Boniface III. obtained 
from the Emperor Phocas the important re- 
cognition of the supremacy of Rome over sU 




ttber dinrdies; and in the Mime year bia aac- 
MHor, BoDifice lY^ having cleansed and restored 
Um i^theon, obtained the emperor's permission 
to 4«dicate it to the senrice of God, in the name 
**& Mariae semper Virginia et omnium Mar- 
tjmm :" (LAer Pontif. in Muratori, Ber. ItaL 
Scr^ftores, iii. 1, 135). This dedication is com- 
BKBionted, and is believed to have taken place, 
on Vaj 13. On this day we find in the old Ro- 
naa Martyrology edited by Rosweyd, " S. Mariae 
ad Martjrei dedicationis dies agitur a Bonifacio 
hipastatntos." Baronins tells ns, that he fbond 
it reoorded in an ancient MS. belonging to the 
Churdi itaeli; that it was first dedicated *<In 
hoDoran S. Mariae, Dei Genetricis, et omnium 
SS. Martynmi et Confessomm ;" and that at the 
time of dedication the bones of martyrs from 
the rarioos cemeteries of the city were borne in 
s piDcession of twenty-eight carriages to the 
cbnrdi. {MartyroL Horn. p. 204.) The technical 
«e of the word ** confessor " seems, however, to 
iadicate a somewhat later date than that of the 
dedicatioD; and Paulas Diaconus {Ilisi, LongO' 
bard. IT. 37, p. 570) tells us simply that Phocas 
fraated Booi&ce permission, ** Ecclesiam beatae 
lemper Virginia Mariae et omnium Martyrum 
Beti, nt ubi quondam omnium non deorum sed 
daemoDom cultus erat, ibi deinceps omnium fieret 
Bemoria sanctorum," and the church bears to 
this day the name of **S. Maria dei Martiri." 
Thii festival of the 13th May was not wholly 
ooaliaed to the city of Rome, yet it seems to have 
been little more than a dedication-festival of the 
Kotnada, corresponding to the dedication-festivals 
of other churches, but of higher celebrity, as the 
•Miimemoration of the finalvictory of Christianity 
over Paganism. 

The history of • the establishment of the 
festJTal of All Sainta on Nov. 1 is somewhat 
ohscore. The Martyrologntm Rom. Vet,, al- 
Kadr quoted, gives under ** Kal. Novembr." a 
''Festiritas Sanctorum, quae Celebris et gene- 
lalis agitur Romae." The very terms here used 
ihow that this ** Festivitas Sanctorum " waa a 
fpedally Roman festival, and it was probably 
cunplr the dedication-feast of an oratory dedi- 
cated by Gregory III. '* In honorem Omnium 
Saactorum." But in the 8th century, the ob- 
•errance of the festival was by no means con- 
fiied to Rome. Beda's Metrical Martyrology has- 

* VnUpIki rutflat gemma oea in fronte November, 
Caadonmi ftklget Sanctomm laode dccorls." 

In the ancient Hieronymian calendar in 
D^Achery {SpkUeg, tom. ii.), it appears under 
KsL Novemb., but only in the third place; 
** Xatalis St, Caesarii ; St. Andomari Episoopi ; 
lire Omnium Sanctorum." The list of festivals 
ia the Peniiential of Boniface gives ^ In solemni- 
tate Omnium Sanctorum ; " but the feast is not 
kmd in the list given by Chrodogang (an. 762), 
or m Charlemagne's Capitulary ((^. Caroli 
ifivns L 326) on the subject of festivals. It 
appean then to have been observed by some 
churches in Germany, France, and England in 
the middle of the 8th century, but not univer- 
sally. It was perhaps this diversity of practice 
whici induced Gregory IV., in the year 835, to 
nfgert to the Emperor Lewis the Pious, a ge- 
neral ordinance on the subject. Slgebert, in his 
(^romioon (in Pistorfus, Script. Germ. tom. i.), 
tcib IS, nade that year, ^ Tunc monente Gre- 

gorio Papa, et omnibus opiscopis assenticntibus, 
Ludovicus Imperator statuit, ut in Gallia et 
Germania Festivitas Omnium Sanctorum in Kal. 
Novemb. celebraretur, quam Romani ex institute 
Bonifacii Papae celebrant." (Compare Adonis 
Martyrol. ed. Rosweyd, p. ISO.) It would seem 
from this, that the festivals of May 13 and 
Nov. 1 had already coalesced on the latter day, 
and that the one festival then observed was 
referred to Boniface IV., who, in fact, instituted 
that of Majr 13. The time was perhaps chosen 
as being, in a large part of Lewis's dominions, 
the time of leisure after harvest, when men's 
hearts are disposed to thankfulness to the Giver 
of all good. From this time, All Saints' day be- 
came one of the great festivals of the Church, 
and its observance general throughout Europe. 

It probably had a Vigil from the first, as be^ 
fore the time of its general observance a Vigil 
and Fast preceded the great festivals of the 
Church. It may, perhaps, have had an octave 
from its first institution in Rome itself; but this 
was not the case in other churches, for an octave 
of All Saints does not seem to be found in any 
calendar earlier than the 13th century. Pi-oper 
collects, preface, and benediction for the " Natalis 
Omnium Sanctorum " are found in some, but not 
the most ancient, MSS. of the Gregorian Sacra- 
mentary (p. 138). 

(Baronius in Martyrologio Bomano, May 13 
and Nov. 1 ; Binterim's DenAvmrdigkeiterij vol. 
V. pt. 1, p. 487 ff. ; Alt in Herzog's Beal-Ency- 
ckpddie, i. 247.) [C] 

ALL SOULS, Festival, op (Omnium fide- 
Hum defunctorum memoria or oommemoratio). 
Yerj ancient traces of the observance of a day 
for the commemoration of 'Uhe souls of all 
those who have died in the communion of the 
body and blood of our Lord " (according to 
Cyprian) appear in the Fathers of the Church. 

TertuUian (2>e Corond Militia, c. 3) says, 
'^ Oblationes pro defunctis annua die fecimus." 
And to the same effect he speaks (De Exhort. 
Castitatis, c. 11, and De Monogam. c. 10) of 
annual offerings (oblationes) for the souls of the 
departed. These were probably made on the an- 
niversary of the death, and were especially the 
business of surviving relatives. So Chrysostom 
(Horn. 29 tn Acta Apost.\ speaks of those who 
made commemoration of a mother, a wife or a 
child. Similarly Augustine (De Cur& pro Mor^ 
tuis, ch. 4). 

It appears from an allusion in Amalarius of 
Metz (before 837) that in his time a day was 
specially dedicated to the commemoration of all 
souls of the departed, and it seems probable that 
this was the day following All Saints' Day. 
Amalarius says expressly (J)e Eccl. Officiis, lib. 
iii. c. 44) ** Annlversaria dies ideo repetitur 
pro defhnctis, quoniam nescimus qualiter eorum 
causa habeatur in alter& vit&." And in c 65, 
he says "Post ofiicium Sanctorum inserui of- 
ficium pro mortuis ; multi enim transierunt de 
praesenti saeculo qui non illico Sanctis conjun- 
guntur, pro quibus solito more officium agitur." 
The festival of All Souls is here regarded as a 
kind of supplement to that of All Saints, and 
may very probably have taken place on the 
morrow of that day. But the earliest definite 
injunction for the observance of a commemoration 
of all souls of th<i departed on Not 2 appears to 



be that of Odilo, Abbot of Clngny, in the 10th 
oeutnry. A pilgrim returning from Jerusalem, 
says Peter Damiani ( Vita Odiionis, 0pp. ii. 410), 
reported to Odilo a woful yision which he had 
had on his journey of the suffering of souls in 
purgatorial nre ; Odilo thereupon instituted in 
the churches under his control a general com- 
memoration of the souls of the faithAil departed 
on the day following All Saints' Day: **per 
omnia monasteria sua constituit generale de- 
cretum, ut sicut prime die Mensls Novembris 
juxta oniTersalis Ecclesiae regulam omnium 
Sanctorum solemnitas agitur; ita sequent! die 
in psalmis, eleemosynis et praecipue Missarum 
solemniis, onmium in Christo quiescentium 
memoria oelebraretur." This order was soon 
adopted, not only by other monastic congrega- 
tions, but by bishops for their dioceses; for 
instance, by the contemporary Bishop Notger of 
Li^e {Cknmicon Belgicwn, in Pistorius's Scrips 
tores German, iii. 92). The obsenrance appears, 
in fact, in a short time to have become general, 
without any ordinance of the Church at large on 
the subject. 

But even after the observance of a commemo- 
ration of All Souls on Nov. 2 became common, 
we find (Statutes cf Cahors, in Martene, The- 
saunts Anecdot, iv. 766) that in some places the 
morrow of St. Hilary's Day (Jan. 14), and in 
others the morrows of the Octaves of Easter 
and Pentecost were appropriated to the special 
commemoration of the souls of the departed 
(Binterim's DenkwUrdUgkeiten, voL v. pt. 1, p; 
492 ff.). [C] 

ALMACinUS, martyr at Rome, commemo- 
rated Jan. 1 (Mart Bom, Vet,, Bedae), [C] 

ALMS ^%krnfio<rirn9 non-olassical in this 
sense, either word or thing; although for the 
thing, see Seneca, De Benefic, vi. 3, and Martial, 
^pigr, V. 42 ; and for the word also, Diog. Laert. 
V. 17 : first found in the special meaning of alms in 
LXX., Dan. iv. 24 [27 Heb.], where the original 
reads '^ righteousness;" so also Tobit xii. 9, xiv. 
11 [and elsewhere], Ecclus. iii. 30, iv. 2, vii. 10, 
zziz. 15, 16, xxzv. 2). Alms recognized as a duty 
throughout the 0. T., but brought into promi- 
nence in the later Jewish period (cf. Buxtorf, 
FloriL ffebr, p. 88; Lightfoot, Mor. H^, tn 
Matt, vi. 2, Zuc. ii. 8), when they were formally 
and regularly given in the synagogues (Vitring. 
De Syn, Vet,) to be distributed by appointed 
officers, as also by putting them into certain 
trumpetHshaped alms-boxes in the temple, called 
yaCo<^\iKia (Le Moyne, Not, in Var. Sac, ii. 
75 ; Devling, Observ. Sac, iii. 175 ; distinct from 
the ya%o^vK^toy or treasury of St. Luke xxi. 1). 
They were regarded also as a work specially 
acceptable to God (Prov. xix. 17, xxii. 9, &c; 
Tobit, and Ecclus., passim ; St. Luke xi. 41, Acts 
X. 2). In like manner they became in the Chris- 
tian Church — 

I. A fundamental law of Christian morality 
(St. Matt. X. 42, xix. 21, xxv. 35 ; St. Luke xii. 
33; Acts ii. 44, iv. 34*37, xi. 29, 30; Rom. xii. 
13, XV. 25 ; 2 Cor. viii. 12, ix. 7 ; Gal. ii. 1, vi. 
10 ; Ephes. iv. 28 ; 1 Tim. vi. 18 ; Hebr. xiii. 
16; 1 Pet. iv. 8, 9; 1 John iii. 17), so tho- 
roughly recognized as to make it both super- 
fluous and impossible to enumerate patristic 
allusions to it. Special tracts on almsgiving, 
by St. Cyprian, De Opere ct Eleemos, ; St. Greg. 


Nyss., De Faupertbus Amandis Oratt, II. St. 
Greg. Naz., De Paupenan Amore Orat, ; St. Basil 
M., Serm, de Eleemos, inter Sermon, XXIV. ; St. 
Ephraem Syrus, De Amore Pauperum ; St. Leo 
M., Sermones VI, De (JoUecHs et Eleemos. ; St. 
Maximus, Ad Joann, Cubic, Epist, II, (De Elee- 
mos,) ; and among the sermons attributed to St. 
Chrysostom, one De Jejun. et Eleemos,, and three 
De Eleemos,, kc (and see a collection of patristic 
citations in Drexelius, De Eleefnosyna), Even 
Julian the Apostate, c a.d. 351, bears testimony 
that the almsgiving of "the Galileans" over- 
flowed beyond their own poor to the heathen 
(Epist, ad Arsac,, Epist. xlix.; and compare Lucian, 
as quoted below); and thinks it expedient to 
boast of his own kindness (Ad Themdst,"), Com- 
pare also such notable examples as those, e,g,^ 
of Pope Soter as described by his contemporary 
Dionysius Bishop of Corinth, c. A.D. 160 (ap. 
Euseb. ff, E. iv. 23) ; of Paulinus of Nola ; of 
Deo Gratias Bishop of Carthage towards Gen- 
seric's captives (see Milman, L, C. L 205, and 
Gibbon); of Johannes " Eleemosynarius," Patri- 
arch of Alexandria, A.D. 606-616 : and the oe- 
currence of such expressions as, "Hoc praestat 
eleemosyna quod et Baptisma ** (St. Hieron. tn 
Ps. cxxxOi.}, " Christian! sacrificium est eleemo- 
syna in pauperem " (St. Aug. Serm, «/m., from 
Heb. xiii. 16) ; or again, that almsgiving is the 
"characteristic mark of a Christian," — x^'P'^'^ 
rripurriichp Xpumarov, and that it is /t-'hrrip 
iiydinis, ^>dpfi€Ucop i^taprrffidrwp, kM/m^ els r^r 
o^pa^hy kmiptyiUpn (St. Chrys. m ffib. Bom. 
xxxiL, and in Tit. Ham, vi,); or again, that 
" res ecclesiae " are " patrimonia pauperum." 

II. An integral part of Christian worship (Acts 
u. 42, vi. 1 ; 1 Cor. xvi.l ; 1 Tim. v. 3, 16) : alms 
for the poor, to be distributed by the clergy (Acts 
xi. 30), being a regular portion of the offerings 
made in church, among those for the support of 
the clergy, and oblations in kind for the Church 
services (Justin M., Apol. I. p. 98, Thirlby ; St. 
Greg. Naz., Orat, xx., 0pp. 1. 351 ; ConsOi. 
Ap^tol. iv. 6, 8; St. Chrys., ffom. L in S. 
Matth. 0pp. vii. 518, Ben.; Cone. Gangrene,^ 
drc A.D. 324, c 8 ; for the East : — St. Iren., 
Adv. Haer, iv. 18 ; St. Cypr., De Op. et Eleem., 
203, Fell; Tertull., Apd. 39; Arnob., Adv. 
Gent, iv., in fin. ; St. Ambros., Ep, xvii. Ad 
Valewt, Opp. ii. 827, Ben. ; Cone, EUber,, A.D. 
304, cc. 28, 29 ; Cone. Carthag, iv., a.d. 398, 
cc. 93, 94 ; Optatus, De Schism. Donat, vi. p. 93, 
Albaspin. ; Qmc. Matiscon, ii., a.d. 585, c. 4 ; 
ffom. cclxv. in Append, ad S, Aug, Opp. v.; 
Besp. Greg. M. ad Qu, Aug. ap. Baed. ff. E, 
i. 27 ; for the West : Psalms being sung, at least 
at Carthage, during the collection and distribu- 
tion, St. Aug. Retract, ii. 11); and this as a pri- 
vilege, the names of considerable donors being 
T^cMeA(Con8tit.Ap08tol. iii. 4; St. Cypr., Epist, 
ix. al, xvii., Ix. al. Ixii. ; St. Hieron., in Jerem. xi, 
lib, ii,, in Ezech, xviO, ; St. Chrys., ffom. xviii. 
in Act. ; Gest, Caecil. et Felic, ad fin. Optati p. 95), 
and the offerings of evil-livers, energumeni, ex- 
communicate persons, suicides, and of those at 
enmity with their brethren, being rejected (St. 
Iren., Adv. ffaer, iv. 34 ; Tertull., De Praescrip. 
30 ; Constit. Apost, iv. 5-7 ; St. Athan., Ep, ad 
Sditar,, p. 364, ed. 1698 ; Epist, ad Bomfitc in 
App. ad Opp. S. Attg. ii. ; Cone. Herd, a.d. 524, c 
13; and Autissiod, i., a.d. 578, c. 17 ; the Irish 
synods assigned to St. Patrick, c. 12, Wilk. i. 3. 


«4c S, ib. 4; aad St. Ambrose, OpUtoa, and the 
OmkjIs of Ltriia mnA. Ckurthagty above qaoted ; 
«r later fUll, CapiL Herard, Arcldep. TWtm. 
U«, in Balm. CbpiT. i. 1294, and repeatedlj in 
tkc CiyiliilerJiw)L There was ako an alnu-boz 
(^afffeJUner, corftdno, lee St. Cjpr., De Op, et 
Slmmu., ami St. Hieron^ Epist. 27, c 14), placed 
iatke dinrch for casual alma, to be taken ont 
VMlUf (Tertnll. ^poL S9> And Panlinns 
lEpuL 32) speaks of a table (meMo) for re- 
cBviag the offerings. Collections for the poor in 
(ftnreh both on Sundays and on week days are 
lawrtioiwd bj St. Leo the Great (Serm. de Col- 
kdu). The poor also habitnallj sat at the 
dnuth door, at least in the East, to receive alms 
(St Chrys., Hon. zxvl I>e Verb, Apost^ Mom, U 
u S TtaL, Horn, iiL De PoeiuL). 

HL An institution having a formal list of re- 
dpicBts, mainly widows and orphans (St. Ignat., 
srf FUfoarp. ir. ; Cnisfuf. Apost. xv. 4, Ac) ; or, 
■pan eeeasion, nmityrs in prison or in the mines, 
«r other prisoners, or shipwrecked persons (Dion. 
Coriath. ap. Enaeb. B. E. iv. 23 ; Tertnll., De 
J*jmL 13 ; Lnciaa, De MorU Peregrin. § 11, Op. 
Tin 279, Bipont. ; Liban., A.D. 387, Orat. rri. 
m Trmbhr., Orat. de Vinctis, ii. 258, 445, ed. 
Uike): aid special officers, as (brother directly 
sc d sri a s ti eal ftinetiona, so also for managing the 
Cbnr^ alms^ viz. deacons {Cotut. Apost, ii. 31, 
SS,iii. 19; Dionys. Alex. ap. Eoseb. ff, E, vii. 
11 ; SL Cfpr-, Epist, xU., and xliz. al. lii.. Fell. ; 
Stffieron., Jitf Sepot, Epitt. xxxiv.); and among 
voBSB, deaconessea, commonly widows of ad- 
viaesd age (Cbfuftf. Apo^. iii. 15 ; St. Hieron., 
M NepeL JE^itt. xxzir. ; and Ludan and Libanius 
SI aboTe)L See also Tertnllian (Ad Uxor, ii. 
4 sad 8) for the charitable works of married 
ChzHisn matrons. 

IV. These arrangements were supplemented 
wba neeeHary by special collections appointed 
hj the bishop CTertull., De Jejwn. 1S% after the 
psttcm of St. Paul, for extraordinary emer- 
gmdcs, whether at home or among brethren or 
'ithcn dsewfaere; e.g. St. Cyprlim's collection 
•f ^sestertia centum millia nnmmomm" for 
the ledemptioD of Numidian captives from the 
hsrbsrfsns (St. Cypr- Epist. Ix.) ; mostly accom- 
paaied by fost days (Tertnll. ib, — and so, long 
sfttr, Theodulph, A.D. 787 [Capit, 381 enjoins 
■hasgiviag continually, but specially on last days)^ 
t«t sometimes at the ordinary Qiorch service 
(3t Leo M., XV CoOectis) : a practice which grew 
sooMtmes into the abuse which was remedied by 
the Govndl of Tours (ii. a.d. 567, c 5), enact- 
iag that each dty should provide for its own 
poor, and by Gregory the Great, desiring the 
nibop of Milan to protect a poor man at Genoa 
frmi being compelled to contribute to such a 
ooUrctiott (St. Greg., Epiat, ix. 126). See also 
St. HiennL, Adv. VigUantiunL 

The iydirtu also may be mentioned in this 
eaeaeetioa (1 Cor. xL 20, Jude 12; Tertnll., 
iM.39; Constit. Apoet. H. 28; prohibited 
Come Laod., a.d. 364, c. 5, and see Cone. Quini- 
Kgt U). 762, c 74; and under Agapae). Also 
tbe {«9«rtf or |croSox<(a (St. Chrys., Horn. xlv. in 
AeL Apodol.; St. Aug., Trad, xcvii. in Jok, 
1^4); tlM wrmx^rpo^Ta, managed by the ^icXn- 
fwo) or kj^frryenfaMTPOt rmp wrmx^i^v" (Cone. 
CMmC A.a 451, c 8 ; and Pallad., Hist. Laus. 
v.); tbe Tif^Mro^MB, the poeroKoiiMta (Pallad., V, 
ObliL pi \V% the hp^eiMerpo^la : of which the 



names explain themselves (and see abundant re* 
ferences in Suicer, su6 vooc, and Justinian also 
enacts laws respecting such institutions and the 
clergy who manage tncm), and which came into 
being with the Christian Church. E. g., the 
fioffiKtiiu of St. Basil at Caesarea stands as a 
notable example of a Christian hospital, at once 
for sick and strangers (St. Basil. M., Epist. 94; 
St. Greg. Naz., Orat. xxvii. and xxx. ; Sozom. vi. 
34), with its smaller ofishoots in the neighbour- 
ing country (St. Basil. M., Epist. 142, 143); and 
so also the hospital of St. Chrysostom, with his 
advice on the subject to the faithful of Con- 
stantinople (St. Chrys., Horn. xlv. in Act. Apost. 
0pp. ix. 343); and the Xenodochittm founded 
"in portu Romano'' byPammachins and Fabiola 
(St. Hieron., Ad Ocean. Ep. Ixxxiv.). Add also 
the alms given at marriage and at funerals (St. 
Chrys., Horn, xxxii. in S. Matth.; St. Hieron., 
Ad Pammach. de Obitu Uxor. Ep. liv. ; Pseudo- 
Origen., Comment, in Job. lib. iii. p. 437 ; St. 
Aug., Cont. Faust, xx. 20; and see Bingham). 
Our own Council of Cealchyth, in A.D. 816 (c. 
10), directs the tenth of a bishop's substance 
to be given in alms upon his death. The Mani- 
chaeans appear to have refused alms to needy 
persons not Manichaeans on some recondite prin- 
ciple of their connection with the principle of 
evil, for which they are condemned by St. Aug. 
{De Mor. Mamch, ii. 15, 16) and Theodoret 
(Haer, Fab. i. 26). 

There was apparently no specified rule for 
division of ecclesiastical revenues, originally of 
course entirely voluntary offerings, anterior to 
the 5th century; the bishop being throughout 
their chief administrator, but by the hands of 
the deacons (see e. g. St. Cypr., about Felicis- 
simus, ^Hst, xli. ; and Cone. Oangr., c. 8, and 
Epiphan, Haer. xl., condemning the Eustathians 
for withdrawing their alms fVom the bishop or 
the officer appointed by him). In the Western 
Church in the 5th century (setting aside the 
questionable decree of the Synod of Rome under 
Sylvester in 324) we find a fourfold division of 
them : 1, for the bishop ; 2, for the clergy ; 3, 
for the poor ; 4, for the fabric and sustentation 
of the churches. Or again, for 1. Churches; 
2. Clergy ; 3. Poor ; 4. Strangers. This origin- 
ated with the Popes Simplidus (Epist. 3, A.D. 
467) and Gelasius (in Oration Caus. 12 qu. 2, 
c. Sancimus, A.D. 492) ; is mentioned repeatedly 
by St. Gregory the Great at the end of the 6th 
century (e.g. Ep. iv. 11, v. 44, vii. 8, xiii. 44 ; 
i?«sp. ad August., &c. ; — and see also Cone. Aurel. 
I. c. 5), was varied in Charlemagne's and Lud. 
Pins' Capitularies (i. 80, Baluz. 718), as re- 
garded Toluntary offerings. Into two-thirds to 
the poor and one-third to the clergy in rich 
places, and half to each in poor ones ; but was 
repeated in the old form by the Capit. of Charle- 
magne himself respecting tithes (Baluz. i. 356) 
and by the Counc. of WonnSf AJ>. 868, c. 7 ; 
Tribur., A.D. 895, c. 13 ; and Nantes, A. D. 895 (?), 
c 10 (if at least this last is not to be referred 
to the Council of Nantes in 658). 

The special office of Eleemosynarius or Almoner 
occurs in later times, afterwards the name of 
the superintendent of the alms-house or hospital, 
but at first a distributor of alms : both in monas- 
teries (described at length by Du Cange, from a 
MS. of St. Victor of Paris), although the office in 
the older Egyptian momisteries belonged to tb« 



CdOOiumuM, under the special name of 9uucoyla 
(Caasian, CoUat. zviii. 7, xzi. 9) ; and afterwards, 
in England at least, as an officer attached to 
each bishop (Com, Oxon., a.d. 1222; Lyndw., 
Provinc, i. 13, p. 67) ; and lastly- to the king, as 
e.g. in England, and notably to the Kings of 
France (see a list in Dn Cange). 

In the history of doctrine, the subject of alms- 
giving u connected — I. With the notions of com- 
munity of goods, voluntary poverty, and the 
difficulty of salvation to the rich ; the current 
voice of fathers, as e, g. Tertull., Apol, 39, Justin 
M., Apol. i., Amob. Adv. Qent. iv. in fin., magni- 
fying the temper indicated by tA tUp ^iKwv 
irdvra Koivd, while others, as St. Clem. Alex. 
(Strom, in. 6, p. 536, Potter), rejected its literal 
and narrow perversion (see also his tract at 
length, Qui8 Dives Salvetur); which perversion 
indeed the Church condemned in the cases of the 
Apostolici or Apotactitae (St. Aug., De Haer. zl. 
0pp. viii. 9 ; St. Epiphan., ffaer. Ixi.), and of the 
Massalians (St. Epiphan. Haer, Ixx.)^ and again 
m that of the Pelagians, who maintained that 
rich men must give up their wealth in order to 
be saved (so at least Pseudo-Sixtus III., De 
Divitiis ; and Me St. Aug., Epiat, cvi. ad Paviin.^ 
and Cone. DiospoUt. § 6, A.D. 415). Compare 
Mosheim's Diss, de Vera Nat. Commun, BonO' 
rwn in Eccl. Hieros. II. With the relation of 
good works to justification; alms and fasting 
standing prominently in the question, i. as com- 
paratively outward and positive acts, ii. as beiug 
specially urged from early times as parts of 
repentance and charity (e,g, Hermas, Pastor 
X. 4; Salvian, Adv. Avarit. ii. p. 205; Lactant., 
Div. Inatit. vL 13, tom. i. p. 470 ; Constit. S. 
Clem. vii. 12 ; St. Ambros., De Elia et Jejun, 
XX. ; St. Chrys., Horn. vii. de Poenit. § 6, 0pp. 
ii. 336 C). " Date et dabitur vobis," found its 
answer in the repeated occurrence of the words 
(e.g. St. Caesar. Arel., Horn. xv. ; St. Eligius, in 
Vita ii. 15, ap. D'Ach., Spicil. iL 96), "Da, Do- 
mine, quia dedimus;" but the whole doctrine 
derived its colour in each case from the succes- 
sive phases of the doc|;rine of merit. III. With 
(in time) the idea of compounding for other sins 
by alms, a feeling strengthened by the imposition 
of alms by way of satisfaction and of commuta- 
tion of penance. The introduction of the practice 
is attributed to Theodore of Canterbury, c. a.d. 
700, but upon the ground only of the Peniten- 
tials hitherto falsely attributed to him ; while the 
abuse of it is severely condemned by the Council 
of Cloveshoe, a.d. 747 (c. 26), and by Theodulph 
(Capit. 32, A.D. 787). Its grossest instance is 
probably to be found in the ledger-like calcula- 
tion of the payments, by which " powerful men " 
could redeem their penances, in Eadgar's canons, 
in fin. (Thorpe, ii. 286-289), about A.D. 963. 
See also Morinus, De Poenit. lib. x. c 17, who 
treats the question at length. IV. With alms 
for the dead. See Cone. Carth. iv., A.D. 398, c. 
79 ; St. Chrys., as before quoted, and Bingham. 
See also for later times. Car. M., Capit. v. 364, 
ap. Baluz. i. 902. 

Plough-alms in England (eleem. carucarumj 
Suhl-aelmifsaan), viz., a penny for every plough 
used in tillage, to be paid annually fiftieen days 
after Easter (Laws of Eadgar and Guthrun, A.D. 
906, c, 6 ; Eadgar's Laws i. 2, and can. 54, a.d. 
959 and 975; EthelredTs, ix. 12, a.d. 1014; 
Onuts, c. 8, c A.D. 1030 : £ectit. Sing Pers.y § de 


ViUams)j were rather a church dot than alms 
properly so called. As was also St. Peter's 
penny, Eleemos. S. Petri. And Libera Elsan^ 
synoj or Frank-Almoign, ia the tenure of most 
Church lands from Saxon times (viz., tenure 
on condition, not of specified religious services, 
but of Divine Service generally), although now 
incapable of being created de novo (Stat. Quia 
EmptoreSf 18 Edw. I.). See Stephen's Blackstone, 
i., Bk. n. Pt. i. c 2, in fin, [A. W. H.] 

Council of.] 

ALTAB. — The table or raised soriaoe on 
which the Eucharist is consecrated. 

I. Names of the Attar. 

1. T^xc^a, a table ; as Tpdlirc(a Kvplov, 1 Cor. 
X. 21. This is the term most commonly used by 
the Greek Fathers and in Greek Liturgies ; some- 
times simply, ^ rpiiTfQx, as the Table by pre- 
eminence (Chrysost. in Ephes. Horn. 3), but 
more frequently with epithets expressive of awe 
and reverence; fiv<miHif TycvfiariiHif ^fitpi, 
iPpiieHi, <ftpiK<&SfiSt fiaariKuHiy &0dlyaTos, Ic^ ay/a. 
Beta, and the like (see Saucer's Thescturus, a. v.). 
St. Basil in one passage (Ep. 73, 0pp. ii. 870) 
appears to contrast the Tables (rpax^jos) of the 
orthodox with the Altars (Bwriatrrfiptd) of Basi- 
lides. Sozomen (Eccl. Hist. ix. 2, p. 368) says 
of a slab which covered a tomb that it was 
fashioned as if for a Holy Table (&(nrtp tls Up^ 
i^i^ffKuro rpdir€(ay\ a passage which seems to 
show that he was &miliar with stone tables. 

2. Svauurr^piov, the place of Sacrifice; the 
word used in the Septuagint for Noah's altar 
(Gen. viii. 20^ and both for the Altar of Buint- 
sacrifice and the Altar of Incense under the 
Levitical law, but not for heathen altars. 

The word Ovtnaffrfipioy in Heb. xiii. 10, is 
referred by some commentators to the Lord's 
Table, though it seems to relate rather to the 
heavenly than to the earthly sanctuary (Thomas 
Aquinas). The dvcrtcurr-fipioy of Ignatius, too 
(ad PhUad. 4 ; compare Ma^. 7 ; Trail. 7), 
can scarcely designate the Table used in the 
Eucharist (see Lightfoot on PhiUppians, p. 263, 
n. 2). But by this woid Eusebius (ffist. EccL 
X. 4, § 44) describes the altar of the great 
church in Tyre, and again (Panegyr. sub fin.) he 
speaks of altars (OvciaffTlipia) erected through- 
out the world. Athanasius, or Pseudo-Athana- 
sius (Disp. cont. Arium^ O^p. i. 90), explains 
the word rpiir^daL by Ovcriaar^pioy. This name 
rarely occura in the liturgies. diMruurri^pior 
not unfrequently designates the enclosure within 
which the altar stood, or Bema (see Mede, On the 
Name Altar or evtruurrfiptoy, Works, p. 382 ff.). 

3. The Copts call the altar *l\atrHipiory the 
word applied in the Greek Scriptures to the 
Mercy-Seat, or covering of the Ark [oompaie 
Abca]; but in the Coptic liturgy of St. Basil 
they use the ancient Egyptian word Pimaner- 
sohoousch*^ which in Coptic versions of Scripture 
answers to the Heb. nUTD and the Graek $ve» 
<rr^piop (Renaudot, Lit. Orient, i. 181). 

4. The word Bttfihs (see Nitzsch on the 
Odyssey, vol. ii. p. 15) is used in Scripture and 
in Christian writers generally for a heathen 
altar. Thus in 1 Maccab. i. 54, we read that in 
the persecution under Antiochus an ^abomins- 
ilim of desolation" was built on the Temple-altar 




{ 09fm rT h f w \ while idol-altan (B«/u>2) were 
■t up IB tlie aties of Judah ; and, again (L 59), 
«aifioes were offered ** i^rl t6p BmfiSir hs ^v M 
rov OvriamrfMov." The word B»^f is, how- 
ircr, applied to the Leritical altar in Eoclesias- 
tkoi L 12, the work of a gentilizing writer. It 
u geeenllj repudiated by early Chrifitian writers, 
cxeept in a fij^aratire senso: thus Clement of 
Altxandria {Strom, rii. p. 717) and Origen (c. 
CtUm n Titi. p. 389) declare that the soul is the 
traeChiistian altar (Bmfi^s), the latter expressly 
tdmittiiig the charge of Celsiia, that the Chris- 
tiut hed no material altars. Yet in later times 
tmpus was nmetimes used for the Christian 
slUr; Synasioa, for inatance (KardarouriSj c 19, 
pu 903), speaks of flying for refuge to the 
ubkody altar (Bo^/c^r). 

5l Theezpresaion ** Menaa Domini," or " Mensa 
OnBinica," is not imoomroon in the Latin Fathers, 
Mpedaily Si. Augustine (e.g. Sermo 21, c. 5, on 
fi IdiL 11). And an altar raised in honour of 
4 flttztyr fivqnently bore his name ; as *' Mensa 
Cfpriani" (Augustine, Sermo 310)u The word 
"Btasa" is frequently used for the slab which 
firmei the top of the altar (v. infra). 

<L Ara, the Vulgate rendering of B«/ids (1 
Maoesh. t 54 [57^ etc), is frequently applied 
br Tertallian to the Christian altar, though not 
without some qualification; for instance, ''ara 
Det** (d^ OraUfme, c. 14). Yet ara, like B«m^s, 
B repudiated by the early Christian apologists 
flB account of its heathen associations; thus 
Miaadus Felix (Octavius, c 32) admits that 
"Ddubra et aras non habemus ; " compare Arno- 
bias (adv. Gentes tI. 1) and Lactantius (Divin, 
IvHL iL 2). In rubrics, Ara designate a port- 
able altar or consecrated slab. (Maori Hiero- 
fenoon, a.T. **^ Altare.") Ara is also used for the 
sidiBtnititure on which the mensa, or altar proper, 
was placed; **Altaris aram funditus pessum- 
dan " (Pmdentius, Peristeph, xiy. 49). Compare 
Ario Smaragdus, quoted below. 

7. But by far the most common name in the 
latin Fathers and in Liturgical diction is altare, 
a ** high altar," from altus (Isidore, Origmes, xt. 
4, p. 1197 ; compare alreare, collars). This is 
tbe Yulgate equivalent of 0wruurrf\piov. Ter- 
talliaa {de Exhort. CcatitatU c 10) speaks of the 
Lord's Table as " altare " simply ; so also Cyprian 
{Spid, 45, § 3, «dL Goldhorn), who, by the 
pbiaae ''altari posito," indicates that the church- 
altar in his time was moveable ; and who, in 
aaother place {Epist. 59, § 25), contrasts the 
Lnd's Altar C* Domini Altare ") with the *< ara " 
of idola. So again {Epist. 65, § 1) he contrasts 
'"STH diaboU" with "Altare Dei." So Angus- 
tiie {Strmo 159, § 1) speaks of <" Altare Dei." 
Tft Cyprian speaks {Ep. 59, § 15) of ''diaboli 
altaria," so uncertain was the usage. In the 
Latin liturgies scarcely any other name of the 
altar occurs but altare. The plural altaria is 
also eoeasionally used by ecclesiastical writers, 
■a iBTiriably by classical authors, to designate 
an altar; thus Caesarius of Aries {Horn. 7) says 
tbai the elements (creaturae) to be consecrated 
"aaeris altaribns imponuntur." (Mone's Oriech. 
«. Xdt Jfinam, p. 6.) 

Tbc singular ** altarium " is also used in late 
vriteai: as in the Canon of the Council of 
Anxcxre quoted below, mass is not to be said 
BMif than once a day, "super uno altario." 
Aharioa is also used in a wider sense, like 

OtMruurrfipiov, for the Bema or Sanctuary; so 
also altaria. 

8. In most European languages, not only of 
the Romanesque family, but also of the Teutonio 
and Slavonic, the word used for the Lord's Table 
is derived, with but slight change, from altare. 
In Russian, however, another word, prestol, pro- 
perly a throne, is in general use. [C.] 

II. Paris composing aitars. — Although in strict- 
ness the table or tomb-like structure consti- 
tutes the altar, the steps on which it is placed, 
and the ciborium or canopy which covered it, 
may be considered parts of the altar in a larger 
sense, or, at least, were so closely connected with 
it, as to make it more convenient to treat of 
them under the same head. 

The altar itself was composed of two portions, 
the supports, whether legs or columns, in the 
table form, or slabs in the tomb-like, and the 
"mensa" or slab which formed the top. 

The expression "comu altaris," horn of the 
altar," often used in rituals (as in the Sacrament. 
Oshsianum 1, c Ixxxviii.), appears to mean 
merely the comer or angle of the altar, no known 
example showing any protuberance at the angles 
or elsewhere above the general level of the 
mensa, although in some instances (as in that in 
the church of S. Giovanni Evangelista at Ravenna 
hereafter mentioned) the central part of the sar- 
face of the mensa is slightly hollowed. By the 
Comu Evangelii is meant the angle to the left of 
the priest celebrating, by Comu Epistolae that to 
the right. These phrases must, however, it would 
seem, date from a period subsequent to that 
when the Gospel was read from the ambo. 

III. Material and form of altars. — ^It is admitted 
by all that the earliest altars were tables of 
wood ; in the high altar of the church of S. Gio- 
vanni Laterano at Rome is enclosed an altar of 
the tomb-like form, the mensa and sides formed 
of wooden planks, on which St. Peter is asserted 
to have celebrated the Lord's Supper, and at 
Sta. Pudenziana, in the same city, fragments of 
another are preserved to which the same tra- 
dition attaches. [Arca.] 

This shows an ancient belief that altars were 
of wood. And there is abundant proof that in 
Africa at least the Holy Table was commonly of 
wood up to the end of the fourth centui'y. 
AthanasiuB, speaking of an outrage of the Arians 
in an orthodox church {Ad Monachos, 0pp. i. 
847), says that they burnt the Table {i^vXitni 
y^p i{y) with other fittings of the church. Op- 
tatus of Mileve, describing the violence of the 
Donatists, mentions their planing afresh, or 
breaking up and using for firewood, the Holy 
Tables in the churches of their rivals {De Schis- 
mate Donatistarum vi. 1, p. 90 ff.) ; and St. Augus- 
tine {Epist. 185, c. 27) declares that they beat 
the orthodox Bishop Maximinianus with the 
wood of the altar under which he had taken 
refuge. In England, at a much later date, if we 
may trust William of Malmesbury {Vita S. 
Wulstaniy in De Qestis Pomtif Angl. iii. U\ 
Wulstan, bishop of Worcester (1062-1095), de 
molished throughout his diocese the wooden 
altars which were still in existence in England 
as in ancient days, ''altaria lignea jam inde a 
priscis diebus in Anglift." Martene {De Antiq. 
Eccl Ritibus i. 3) and Mabillon {Acta SS. Bene* 
diet. Saec. vi., pars 2, p. 860) have shown th«V. 
wooden altars were anciently used m Gaol. 



Tet there is distinct eyidenoe of the exist- 
ence of Ftone altars in the fourth century. 
Gregorjr of Nyssa (JDe Ckristi Baptismate, 0pp. 
iii. 369) speaks of the stone of which the altar 
was made being hallowed by consecitition. To 
the same effect St. Chrysostom (on 1 Cor. Horn. 
20). And stone became in time the usual canon- 
ical material of an altar. The assertion that 
Pope Sylvester (314-335) first decreed that 
altars should be of stone rests upon no ancient 
authority (Bona, De Reb. Lit. i., c 20, § 1). 
The earliest decree of a council bearing on the 
subject is one of the provincial council of Epaona 
(Pamiers in France) in 517, the 26th Canon of 
which (Brun's Cawmea ii. 170) forbids any other 
than stone altars to be consecrated by the appli- 
cation of Chnsm. 

As this council was only provincial, its decrees 
were no doubt only partially received. The 
14th chap, of the CapituUries of Charles the 
Great, A.D. 769 (Migne's Patrologia, xcvu. 124), 
orders that priests should not celebrate unless 
**in mensis lapideis ab £piscopis consecratis." 
This seems to mark a period when the use of 
wooden altars, although disapproved of, was by 
no means unknown. In the Eastern churches 
the material of the altar has been deemed a 
matter of less importance, and at all times down 
to the present day altars have been made of 
wood, stone, or metal. 

Assemani (BibL Orient, iii. 238) dtes a Canon 
of a Synod of the Syro-Jacobites, held circa a.d. 
908, which orders the use of fixed altars of stone, 
and the disuse of wood ; he adds that in the 
churches of the Maronites and of the Jacobites 
the altars were sometimes of wood, sometimes 
of stone (compare Neale, Eastern Ch. Intr. 181). 
In some instances at the present day pillars of 
stone are used to support a mensa of wood. 

This change of material was in some degree 
occasioned or accompanied by the adoption of a 
different type of form, that of the tomb. Such 
adoption has been usually accounted for by the 
supposition that the tombs in the Roman cata- 
combs known as *' arcosolia ** were used during 
the period of persecution as altars. These arco- 
solia were formed by cutting in the wall of the 
chamber or oratory, at a height of about three 
feet from the floor, an opening covered by an 
arch. In the wall below this opening an exca^ 
vation was made sufficiently large to receive one 
or sometimes two bodies, and this was covered 
by a slab of marble. 

Snch tombs would evidently furnish suffici- 
ently convenient altars, hot there appears to be 
some deficiency of proof that they were actually 
so used during the period of persecution, to 
which, indeed, the far greater number are by 
some centuries posterior. Some writers assert 
that up to the time of St. Sylvester the only 
altars in use were wooden chests [compare 
Arca] carried about from place to place where- 
ever the Roman bishop had his habitation. 
Whether this opinion be or be not well-founded, 
it is certain that traces of altars occupying the 
normal position, viz., the centre of the apse, have 
been found in the oratories of the catacombs. 
Bosio and Boldetti state that they had met with 
such, the one in the cemetery of Priscilla, the 
other in that of SS. Marcellinus and Peter, and 
Martigny (Diet, des Aniiq. Chrdt. p. 58^ adds 
that he had been shown by the Cav. de Rossi in 


the cemetery of Galixtus the traces left by the 
four pillars which had supported an altar. The 
date of the altars in question does not, however, 
appear to have been clearly ascertained. 

It was, however, not only in Rome that the 
memorials of martyrs and altars were closely 
associated; the 83i'd Canon of the Codex Can. 
Eccl, Afric. A.D. 419 (in Brun's Canonee, i. 
176) orders that the altaria which had been 
raised everywhere by the roads and in the fields 
as ^ Memoriae Martyrum," should be overtomed 
when there was no proof that a martyr lay 
beneath them ; and blames the piaetioe of erect- 
ing altars in conseauence of dreams and ** inanes 

In the Liber PontificaUs it is stated that Pope 
Felix I. (A.D. 269—274) '* oonstituit supra sepnl- 
era martyrum missas celebrari," but perhaps the 
most clear proofs of the prevalence of the prac- 
tice of placing altars over the remains of martyn 
and saints at an early period, are furnished by 
passages in Prudentius, particularly that so oftea 
quoted {Feritteph,, Hymn XL t. 169—174):.* 

** TaUbos Hli^lytl corpus mandatnr opertis 
Propter ubi opposita est sra dfeata Deo^ 

Ilia tacramenti donatrix mensa etdemqoe 
CnscoB Ada sol martyrls appoiita, 

Servat ad aetarnl spem Jodids oasa sepnkro 
Fasclt Item ssnctis tlbrtoolM dapiboa." 

The practice of placing the altar over the re- 
mains of martyrs or saints may probably have 
arisen from a disposition to look upon the snfier- 
ings of those confessors of the faitli as analogoos 
with that sacrifice which is commemorated in 
the Eucharist; and the passage in the Reve- 
lation (chap. vi. V. 9), ^ I saw under the altar 
the souls of them that were slain for the word 
of God," no doubt encouraged or instigated the 
observance. The increasing disposition to vene- 
rate martyrs and their relics fostered this prac- 
tice, by which, as Prudentius says {Perigtepk^ 
Hymn. III. v. 211)— 

" Sic venerarier oeaa llbet 
Oaslbas altar et impoaltom.'* 

And it took firm root in the Western Church; 
so much so that a rule has long been established 
that every altar must contain a relic or relioi, 
among which should be one of the saint in whose 
honour it was consecrated. [Coivbegbahoh or 
Chubohbs; Reugb.] 

This practice, no doubt, conduced to the change 
of material from wood to stene, and also to a 
change of form from that of a table to that of 
a chest or tomb, or to the combination of the 
two. The table-foim seems to have been still 
common in Africa in the early part of the 5tk 
century: for Synesius (KaTdoratris, c 19, p. 
303), says that, in the terrors of the Vandal 
invasion, he would cast himself beneath the 
altar, and clasp the columns that supported it 
The annexed woodcut furnishes an example of 
the combination of the table-form with the 
tomb-form. It was discovered in the ruins of 
the so-called basilica of 8. Alessandro on tb« 
Via Nomentana, about seven miles from Rome, 
and may with all probability be ascribed to the 
fifth century. The mensa is a slab of porphyry, 
the rest is of marble. The small columns were 
not placed as represented in the woodcut at the 
time when the sketch from which it is takei 
was made ; they were, however, found close by 

IW ilta. avl then can b« little doubt bnt thit 
thij wtn origiiullf ■> pluad, fieowtb th« 
Jui ii ■ dMllow Mcantion lined irith mwbl*, 

ii aktcli tkc bsnes of St. AUuuder «rs beliiTtd 
la bin bun deptxited. Th« aqiuua optniag ia 
tkt euHxIUttd lUb wm probabi; osed for the 
jurpoK of introdudng cloth* [BBAHDEi}, which 
nn lijd ca the tflmb of a uint, ud iftcrwards 
pncrred i» relic*. A part of the tnicriptioD on 
iW friBt hai bMO loat : what remams reads " et 
Jlcuadro Delicatiu Toto pomit dedicatite Aepia- 
tafoTJa,," The name nntiog at the begin- 
na; ia •appoiad to bt that of Ereatitu, alw buried 
ii Ut amc ena»Urj. Urana ia beliered to bare 
irtB biahop of NoneBtnin. 

Tit altar in the aepnlchial chapel at RaveDiw, 
I, ia ao example 
The chapel wia 
Mill aknt 1.111 4au, and ttaia utar may be of 
i^nt th* iame date. Acxordiug to the Rer. B. 
TiM> (JUcto of CoiUingntal EccktMogy, p. 
IJS) II ia compoaod of three slabg of alabaster 
■appntiiig a menia ; on the eoda are carred 
tTiM u ; gn the front i* a cnoa betvera two 
iheif ; and « each dde of it the device of a 
■nwa lupeulad from ■ wreath. It ia ihewn 
ii the <9gnriBg of the chapel in Gallj Knight' 
Eal. Ank. i4 Jt^ 

la the aooiewhat earlier moaaici in the b*p- 
IMtrj of the cathedral of Rarenna, altan are 
nfnicntad aa tablea anpported bj cotamoa with 
afilala ; the tablea are repnHnted nd and the 
ealoBai gold, indicating perhaps the (ue of por- 
I^JTj and gilt bronie aa the materiala. Nor, 
althevgh the tomb-like rorm eraatually became in 
Ihe Wwlem Cbarch the mliDjf one, was the tible- 
fn dinued, for examples of it of ' ' 
tale as the thirteenth ccntorr are i 


the accompan;ing weodcat. Thii altar WW 
found in the neighbourhood of Aariol, in the 
department of the Boachee-du-RhSne, In France, 
and mftr >>* attributed to the liflh or aiith 

HartigDj {Did. da Aatiq. Chret., p. bS) men- 
tions other eiamplei ia which the men.u ia anp- 
ported by fire colnmns, one being in the centre. 
One of these found at Avigoou is aupposed to 
haie been erected by S. Agricola (dec. a.d. 580). 
Another, in the UiisA at Maneillei, he attri- 
butes to the 5th centnry, and a third he says 
in the crypt of the church of St. Uartho, 
at Tarascon. 
In the baptistery of the cathedral of RareDna 
an altar composed of a menis with two colnmna 
front, and a qaadiaugniar block of marble, in 
bich is a recesa or cavity now closed by a 
odem bnusdoor; the front of thU block hai 
some decoration of an architectural character, a 
crow, doves, ears of wheat, and bunches of 
grapes. TTiis central block woald appear to bo 
ID altar (or part of one) of the Sth century. A 
rery eimilar block is at Pannio, in Istria, and is 
engraved in Heider and Eiselbei^er'a HilltlalUr- 
"cht EmatdmJmaii da Oattrrekhitchai Kaiar- 
\aatet (i. 109); tbe writer of that work ii, 
owever, dispoud to conaider it not in altar but 

Mr. Webb {Sietchet of Coni. Ecchnaiogy, pp. 
430, 440) mention) two altara at Ravenna, one 
" ! crypt of S. QiovanniETingelista, the other 
I nire of S. Apollinare inClaiwe, of the some 
form as that of the baptistery of the Cathedral 
described above, and seems to consider this ar- 
rangement aa original ; but says of the altar of 
tbe bsptiitery that it was the tabernacle of the 
old Cathedral. Ha remarks that the mensa of 
the altar in S. Qiovaani is not level, bnt slightly 
hollowed 10 aa to leave a rim all round. 

Many notices of altars may l>e found in the 
Liber foiMficalis (otherwise known aa Amulatau 
Bibtiolheeariat de Viiit Fimtificum), aa that Pope 
Hilarns <i.D. 461-167) made at S. Lorenzo f. 
L m. "attare argenteum pensans libros qnadia- 
ginta," that Leo 111. (i.D. 765-816) made at S. 
Oiovanni Latarano "altare majua miroe mag- 
nltndinis decoratnm ei aigento puiissimo pensans 
libiaa seiaginCa et novem." 

In these and in the nnmeroui like insUnces it 
is either eipressly stated that the altar was 
decorattd with gold or silver, or the quantity of 
the metal employed is evidently quite insufficient 
to fomitb the sole material ; bnt we are not told 
whether the altar was conatmcted of stone or of 

In a mosaic at S. Vitale, at Bavenna. dating 
from the Sth century (engraved in Webb's Con*. 
Eccte». p. 437), an altar doubtless is represented 
aa standing on l^t at the angles, and therefore 
of the table form. It baa, according to Ur. 
Webb, aa ornamental covering of white linen 
with a hanging beneath. 

The annexed woodcut takan from the same 
work (p. 440) shows an alUr aimilarly re- 
presented in a mosaic in S. Apollinare in assae 
« Ravenna. This church was commenced 
between 5.14 and 538, and dedicated between 
546 and 553, but mncb of the mosaic was not 
executed until between 671 and 677 (Hilbsch, 
AOchrMKohm Eirdumy 

Paol the Silentiary, in hit poetioJ deaeription 

dencribei the altar aa af gold, d«conted with 
prccioiu itonea aod luppartsd oa golden colamna. 
Thii hu of course iong tine* been dtatroyed, 
but there atill eiisCi as altar of almoat eqaal 
•plendoar, though of the other type, tLz., that of 
the tomb, and more recent by three hundred 

length Kod 4 

1 in. in height, the mensa being 
•■ iL. •( in. Hiae. The front ia of gold, the back 
and aides of silver. It is corered with lobjecU 
in relief in panels diiided bj buds of omamen' 
and manj small orcameDts iu cloisona£ enaini 
are interspersed. The aabjects DQ the back ai 
chieRf iocidenti in the life of St. AmbroH 
thoee of the ttoot are Christ seated within a 
oval eompartuieot within a ciosa, in the bruich< 
of which an the sTmbols of the Evangelist 

the Oospcln or the Acta of the Apostles. On 
ends of the altar are crosses in compartments, 
surroonding which are angels in Tarious attitude 
of adoration. It is represented in the woodcut. 

Two examples of the tomb-like form, of atone 
and of earlier date, maj be seea in the latenl 
apses of the basilicao church which (anna part 
of S. Stefano at Boli^na. These perhaps date 
from the 7th or 8th centurj-. On one are a croas 
and two peacocks, and an inscription in honour 
of S. Vitalis ; on the other, Rgum of a lion and 
a stag or oi. It is not clear whether these were 
coDttmcted to scrre aa altars, or are tonibe con- 
Terted to that use ; but the first seems the more 
probable auggeation. 

The acconnt given by Ardo Smarsgdus, In his 
life of St. Benedict oT Aniane (Act. Sand. Feb. 
Tol. ii. die 12, p. 614), of one of the altan coa- 
itructed bj the latter in the church of that place 
(io A.D. 782?), is, though somewhat obscure, too 
renwrkable to be passed over; the altar waa hol- 
low within, baring at the hack a little door ; in 

the high altiu, waa ao constructed 
(in altari . . . tres ana cauiavit lubponi) ■■ to 
■JMboliie the Trinity, 

It b difScnIt to Snd the date at which it 
became customary to incise crosses, nnallj five 
in namber, on the mensa of an altar; tbev do 
not appear to exist on the mensa of the woodea 
altar in S. Qiovanni Lateraao at Borne, which is 
no doubt of an early date, on that of the altar «( 
S. Alessandro, near Borne, or oa those of the early 
altars at Ravenna, or Auriot, or even on the altar 
of S. Amhrogio. Crosses are however found oa 
the porUble alUr which waa buried with St. 
Cnthbert (A.D. 687). The very fragmentary 
atate of thia object makes it impoesible to deter- 
mine with certainty how many crosses were on 
iL Two are to be seen on the oaken board to 
which the plating of silver waa attached, and 
two on the plating itself, hut it ia quite pofisible 
that originally there were five on each, in the 
order for the dedication of a church In the 
SaerammOaiy of Gregory the Great (p. 148X 
the bishop coosecratiug is desired Id make 
croaaei with holy water on the (bur comen ol 
the altar ; but nothing is said of incised crosMi. 

The practice of making below the menia a 
cavity to contain relics, and covering tbis by a 
separate stone let into the meosa, does not appear 
to be of an early date. [CoHBECRATIOH.] 

IV. Structural acaiioriei af the attar.— 
Usually, though not invariably, the altar wai 
raised on il«pa, one, two, or three iu number. 
From theee steps the bishop sometimes preached ) 
hence Sidonius ApoU., addressiug Fanstus, Bishop 
ofRiei, says (Carm. XVI. v. Vi*),— 

Beneath the steps it became cuetomarr, from 
the fourth century at least, at Rome and wherem 
the uuges of itome were tolloned, to constmcl 
a small vault called confcssio ; thia wsaorigiullf 
a inera grave or repository for a body, as at S. 
Aleasandro near Rome, but gradnally eipaodsd 
into a vault, a window or grating below thealtsi 
allowing the sarcophagus in which the body of 
the saint waa placed to be visible. [COKrESSio] 

In the Eastern Church a piscina is usualiy 
found under the altar (Neale. Eailem OUinli 
Inlrod. 18S), called x"l, X'"'" °r more eon 
monly Sif^aaaa or AiAairrrlSm. What the si 
ti<|uity of thia practice may be does not seein I 
be ascertained, bat it may have existed in tli 
Western Church, aa appears from the Fr^nkij 
missal published by Mabillon (Liturg. Gall, ii 
§ 12, p. 3U), where, iu consecrnting an altu, 
holy water is to be poured ^^ ad basem." So ^ 
Gregorian Sacramentary, p. 149. 

The altar was oflen enclosed within rtilingi c' 
wood or metal, or low waits of marble ilsb; 
these encloanrn were often mentioned by earlt 
writers under the names " ambitus altan!,' 
uitua altani;" the railings were calM 
:e1]i,'*Bnd the slabs " tninsennae." Sam 
furtheraccount of these will b« found under tbt 

Upon these enclosures columns and archa 'f 
liver were ofl^n filed, and veils or cartaiii ^ 
icta stuffs suspended from the arches: tbey >>< 
freqaently mealioned in the LA. Pentif, si is 


W iaiUK* whin Pope Leo 111. gBT« <I6 TciU 
■■K Uglilj onuDiCdt*!!. to bt u placed ronnd 
tk 'udIhIiu dUru" (Jkd the "pmbyterioia' 
tlSt. PMtr'i It B«D«. 

7. CidoniHi, othtrwiso umbrscQlain, Or. ci- 
iifMi. JUL batduhJDo. — Down to the tad o\ 
Ikt period vitli which we are now coanrncd, 
ud iin littr, the altu wu tunailr covered i> 
1 aaopj mpperted bj columoA, the ciboriun 
At mii u no doabt derived IVam the Giee 
Bfmfum, the primarj meaning of which u th 
cifrjik* H«I-TeaMl of the Igyplan vnter-Yilj. 

It iW am ippear when the oiboiium cam 
bil te lie is Die, thoagh thii wan probablj at u 
■Ht 1 date u that in which aichilectnral 
tplalogr mi emplojeil in tbe coDstrnction or 
dudwL Aagoiti quotes EnMbius (Vii, Cimai. 
M. lib. iiL c. ;<«) as nsiag the word icif<i£pior 
■ba dscribiag the charch of the Sepulchre at 
JsibIkii, ind cnnDectiog it with the word iifu- 

u BcilJicr word occnra in cap. 38, while in cap. 

. or Kola liag been thought t 



Meurs. Teiier and PulUn'i work on Bf 
tnotine Architecture, ia fbnnd in the moeaks 
of St. George at ThesulonicB, works cerUlnlr 
LDt later than A.D. 500, and perhapa mDcIi 
arlier ; the anthon are Indeed disposed to refer 
hem to the era of Conjtantina the Great. 

Cihoria are not mentioned in the Libtr Pan- 
ificalit in the long catalogue of altar? erected in 
lud gifts made to churches erected in Rome asd 
Naples by Uonstantine, nnleu the "fastiginm" 
of silver weighing 2025 ibe. in the beailirA of St. 
John Laterao was, u aome have thongbt, a 

^worthiness of thii 
part of the Liber PonHfiatta, nor does anj men- 
tion of one occur until the time of Pope Spnma- 
chui (498 — 5U), who, it is sUted, made at S. 
Silvestro a ciborium of silver weighing 120 lbs. 
Mention is made in the same work of many 
other ciboria ; they are generally described as of 
silver or decorated with silier, Tbe quantit; of 
metal variu very much ; one at S. Paolo f 1. m. 
is eaid to have been decorated with 2015 lbs. of 
>f St. Peter'^ of silver-gilt, weighed 

and that 



nlj 122T lbs. All these were erected by Pope 
Leo HI. (Te&-«16). The last is descHbed as 
"cyborium cam column is suis quatuor ei 
argento purissimo divcrsis depictum bistoriis 
nm caneellit et colamnellis snis mirae magni- 
adinis et pulchritudinis decant um." The 
'cancel)!" were, no doubt, railinga running from 
»lumn to column and enclosing the altar. Tbe 
;i barium in St. Sophia's, as erected bj Justinian, 
I described by Paul the Silentiary as having 
bur columns of silver which supported an 

ly a globe bearing a cross. From the arches 
bung rich veils woven with figures of Christ, St, 
"aul, St. Peter, bt. 
Ciboria were constrooted not only of metai, 
r of wood covered with metal, but of marble ; 
the alabaater columnt of the ciborium of the 
high altar of St. Mark's at Venice are said to 
have occupied the same position in the chapel of 
the Greek Emperor at Constantinople. They 
ntirely covered with subjects &om Biblical 

IS early a date as the fifth century ; 

appear I 

Trilt are inentioiwd by St. Chrysoitom (^om. 
■ii. ■ Epiia.) Bi withdrawn at the consecration 
■f the Eucharist, and it ii probable that these 
■en attached to the ciborium in the fiuhion 
"mtattii by tlM aceompanving woodcut, 
wn a ciborinm ia shown with the veils cou- 
^■^ the altar. This representation, taken 

charch of S. Apollinere in Classa at Ravenna, 

which is shown by the inscription engraved apon 
it to have been erected between ^D. 806 and 
±J>. 810. 

Various ornaments, as vases, crowns, and 
baskets (cophini) of ailver, were placed as deco- 
rations upon or suspended from theciboria; and, 

attached to thnn; these last were withdrawn 
after the consecration but before the elevation of 
the Eucharist. These curtains are mentioned 
repeatedly in the Libtr Ponti}. as gifts made bv 
rariouf popea of the seventh, eighth, and nlntk 
centariea, t. g., "Vela alba boloeerica rosata 
quae pendent in arcu de cyhorio numero qua- 
tuor," given to S. Maria Maggiore by Pope 
Lao HI. (A.D. 795-816). 

It does not appear when thejise of these veilc 
was discontinued in tbe Weatem Church ; in the 
Eastern a screen {iiKoviirriurt!) with doors now 
' serves the like purpose. Some of the ciboiis .it 
Kome, according to Hartigny (Art. Coloiaii 

EueAarittique), hsving a ring fiied in the centre 
of th* vmilt, frum which h« conceiiBs « receptacle 
for the hwt to bate been iuipended, [Pebi- 
BTEftlUH]. No ciborinm nov eiiitiog at Rome 
■Mmi to be or earlier date tbaa the tn-elftb 
aentury, but the practice of tnipending such 
receptaclei it no donbt much earlier. 

Irhrtigny is of r^nion that besidei the cibo- 
rium, the colamns of vhich realed on the gTOuiid, 
there wai eometimea a leuer ODe, the ooliimni ot 
which retted on the altar, and that then laat 
wer« more property called " periiteria," M enoloe- 
ing a Tewel in the form of ■ dove, in which the 
boat wa* contained. [CuOBiOM, TdbbiE, Pebi- 

VI. J;ipnu%« d/ tie .ittar.— In ancient times 
nothing was placed opon the altar bat the 
Altar-cloth e and the ucred vetaelt with the 
Eleuebts. a fefling of reverence, eaya M«t- 
tene {de Antiq. Ecd. Sit. i. 112), pennitted not 
the pretence of inTthing on the altar, except the 
thlDgl used in the Holy Oblation. Hence there 
were no candlesticici on the alUr, nor (anleu on 
the columni, archea, and cDrtaint of the ciborium) 
any imagee or picturei. Even In the ninth cen- 
tary we find Leo IV. (an. 8b5) limiting the objeoti 
which might lawfully be placed on the sltsT to 
the shrine containing relict, or perchance tlie 
codei of the Ooepelt, and the pyi or tabernacle 
in which the Lord^s body was reserved for the 
Tiaticum of the sick. {Be Cura Pattorati, § 8, 
in Migne's Patrolasia, civ. 677.) 

The Book of the Gotpels seems anciently 
have been frequently placed on the altar, evr 
when the Liturgy was not being celebrated 
(Nealo, iTottmi <X Introd. 188). An example 
may l>e teen in the frescoet of the Baptistery at 
Ravenna (Webb't Contituialal EccltsMogy, 427). 

With regard to the relics of sainla, the ancient 
rule was, as St. Ambrose tells os {Ad ISarai- 
fioam, ffx'sl. 85)" 111e[ChristUE] super altare . . 
iati [martyres] sub alUri;" and this was the 
praclio' not only of the age of St. Ambrose, but 

linth century, at UabllloD (Ada 6S. Bf 
wdict. Saec iii. Praebtio S 105), awnna at ; fiir 
the anonymous author of the Life of Serratint 
of Tongres says expressly that the relict of thit 
taint, when tianilated 1^ command of Charla 
the Great, were laid b^ore the altar, at mea 
did not yet pr«sume to lay anvtbing except the 
sacrifice on the altar, which u the Table of the 
Lord of Hosts. And even later, Odo of Clugnv 
telU us (CoUationet il. 28) that when Bene 
(in. 895) laid the relict of St. Walburgit on 
the altar, they ceased to work miracles, resenting 
the being placed "nbt majetCat divini Uytterii 
solommodo debet celebrari." The passage of 
Leo IV., quoted above, seems In fact the first 
permisiion U> place a shrine containing relics on 
the altar, and that permission wsi evidently not 
in accordance with the general religioos feeling 
of that age. 

In the early centnriet of tbe Chriitian Chnrth. 
nntecrated bread wai generally reserved in 
lael made in the tbnn of a dove a>d tu- 
id from the ciborium rPEKWrEBiDM], or 
perha]M in tome cases placed on a tower on the 
altar itself (£i6sr i>anfi/.. Innocent I. c bl, and 
Hilary, c. TO). Gregory of Toun [Dt Gloria 
Martifnaa L 86) speaks dutinctly of the deacon 
lakii^ the tnrrii from tbe sacristy B>d pladig 
L tbe altar, but thit teems to baie contained 
onconaecrated element! [TurbuiI and to hate 
been placed on the altar only during celebration; 

n the turris, capsa or pyxis on the altar appnr 
a be distinctly mentioned by any earlier autbo- 
'ity than the decree of Leo IV, qnoled above 
(Binterim's DenJmSrdigieilim, iL 2. 167 tf.). 
No initance of a Croat placed permanentlr on 
ie menea of an altar is found ii. the first e'ight 
■nturjet, at we ahonld expect from tbe decree 
of Leo IV. The vition of i'robisnus (Soiomen, 
HM. Ecel. ii. 3. p. 49) sbOK-> that crosses were 
seen in the saoctoary (fivmarripair) in the 
fourth century ; the Croat was finind on the sum- 
t of the ciborium, as in the great cbnreh of 
.Sophia St Constantinople (Paul tbe Silentlan, 
DifoHp. S. Sophiae, 737 [al. ii. 320]), and, in mhbe 
ehurchee both at Rome and in Ganl, tnspendid 
from the ciborium over the altar (Gregory of 
Tours, Da Gloria Mart. ii. 2D), but not on tbe 
mensB of the altnr itielf. A cross was, however, 
placed on the altar daring celebration. See 


i. 41. 

third Canon of the Second Council 

K. 567, Brunt't Caiunut ii. 336), " 
mini inaltarinoni 

laginario online, 
ted tub cracis titulo eomponatur," which bsi 
been thought to mesn, that the Body of the 
Lord should not be reserved among tbe images 
in a receptacle on the reredos. but under Ihe 
cross on the altar itself, might posiibly reler to 
a suspended cross; but it is probably rightly 
explained by Dr. Neale (Etattm Ch. Introd. 520) 
to mean that the particles consecrated thonlit 
not be arranged according to each man's &ncy, 
but in tbe form of a cnMt, according to the 

Tapers were not placed on the altar withia 
the period which W( "" "" 

especially on fest 




ftitil dceoratioB of altars a» least as aarly as 
tks sixth oe&tDJj; ibr Venantius Fortanatas 
{Cumna nuL 9) says, addreMing St. fihadegund, 

*Teilitlt Taifib altarla fbsta coranis." 

Aej »pff** M decoFations of chnrcheB as 
strirss tie fourth oentnry. 

m NwiAir cf altctn in a ChurcK-^There was 
ia priautire times but one altar in a chnrch, and 
tiie snaafements of the most ancient Basilicas 
tBtiiy to the &ct. (See Pagi on Baronius, ann. 
31.% No. 15.) Snsebiiis {Hid. EocL z« 4, § 45), 
is tlM dsscriptios of the great chnrch at Tyre, 
MBtiHii only one altar. St. Angnsiine (on 
1 /dbi, Trad. 3) speaks of the existence of two 
aitsiB in one city (ciTitate) as a risible sign of 
Ike Doaatist schism. Bat his words should per- 
kps B0t be taken in their literal sense ; for in 
tk time of SL Basil, there was more than one 
ahsr in Neo-Caesaxea ; for he, speaking (Hom. 19, 
Si (fSnimBi) of a persecution of Christians in that 
alj, says tiiat " altars (BwtmrHipta) were orer- 

The Greek and other oriental churches have 
ffca now but one altar in each church (Roiau- 
^ LSL Orietd. L 182) ; nor do they consecrate 
tk Eacharist more than <moe on the same day 
IB the saoM place. They hare, howerer, and hare 
kid tat sereral centuries, minor altars in iro^ir^ 
cA9|9(ai or side-chapels, which are really dis- 
tiact hniUinga. Such side-chapels are generally 
froad where there has been considerable contact 
with the Latin Church (Neale, Eastern Clmrch, 

Some writers, as Martigny {Did. des Awkiq. 
ArA, art. Auidy, rely upon the ** aroosolia " 
•r ahar-iomhs in the catacombs as proring the 
eiriy vse of many altars: two, three, and more 
isdb tombs are often found in one cijpt, and in 
mt esse, a crypt in the cemetery or St. Agnes 
aasr Soaie, there are as many as eleren arco- 
SQlk (Marehi, Jfon. dOle Arti prim. Critt., tar. 
xnr., xzzri., xxxrii.), eight of which, according 
ts Pidre MarcHi, might hare been used as altars 
if. 191); bat there seems to be generally a 
iticMwy of proof that such tombs were actually 
w isej, nor is their date at all a matter of 
certaiaty in the great majority of cases. 

It woold appear probable that the practice of 

eoasidcfiag the tomb of a martyr as a holy place 

fitted for the celebration of the Eucharistic 

acrifiee, and such celebration as an honour and 

emsolation to the martyr who lay below, led first 

to the use of sereral altars in a crypt in the 

olaeombs where more than one martrr might 

ifst, aad then, whan the bodies of sereral martyrs 

ittd been transferred to one church abore ground, 

te the eoDstmction of an altar orer each, from 

s wiA to leare none unhonoured by the celebra- 

tioa of the Eacharist abore his remains. Such 

dtag were preralent as early as the beginning of 

the 6fkh centory, as may be seen in the writings 

«t ?t9^iiuB(Peri9teph. Hymn. XI. r. 169- 

174; Hymn. m. r. 211), Pope Damasus, and St. 

Maiimas, Bishop of Turin (Sermo LXIII. De no- 

fair isii clm 'M m ; r. llarchi, p. 142 et seq.). At 

that period, and indeed long after, the disturbance 

•f tht rellfls of saints was held a daring and 

sesredy allowable act, and was prohibiteid by 

ThtsdeaJns and much disapprored of by Pope 

Gngonr the Great ; nor was It until some oen- 

tai& iatar that the increasing eagerness for the 

possession of such memorials was gratified by the 
dismemberment of the holy bodies. 

It has been contended that more than one 
altar existed in the Cathedral of Milan in the 
latter part of the fourth century. That St. 
Ambrose more than once uses the plural **al- 
taria" in connection with the chui'ch prores 
nothing, for ^^altaiia" frequently means an 
altar; but in describing the restoration of the 
church to the orthodox (an. 385), afier the 
attempt of the Arians to occupy it, he has been 
understood to say that the soldiers rushing in 
kissed the altar : hence it is ai^ed that, as they 
could not I'each the altar of the Bema or sanc- 
tuary, which was closed to the people, there 
must hare been at least' one altar in the nare. 
But the words ^ milites irruentes in Altaiia os- 
culis significare pacis signum " {ad Marcellinam, 
Ep. 33) seem rather to imply that the soldiers 
rushing into the Bema signalized by their kisses 
the making of peace. Altaria is used in the 
same sense, aa equiralent to " sanctuary," in the 
Theodosian Codex. [Altabium.] Howerer this 
may be, at the end of the sixth century we find 
distinct traces of a plurality of altars in Western 
churches. Gregory of Tours {De Qhria Mar' 
tyrum i. 83) speaks of saying masses on three 
tJtars in a diurch at Braisne near Soissons ; and 
Oregory the Grreat {Epiat. r. 50) says that he 
heard that his correspondent Palladius, bishop 
of Saintonge, had placed in a church thii*teen 
altars, of which four remained unconsecrated 
for defect of relics. Now certainly Palladius 
would not hare begged of the Pope, as he did, 
relics for his altars, if the plurality of altars 
had not been generally allowed. Moreorer, the 
Council of Auxerre of the year 578 (Can. 10; 
Bruns's Cammes ii. 238) forbade two masses to 
be said on the same day on one altar, a prohi- 
bition which probably contributed to the multi- 
plication of idtars, which was still furthcor acce- 
lerated by the disuse of the ancient custom of 
the priests communicating with the bishop or 
principal minister of the church, and the intro 
duction of prirate masses, more than one of 
which was frequently said by the same priest on 
the same day (Walafrid Strabo, De Reb. Eccl. 
c 21). Bade {Ehi. Ecd. r. 20) mentions that 
Aoca, bishop of Hexham (deposed an. 732), col- 
lected for nis church many relics of apostles 
and martyrs, and placed altars for their rene- 
ration, " distinctis portidbus ad hoc ipsum intra 
mnros ejusdem eoclesiae," placing a separate 
canopr orer each altar within the walls of the 
church. There were sereral altars in the church 
built by St. Benedict at Aniane {Acta Sanctorum, 
Feb. ii. 614). 

In the serenth and eighth centuries the num- 
ber of altars had so increased that Charlemagne, 
in a Capitulary of the years 805-6 at Thionrille, 
attempted to restrain their excessire multiplica- 
tion. See Capitula infra EccUsiam, c 6 (Migne'i 
Patrol. 97, 283). 

This was not rery efibctual, and in the ninth 
century the multiplication of altars attained a 
high point, as may be seen by the plan of the 
church of St. Qall in Switzerland [CBpiiOHl 
prepared in the beginning of that century, fn 
this are no less than serenteen altars. The 
will of Fortunatus Patriarch of Grado (dec 
c. A.D. 825) also affords proof of the increase in 
the number of altars then in actire progress : in 

f 2 




one orator J he placed three altars, and fire others 
in another {Marin, Com, dei Venezianif t. i. 
p. 270), 

VIII. Places of Altars in Churches, — From the 
earliest period of which ire have any knowledge, 
the altar was usually placed, not against the 
wall as in modem times, but on the chord of the 
apse, when, as was almost invariably the case, 
the church ended in an apse ; when the end of 
the church was square, the altar occupied a 
corresponding position. St. Augustine therefore 
says {Sermo 46, c. 1.) " Mensa Ghristi est ilia in 
medio posita." The ofBclating priest stood with 
his back to the apse and thus faced the congre- 
gation. In St. Peter's at Rome, and a very few 
other churches, the priest still officiates thus 
placed; but though in very many churches, 
particularly in Italy, the altar retains its ancient 
position, it is very rarely that the celebrant 
does so. 

That such was the normal position of the altar 
is shown by many ancient examples, and by the 
constant usage of the Eastern churches. The 
ancient rituals invariably contemplate a detached 
altar as when, in the Sacramentary of Gregory, 
in the order for the dedication of a church (p. 
148), the bishop is directed to go round the altar 
(vadit in circuitu altaris), or in the Sacramentary 
of Gelasius where the subdeaoon (L. 1, cxlvi.) 
is directed, after having placed the Cross on the 
altar, to go behind it (vadis retro altare). 

Exceptions at an early date to the rule that 
the altar should be detached, are of the greatest 
rarity, if we except the tombs in the catacombs, 
whidi have been supposed to have been used as 
altars. It is possible, also, that in small chapels 
with rectangular terminations, as the chapel 
of St. John the Evangelist, annexed to the bap- 
tistery of the Lateran, the altar may for con- 
venience have been placed against the wall. 
When, however, it became usual to place many 
altars in a church it was found convenient to 
place one or more against a wall ; this was done 
in the Cathedral of Canterbury [Chuboh], where 
the altar enclosing the body of St. Wilfrid was 
placed against the wall of the eastern apse; 
another altar, however, in this ease occupied the 
normal position in the eastern apse, and the 
original high altar was placed in the same 
manner in the western apse. 

In the plan of the church of St. Gall, prepared 
in the beginning of the ninth century, the places 
of seventeen altars are shown, but of these only 
two are placed against walls. 

In a few instances the altar was placed not on 
the centre of the chord of the arc of the apse but 
more towards the middle of the church; such 
was the case in S. Paolo f. 1. m. at Rome, if the 
altar occupies the original position. In this in- 
stance it stands in the transept. In some other 
early churches at Rome, the altar occupies a posi- 
tion more or less advanced. The Lib, Pontif, tells 
as that in the time of Pope Gregory IV. (A.D. 827- 
844) the altar at S. Maria in Trastevere stood in 
a low place, almost in the middle of the nave (in 
humili loco paene in media testndine), the Pope 
therefore removed it to the apse, and the altar 
at S. Maria Maggiore seems to have been in the 
time of Pope Hadrian I. (a.d. 772-795), as 
appears from the account in the same book of the 
alterations, effected by that Pope in that church. 
It is thought by some that in the large circular 

or octagonal churches of the fourth and fifth 
centuries, as S. Lorenzo Maggiore at Milan, and 
S. Stefano Rotondo at Rome, the altar was placed 
in the centre. 

In the churches of Justinian's period con- 
structed with domes, there is usually, as at SL 
Sophia's Constantinople and S. Vitale, Ravenna, a 
sort of chancel intervening between the central 
dome and the apse ; when such is the case, the 
altar was placed therein. 

IX. Useof Pagan Altars for Christian purpose*. 
— Pagan altars, having a very small superiicies, 
are evidently ill suited for the celebration of the 
Eucharist ; nor would it appear probable that a 
Christian would be willing to use them for that 
purpose; nevertheless, traditions allege that in 
some cases pagan altars were so used (v. Mar- 
tigny art. Autel}, and in the church of Arilje in 
Sei'via, a heathen altar sculptured with a figure 
of Atys forms the lower part of the altar. 
(Mittheil. der K JT. Central Comm. tur Erfor^ 
dohung und Erhdttung der Baudenkmalcy Vienna, 
1865, p. 6.) Such altars, or fragments of them, 
were, however, employed as materials (par- 
ticularly in the bases) in the construction of 
Christian altars. Instances are stated by Mar- 
tigny to have been observed in the churches of 
St. Michele in Vaticano and of St. Nicholas de* 
Cesarini at Rome. 

X. PoBTABLE Altars (aUaria portatilia, gesto' 
tonOf viatica') are probably of considerable anti- 
quity ; indeed, it is evident that from the time 
when the opinion prevailed that the Eucharist 
could not be fitly celebrated unless on a conse- 
crated mensa or table, a portable altar became a 
necessity. Constantino the Great (Sozomen, Hist, 
Eccl, i. 8) can*ied with him on his campaigns a 
church-tent, the fittings of which no doubt in- 
cluded a portable altar, as the participation of 
the mysteries is especially mentioned. Bede 
{Hist. Eccl. V. 10) tells us that the two Hewalds, 
the English missionaries to the continental 
Saxons (an. 692), took with them sacred vessels 
and a consecrated slab to serve as an altar (tabn- 
1am altaris vice dedicatam) ; and bishop Wulfram, 
the apoetle of Friesland (before 740), was accus- 
tomed to carry with him on his journeys a port- 
able altar, in the midst and at the four comers 
of which were placed relics of saints (Jonas is 
Suriu8*s Hist. Sanctorum ii. 294). The portable 
altar of St. Willebrord is described by Brower 
(Annal. Trevirens. an. 718, § 112, p. 364); it 
bore the inscription: "Hoc idtare Willebroidus 
in honore Domini Salvatoris consecravit, supra 
quod in itinere missarum oblationes Deo offerrt 
consuevit, in quo et continetur de ligno cruds 
Christi et de sudario capitis ejus." This, how- 
ever, is probably not a contemporary inscrip- 
tion, and the genuineness of the relic may per- 
haps be doubted. St. Boniface also carried an 
altar with him in his journeys. And the m<mks 
of St. Denys, when accompanying Charles the 
Great in his campaign against the Saxons, 
carried with them a wooden board, which, covered 
with a linen cloth, served as an altar (Anonymus 
de Mirac. S. Dionysii i. 20, in Mabillon, Acta 88, 
Ben. saec. iii. pt. 2, p. 350). 

These portable altars seem to have been in 
almost all cases of wood. Not until the latter 
part of the eighth century do we find iastanoss 
of such altars being made of any other material. 
The capitulary of 796 (quoted above) seems to 



ajoiM th> on of It 

ic tablets Tor portabls w wall 

pimiat liL t 3 ; in HudOBin' 
{xW) my pri«t to celebret* 
Rfthc >lUr, or OD ■ " Ubula ib epiicopo coiue- 
tnit," Tbicfa tabl* might b« " de momion rel 
upiFCtn (Dt licio honHtiKimo." If the read- 
UfLc comet, th« lut t«nD certilalj seen» to 
wliau a ddueentcd CJ<)U [AhtimenbIOM] of 
Tcrf ricb matcru] ; though lOnie (Binterim^a 
DritiirdigkrileK it. 1, 106) coDDect "lidum" 
titk "nUiciiu," uid loppoH tb>t it means ■ 
lUck pitce of vood. An "altare portatiU" ii 
■U to lure been given by Chul« the Bdd to 
lit Boouterj of St. Denyi Bt Psria, K|nare in 
Aipc, made of porphyry Ht in gold, aai coD' 
Oi^iig nlk* of SL Juns the Less, St. Stephen, 
lal St. Vincent ()'A. 107). 

AportsUa alUr of wood is preMrred in the 
diDch of S. Maria in Campitelli at Rome, 
■kich ii (lid to hare beloDgnl to St. Gregory 

lifttiBite claim to 

IOCS not appear to nare a 

HI high atj antiquity. Pro- 

i«'ing eiample ia tn hn found 

found with thi 

IktDlhat which was found with the bones of 
St. Cnthbert (dec A.I>. 687) in the cathedral of 
I>arhaBi, and doDbtlena belonged to him: it is 
m praerred in the chapter library. The hd- 
leicd woodcut will render any detailed d( 

luru 6 inches by &i, 
DTered with very thi" 
scribed in hohob . 
■ea. The aeniecrthe 
Ictten DB the lilTer hai not been aatisfactorily 
■•ie out {t. St. CWAiffft. by James P'-- 
fL MU) A limilar porUble altar i> record. 
Ihhwod of Durham (ifonuiwnta ffiii. Brii. [ 
D> to hare b«n foaud on the breast of St. Acca, 
Bi>lM|i of Hgiham (ob. A.D. T40), when his body 
•aaeihniDed jaort than 300 yeun afterwards. 
It was of two pieces of wood joined by >il' 
•aila. ud on it waa cut the inscription, " Alms 
Trititall agie Sophie Sanctae Marine." Wbethr 
— ' ' '■ ■■., the writer adds, is o< 


TW "Uhoot " slill in u 

n the Abysaini 

chnrchea i* a sqiiare ilab of wood, itone or metal, 
on which the elementa are couecrated, in bet, ■ 
portable altar. [ArCA.] 

In the Greek Church the substitute fur a port- 
able altar was the ANTluiiJismil. 

For the consecration of altars, see CONSEORA 


XI. Zi[«nitur«.— Besides the works quoted JB 
this ilrticla, the fbllowing may be mentioned i— 
J. B, Thiers, DisicHaiUm tur let Frincipaiu 
Auleb, la Clittire da Chirur el U> Jvbti dtt 
Bglitea : Paris, 1688. J. Fabricius, De Arts Va- 
tsruml^tnstunonun.-Helmstadt.ieSS. O.Vcigt, 
ThyMiaiUriologia, lev De AHaribui Vetenan ChHt- 
tianorvm: Ed. J. A. Fabriclns; Hambnrg, 1T09. 
S. T. Schoulaad, Histor. SaclirichI n>n AOarea ; 
Leipzig, ITIS. J. O. Geret, Dt Vetenan ChHs- 
lioMrum AltarOmt : Anspach, 1755. J. T. Trei- 
b«r, Dt Sita AUaritim neriaa Orientem: Jena, 
1668. Kaiser, Diuertatio De Altaribia Porta- 
taOaa: Jena, 1695. Heideloff, Der CkritO. 
Mlar: NUrnberg, I83S. [A. N.] 

ALTAE CLOTHS (li«ttamina, pallia or 
paliae altarii. In Greek writers, 'A^i^ia, i/i^i- 
diT/iaTa, irdfA^ia, inrX^fivTa^ irtvrtd, and in 
authors " inlimae aetatia," ri Jcnntoafuto, and t1 
Tpawtio<l,ipa-). Cloths of different kinds, and of 
various materials (in the earliest agea, probably 
of linen only), must hare been used In connection 
with the celebration of Holy Communion iVnm 
the very earliest times. They were needed 
partly (br the coTering of the holy table, and of 
the oblations, and of the consecrated elemente 
[CORPOltAl.K] ; partly also for the claansiDg' of 
the sacrtd veuela, and the like [Hafpa]. The 
first of these uses, cf which we haye now 
more particularly to speak, is referred to by St. 
OpUtus, Bishop of MileTis in Africa (circ 370 
A.11.) as matter of general notoriety. "Who is 
there," be asks, " among the faithful, who 
knows not that during the celebration of the 
mrsteries the wood of the altar it corered with 
a linen cloth (^ ipaa ligna linteamine cooperiri,' " 
De Schiim. Danat. lib. vi. c i. p. 92.) With 
this we may compare the allasion made by 
Victor Viteusis (£e Peruc. Afric. lib. i. cap. 12), 
Writing in the year 487, he savs that Geoseric, 
the Vandal, seme aiity years before, sent Pn>- 
culus into Zeugitana, and the latter requii'ed 
the vessels used in holy ministry, and the books, 
Co be giveo up; and when these were refused 
they were violently seized hv the Vandals, who 
^' rapaci manu cuncta depopulahantur, atqne de 
palliis altaria proh Defaal camisias (lAirll) sibi 
ct femoralia fiiciebaut." In the 6th century 
St. Gregory of Tours apeaks of an altar, with 
the oblations aponit, being covered with a silken 
cloth during tbe celebration of mass. "Cam 
jam altarium cum ohlationibne palllo serieo 
opertum esset" (Iliit. Franc, vii. 22; compare 
Mabillon, Liturgia Qallicana, p. 41). A littl- 

ing right of lanctuary in the church, and laying 
hold on the "paliae altaria" for his protection. 
It is remarkable that at Rome no mention is 
found of any pallia altarit among the many do- 
nations to churches recorded by Anastaatus, till 
after the close of the 6th century. Writing of 
Vitalianns Papa (ted. 658-672), Anasttslns uya 
thai in bis time the Emperor Conatans came to , 
Rome and went to St. Peler't in state, " cum 




ezercitu suo/' attended by his guards, the clergy 
coming out to meet him with wax tapers in their 
hands ; and he offered upon the altar '< pallium 
auro textile," or, according to another reading, 
** pallam auro teztilem," after which mass was 
celebrated (AnasL Bibl, 135, 1. 15; Migne, P. C, C. 
tom. 128, p. 775). The same writer, speaking 
of Zacharias Papa (jud. 741-752), says that he 
^ fecit vestem super altare beati Petri ex auro 
textam, habentem nativitatem Domini et Salra- 
toris nostri Jesu Christi, omavitque eam gemmis 
pretiosis." The earliest monument in the west, 
showing an altar (or holy table) set out for the 
eelebration of "mass," is of the 10th or 11th 
century ( Vediarium ChritHanumf PI. xliii.), one 
of the fre8<M)es in the hypogene church of S. 
Clemente at Rome. The holy table is there 
covered with a white cloth, which is pendent in 
front, but apparently not so on the two sides. 
A richly ornamented border, seyeral inches in 
breadth, appears on the lower edge of this " lin- 
teamen " (if such be intended) as it hangs down 
in fVont of the altar. 

The allusions in Greek writers of early date 
correspond in character with those abore quoted. 
In the collection of Canons Ecclesiastical (2^ 
TojfM Kaydywv) formed by Photius of Constan- 
tinople, the earliest in date, bearing upon this 
point, is one of the so-called *' Canons of the 
Apostles" (Kay. 73) to this effect : " Let no one 
alienate for his own private use any vessel of 
gold or of silver, which has been set apart for 
holy use" (ayiwrBhp), "or any linen" (606r/iv); 
and the inference we naturally draw that the 
" linen " here spoken of has reference to altar 
linen (perhaps also to ministering vestments) 
is confirmed by the subsequent Isnguage of the 
First and Second Councils of Constantinople. In 
Canons 1 and 10, after quoting, the " Canon of 
the Apostles" above mentioned, the Council 
identifies the i$6tni of that earlier canon with 
^ trtfiafffda r^s hyias rpearifys Mvr^, " the 
sacred covering of the holv table." On the other 
hand a passage of Theodoret, which has been 
alleged (Martigny, Diet, det Aniiq, Chr^iennes, 
in voc * Autel ) as proving the use of rich cloths 
for the altar early in the 4th century, has pro- 
bably a very different meaning from that attri- 
buted to it. The word SvvicurHipioy in early 
ecclesiastical Greek is more frequently used in 
the sense of the whole space immediately about 
the holy table, the "sanctuary," than of the 
" altar " itself. When therefore Theodoret states 
{Hist Eocl, lib. i. cap. xxix. a/, cap. xxxi.) that 
at the consecration of a church at Jerusalem, in 
the time of Constantino the Great, ZtMKwriiuro 
t6 Ouo¥ 9viri€urHipiop fiMrtKiKois r« waparerd' 
trfuurw iced K€ifiiiklois KtBoKoKK'^ois xp^^^^h ^^^ 
reference is in all probability to rich curtains, or 
" veils," hung about the sanctuary, not to altar- 
cloths properly so called. Much more certainly 
to the purpose is a passage of St. Chrysostom 
(Horn, 1. aL li. in Matt. cap. xiv. 23, 24), part 
of a homily originally delivered at Antioch, in 
which he draws a contrast between the cover- 
ings of silk, often ornamented with gold (xpvo'i^ 
waara ivifixiifiarayt bestowed upon the holy 
table, and the scanty covering grudgingly given, 
or altogether refused, to Christ in the person of 
His poor members upon earth. Among the Acts 
of the Council of Constantinople, held in the year 
536, is preserved (Labbe's Conct/ia, by Maasi, 

tom. ix. pp. 1102, 3) a curious lettex drawn up 
by the clergy of the church of Apamea in Syria 
Secunda. They complain of the iniquitous con- 
duct of Severus, bishop of Antioch, and of their 
own bishop Petrus ; and amid many grave charges 
brought against the latter, one is that owing to 
the gross carelessness (worse than carelessness is 
charged by the letter) with which he celebrated 
the Holy Litui^, the purple covering of the 
altar was defiled (xcrrcxpwo'c vr^furrt rov at- 
wrou BtMruurnipiov r^y hXovpylha). In the 7th 
and 8th centuries we find evidence that these 
richer coverings of the altar were in some eases 
adorned with symbolic ornaments and with pic* 
tures of saints (xBtpateriip^s arfimp% which in- 
curred the condemnation of the Iconoclasts, who 
carried them away together with images sod 
pictures of other kinds. So we learn from Oer- 
manus of Constantinople, early in the 8th century 
(Scti. Germani Patriarchae de SanctiB Synodis, 6c. 
apud Spicileg. Bom, A. Mai, tom. viL p. 62). 
Chi the other hand, in times of grievous puUic 
calamity, we read, in one instance at least, of the 
altar as well as the person of the bishop and his 
episcopal throne being robed in black. So Theo- 
doms Lector records of Acacins, patriarch ot 
Constantinople : ical lovr^v ical r6p Bp6pop col 
t6 Bwruurriptop fitXttams Mviuunv iitt/^ltew. 
In the later liturgical offices (see Goar, SvchoL 
Qraeo, pp. 623, 627, sqq.), and in writers such 
as Symeon of Thessalonica (circ 1420 A.i>.), we 
find mention of an inner covering of linen, ksown 
as KarAffopKOy and of a second and more costly 
covering without. Patriarch Symeou makes 
i\irther mention of four pieces of cloth on each 
of the four comers of the altar. "The holy 
table hath four pieces of woven cloth (rtvvapa 
liipjil ^^dafitnos) upon the four corners thereof; 
and that because the iiilness of the Church was 
formed out of all the quarters of the world ; and 
on these four pieces are the names of the four 
Evangelists, because it was by their instrument- 
ality that the Church was gathered, and the 
Grospel made circuit of the whole compass of the 
world. But the [inner cover] called KordLrapm^ 
has an outer covering {rpairf^o^6pop) imme- 
diately above it. For here is at once the tomb, 
and the throne, of Jesus. The first of these cover- 
ings is as it were the linen wherein the dead 
body was wrapped ; but the second is as an outer 
garment (ir«f></3oX^) of glory according to that 
of the psalm, said at the putting on thereof^ 
* The Lord is king : he hath put on beauteoot 
apparel ' " (Symeon of Thessalonica, apud Goai, 
Euchol. Graec. p. 216). Of the two words here and 
elsewhere employed as the technical desiznatioB 
of these two altar-cloths, the first, fcordiira^s, 
was originally used of an inner chiton, or tonic, 
worn " next the skin " (irar jk trdptca). Thence its 
secondary usage as a compound word (rh umir 
trapKa) in speaking of any inner covering, ashert 
of an inner covering, of linen, for the holy table. 
The use of the word rpcnrc^o^^por, as a desig- 
nation for the more costly outer cover, belongs 
in all probability to a comparatively late date. 
The word does occur in earlier writers, but is a 
wholly different sense, and one more in accord- 
ance with classical analogy. [W. B. M.] 

ALTARIUM (compare Altab). This word 
is sometimes used to designate not merely analtsr, 
but the space within which the altai* stood. For 


tadiME, Ptrpctaoi, Biihop of Tonn, ballt a 
laities ii hoDoor of St. Uirtiu, which had 

[iiti;* "(Btim acta, Iria ia sltsrjo, qninquc in 
afto' {Qnforj of Tonr», Hut. Franc, ii. 1*). 
Raiaut nmarka npoo th# puaa^ that by '* alta- 
oaB ' w* an to andBrstaiid the prefibyt«ry, by 
' La| null " tbe nan. Compan HabilloD, de Lit. 
ML L B, } 1, p. 69. TBema.] 

tkt pinni " allaria ii alu nied in a aJmilAr 
MUt; at bf St. AmbiUR in the puaagc (Epitt, 
13) qaotcd under ALTUt ; aud in the Theodoaias 
Cain, Tbuv (Lib. ii. lit. tS, Dt Spalio Eeclai- 
ai6d ^jy^O ^t ia prarided ; " Pateajit aomini 
M tdnpla timentibiu ; nee sola attaria," et& 
Hm tqniTalent voni id the Qieek venioD ia 


cilcnded ainae 1* faDDd in aome 
widtn laBgDBgsa, t.g. in PortngncM " altar 
ma' (giat or high altar) is nwd in the auua 
tt ekair or cbaocel (Barton, HigUaiult of tit 
Bmt^i. 138). [A.K.] 

ALTINO (near Aqnileia), Ooorcn. or (At- 
raoiE CosciUUH), A-D. S02; conaidared aa 
Uitioiii hj Haul (liu. 10»»-1102)i ujd to 
han b«n held bf the Patriarch of Aquileia to 
Bjipeal to Charlenuzne for protection againat the 
DvofTenice. [A. W. B.] 

AKA (.Iniiifa, Hama,Hamvla; compare Germ. 

* An** Tica aunt in qnibo* aacra ablatio con- 
IbttBT, nt Tinum. .... Amala, via Tinariom. 
iBsla* dicuDtor qaibna oSertnr derotio aire 
•Uilio, (imile arceolia" (Papiaa, in Dncange'i 
fiJovtry, a. t.> The veaael in which wine for 
tW cdibration of the Encharlat waa offered by 
tha wonhippera. 

Tit word Ama ia Daad by Colomella and other 
daaacal aathon, bat the earlieit instance of ita 
tat at a iitut^cid Toaael which bu been noticed 

■ ■■ the Charta Cornntiana of the year 471 
(JTaMSoa d« St Dipl. Ti. 202), where "hamolae 
gUatariae" are mentioned. " Amae argenteae " 
an ■■ntiontd in the Orda Samanut t. (p< &) 
tBtag the Tiauli which were to be brought 
ban the Charch of the Saviour, now known 
a* St. John I^tetaD, for the Pontifical Haaa 

■ Eaittr-Daj ; and is the direction* fbr the 
FacUfical Man itaelf in the mme OrtJb (p. 10), 
n fiad that after the Pope had entered the 

itg him recciTed the amalae, and poared the 
' t larger chalice (calicem majorem) 
" ' ''- - 'leacon; and i- '- 
u decked, the i 
•CHOB tooJi to* fopea amola (compare i 
laiiai, E^oga, 5&i) from the oblationary 
deetaa, and ponred the wine throngh the itn 
(•■pa eolam) into the chalice [ChujCB] ; then 
tkaa «f the deaccrna, of the primlcerina, and thi 
•thm. Whether the "emae u^CDteae" arc iden 
Hal with the " amnlae " may perhapi be doubted 
kwt at any rate the amalae teem to have beei 
ctndk-Tisaeli proridad for the pnrpoae of the 
^rtuij. Amoog the preacnta which Pope Ad- 
lia (773-796) made to the chnrch of St. Adrian 
M B«ne, the LOur PaMfada (p. 346} mution 
a^m anam," and alao an "amalamoffertoriam' 

\ ponnda. 

of tilver which weighed aiity^evei 
Thej were, however, onen of mach imaiier aiie, 
ind the imall eilver Teateli (nee woodcats) pra- 
lerred in the Muieo Crbtiano ia the Vatican 
ire deemed to be amnlae. They tneaonre only 
ibont 7 incbei in height, ajid may probably date 
f^m the 5th or 6th century. Bianchini in hia 
edition of the Lib. Fontif. has given an engniTing 
' a aimilar Tsiael of larger tise. On this the 
iracle of Cana ia represented in a tolerabiy 
good style. BiaBchinl anppoaas thli to bt <rf 
the fourth centurj-. 

The material of these TetKlt wai nsoally 
silver, but sometimes gold, and they were often 
adorned with gems. Gregory the Great (£piat. 
i. 42, p. 539) mentions " amalae onychinae," 
meaning probably ressela of onyi, or giaas imi- 
Mting onyT. [A. M.] 

AMACIUB, bishop, dcpoaition of; Jaly 14 
{Mart. BtdM). [C] 

AMAKDU5, Bishop and conl^aaor. Satalis, 
Feb. 6 (Mart. Bedat); translation, Oct. 2G (ii.)^ 

Ht> I 

le Canon 


the Gregorian Saeramtntary. (See Heuard'. 
p. 284.) 

AMANTIUS. (1) Martyr at Boma, oom- 
mamorated Feb. 10 {Mart. Bom. Vtt.). 

It) Of NyoD, commemorated Jane 6 {Marl. 
Bitroa., Sdu). [C] 

AMATOB, Bishop of Auierre, commemorated 
Nov. 2G {Mart. Hie^tm.^). [C] 

AMATII8, confessor, oommamanted Sept. 13 
(Marl. Bedat). [C] 

AMBITUS, compass, in music. (IbotifcM- 
ttu oKmtat tt detcmtut.') The compaaa of the 
earliest Charch melodies did not in some instances 
reach, in few did it exceed, a Gflh. "Principio 
cantilenas adeo simplices fnSre apud primores 
Ecclcaiae, ut vii diapeote ascentu ac descensn 
implereut. Cui conauetudiai proiime accessisse 
dicontur Ambrosiani. Delude paulatim ad Dia- 
pason deventnm, verum omnium Modoram ays- 
tema." (Glareaaos, Dodtcachonion, lib. i. cap. 
lir.) In Gregorian motic the octave was tns 




limit { the foar authentic scales [Authentic] 
moTing from the key-note to its Sve, the four 
plagal [Pla(^al] from the 4th below the key- 
note to the 5th above it. In later times tUs 
compass (ambitus) was much extended. A me- 
lody occupying or employing its whole compass 
was called Cantus Perfectua; falling short of it, 
Cktntus Imperfectus ; exceeding it, Cardua Piu»' 
qwxmperfectus. Subsequently other interpre- 
tations (such as the course of modulation per- 
mitted in fugue) have been given to the word 
ambitus. With these we are not now concerned. 
(Gerbert, Script, Mus. ; Forkel ; Kock, Mus, 
Lex.) [J. H.] 

AMBITUS ALTARIS ClcpaTctoi'yRenaudot, 
Lit, Orient, i. 182). This expression is some- 
times used, as apparently by Anastasius (Lib, 
Pontif, in Vitd Sergii ll,), for the enclosure 
which surrounded the altar. Pope Sergius II. 
(A.D. 844-877), he says, constructed at St. John 
Lateran an "ambitus altaris" of ampler size 
than that which had before existed. 

It would seem that it was, in some cases and 
perhaps in most, distinct from the presbyterium 
or " chorus cantorum ;" and according to Samelli 
(Antica Basilicographia, p. 84) there was usually 
between the presbyterium and the altar a raised 
space called **solea." Various passages in the 
lAb, Pontif, — e.g, those in which the alterations 
made by Pope Hadrian I. (a.d. 772-795) at 
S. Paolo f. 1. M., and by Pope Gregory IV. (a.d. 
827-844) at Sta. Maria in Trastevere, are de- 
scribed — show that the position of the altar and 
the arrangement of the enclosures were not alike 
in all cases. It seems not improbable but that in 
the lesser churches one enclosure served both to 
fence round the altar and to form the " chorus." 

In the plan prepared for the church of St. 
Gall in the beginning of the 9th century (v. 
woodcut, s. V. Church) an enclosure is marked 
" chorus," and a small space or passage intervenes 
between this and an enclosure shutting off the 
apse, within which stands the altar. This is at 
the west end of the church ; at the east end the 
apse is in like manner enclosed, but the enclosure 
of the "chorus" is brought up to the steps 
leading to the raised apse without a break. A 
small enclosure is shown round all the altars, 
except those which are within the enclosures of 
the apses. 

It appears not unlikely that the square en- 
closure in the church at Djemla in Algeria 
[Ohurch] may be such an "ambitus;" Mr. 
Fergusson considers this enclosure a cella or 
choir, and says that it seems to have been enclosed 
up to the roof, but that the building is so ruined 
that this cannot be known for a certainty. A 
choir enclosed by solid walls would be a plan so 
anomalous in a Christian church that very 
strong evidence would be required to prove its 
having existed. The building in question may, 
from the purely classical character of the mosaic 
floor, be safely assigned to an early date, probably 
anterior to the fourth century. 

It is doubtful whether any early example of 
an "Ambitus altaris " now exists. We may learn 
from the Lib. Pontif. that they were usually of 
stone or marble, no doubt arranged in posts or 
uprights alternating with slabs variously sculp- 
tui'^d, and piercsd in like manner with the 
presbyterium at S. Cicmontc in Rome. The Lib. 

Pontif. tells us of the Ambitus which aa abon 
mentioned Pope Sergius II. constructed at St. 
John Lateran, that he " pulchris columnis cum 
marmoribus desuper in gyro sculptis splendide 
decoravit:" many fragments of marble slabs 
with the plaited and knotted ornament charac- 
teristic of this period are preserved in the 
cloister of that church, and may probably be 
fragments of this " Ambitus." 

In the richer chnrches silver oolumna bearing 
arches of the same metal were often erected on 
the marble enclosure, and from these arches hung 
rich curtains, and frequently vessels or crowns 
of the precious metals ; repeated mention of such 
decorations may be found in the Lib. Pontif,^ and 
a passage in -the will of Fortunatos Patriarch of 
Grade (Hazlitt, Hist, of the Republic of Venice, 
vol. i. App.), who died in the early part of the 9th 
century, describes a like arrangement very clearly 
in the following words: "Post ipsum altare alium 
parietem deauratum et deargentatum similiter 
longitudine pedum xv. et in altitudine pedes iv. et 
super ipso pariete arcus volutiles de argento et 
super ipsos arcus imagines de auro et de argento." 

This expression "ambitus altaris" may per- 
haps also sometimes stand for the apse as sui^ 
rounding the altar. [A. N.] 

AMBO (GT.''Afi$»y, from ikvafialy^iw). The 
raised desk in a church from which certain 
parts of the service were read. It has been 
also called tr^pyoSf pulpitum, suggestus. By 
Sozomen (Eccles. Hist. iz. 2, p. 367) the amlw 
is explained to be the ^ fivfia rwy kywyvwarw " 
— the pulpit of the readers. From it wefe read, 
or chanted, the gospel, the epistle, the Ibts of 
names inscribed on the diptychs, edicts of bishops, 
and in general any communications to be made 
to the congregation by presbyters, deacons, or 
subdeaoons; the bishop in the earlier centuries 
being accustomed to deliver his addresses from 
the cathedra in the centre of the apse, or from a 
chair placed in front of the altar ; St. John Chry- 
sostom was, however, in the habit of preaching 
sitting on the ambo (lirl rov ifiPuwos, Socrates 
Eccl, Hist. vi. 5), in order that he might be 
better heai*d. Full details as to the use of the 
ambo will be found in Sarnelli (Antica BasilioO' 
grafia, p. 72), and Ciampini ( Vet. Mon.^ t. i. p. 
21 et seq.); but the examples which they describe 
are probably later by several centuries than the 
period with which we are now concerned, and 
the various refinements of reading the gospel 
from a higher elevation than the epistle, and 
the like, are probably by no means of very early 
introduction. Two and even three ambones some- 
times existed ; one jeas then used for the goepel, 
one for the epistle, and one for the reading of 
the prophetical or other books of the Old Testa- 
ment (Martigny, Diet, des Antiq. Chret.). In the 
old church of St. Peter's there was, however, 
but one, which Platner (BeschreUmng von Bom) 
thinks was a continuance of the ancient usage. 

Something in the nature of an ambo or desk no 
doubt was in use from a very early period. 
Bunsen (Basiiiken des Christlichen Boms, p. 48) 
expresses his opinion that the ambo was origin- 
ally moveable. In the earlier centuries much of 
the church furniture was of wood, and the am- 
bones were probably of the same msiterial. 
Wherever a " presbyterium " or " chorus can- 
torum" (i.e. an enclosed space in front of the 


iha racmd far the nH of the inferior elerg;) 


in of 

The amboDen la S. Clemente at Rm 

ifferent periods ; the imallsr and'ier nuy 

perhsp be of tba nmt data M the cm rni with 

" ■ ' 't 1< connected (6th century ?), but there 

diflerence in the character of the work. 

The larger dates probablj froin the 12th centor}', 

u no doaU does alio that in S. Lorenzo f. 1. M. at 

1 which lh« Abbe 

ISartigaj (Did. des Aaliq. C'hrfl.) niies u proy- 

iog the high anLiquitjr of this last, viz. that a 

part of its base is I'onned from a tas-relief relating 

to pagnn secrifices, cannot be considered at having 

much weight, ai a part of the superstructure ii 

" nned from a glib bearing an earlj Chriitinn 

scription, and ai the whole style and character 

the work ace sd et id Batlj those in use at Rome 

uHng the 12Ih and 13th centuries. 

The lesser ond earlier am bo at S. Clemente hiu 

twodeik^^ne, the moit elevated, looking towariii 

the altar, the other in the contrary direction; 

the later ambo has a semi-heiagonal projection 

I each tide, and is ascended by a stair at each 

id. This latter plan seems to have been the 

ore usual ; the ambones at Ravenna and those at 

ome of the 12th and I3th centuries are all thus 


In the plan for the ehnrch of St. Gall (c. A.D. 

820), the ambo is placed in the middle of the 

e but near its eastern end. in front of the 

enclonnre marked " chorus," an 

A tall ornamented column is ofteo found at- 
tached to the amiM ; on this the paschal candle 
was Gied. This usage may have existed fivm 
on early period, but perhaps the earliest existing 
eiample of such a column is one preserved In the 
museum of the Lateran at Rome, which however 
is probably not older than the 11th century. It 
is engraved by Ciampini ( Vet. Hon., t. i. pi. lit.). 

According to Sumelli (Aul. Bat. p. 64), the 
word smbo is the proper eipression for the raised 
platform or chorus cantorum ; he however gives 
no authorities for this use of the word. [A. N.] 

AMBROSE. 0) Bishop of Uilan, confeuoT, 
commemorated April 4 (ifari. £om. Vet., Bienm., 
Btdic); Dec, 7 (Co/. Ilyiant.). 

(2) Bishop, commemorated Kov. 30 (_Marl. 



AMBROSIAN MUSIC, the earliest music 
used in the Christian Church of which we have 
any account, and so named after Ambrose, bishop 
of MiluD (374-39S), who introduced it to his 
diocese about the year 386, during the reign of 

The notions prevailing among musical and 
other writers respecting the peculiarities of 
Ambrosian music are based rather on conjectnra 
than knowledge. It may tie considered certain 

Gregorian music which, about two centuries 
later, almost everywhere superseded it. Indeed 
has been doubted whether actual melody at 

til ei 


conjectured that 

■i— monotone with 
I Eoci.t;9iAEricua, 
a ima oi music, or mode ot musical utterance, 
which Gregory retained for collects and responses, 
but which he rejected as too simple for psalms 
and hymns. On the other hand, it has been 
aipied mora plausibly that, to whaleier eitent 
the Acrciiiu or Jfodtu choraliUi- legendi may 




nave been used in Ambrosian music, an element 
more distinctly musical entered largely into it ; 
that a decided cantusy as in Gregorian music, was 
used for the psalms ; and that something which 
mii|;ht even now be called melody was employed 
for (especially metrical) hymns. That this me- 
lody was narrow in compass [Ambitdb], and 
little varied in its intervals, is probable or cer- 
tain. The question however is not of quality^ 
but of kind. Good melody does not of necessity 
involve many notes ; Rousseau has composed a 
very sweet one on only three (^Conaolations des 
Misirea de ma Viej No. 53). 

The probability that this last view of Ambro- 
sian music is the right one is increased by the 
accounts of its effect in performance, given in 
the Benedictine Life of St. Ambrose, drawn from 
his own works, wherein one especial occasion is 
mentioned on which the whole congregation sang 
certain hymns with such fervour and unction 
that many could not restrain their tears — an 
incident confirmed by an eye-witness, St. Augus- 
tine. "How did I weep," he says, "in Thy 
hymns and canticles, touched to the quick by 
the voices of Thy sweet attuned Church I The 
voices flowed into mine ears, and the truth dis- 
tilled into my heart, whence the affections of my 
devotions overflowed, and tears ran down, and 
happy was I therein."* It is diflicult to attri- 
bute to mere "musical speech," however em- 
ployed, such effects as these, even upon the 
rudest and least instructed people, & fortiori, on 
persons like Augustine, accomplished in all the 
learning and the arts of his time. The hymns 
and canticles must surely have been conjoined, 
and the voices attuned to a sweeter and more 
expressive song. "Dulcis est cantilena," says 
Ambrose (^Op. t. i. p. 1052) himself, "quae non 
corpus effeminat, sed mentem animamque con- 
firmat." Whatever its properties, its usefulness, 
or its dignity, no one would apply the epithet 
dulcis to the Accenhu Ecclesiasticus, or speak of 
it, or anything like it, as cantilena. 

That neither Augustine nor any contemporary 
writer has descril^ particularly, or given us 
any technical account of, the music practised bv 
the Milanese congregations of the end of the 4th 
century, however much we may regret it, need 
hardly cause us any surprise. We are very im- 
perfectly informed about many things nearer to 
us in point of time, and practically of more im- 
portance. Augustine has indeed told us in what 
manner the psalms and hymns were sung in the 
church of St. Ambrose, and that this manner was 
exotic and new.** But of the character of the 
song itself—- in what the peculiarity of the Cantua 
Ambrosianus consisted — ^he tells us nothing. Pos- 
sibly there was little to tell ; and the only pecu- 
liarity consisted in the employment in psalmody 
of more melodious strains than heretofore -~ 
strains not in themselves new, but never before 

• "Qaantam flevi In hymnis et cantids tals, suave 
sonantls Eoclesiae tuae ▼oclbos commotos acrtter I Voces 
lllae inflaebaot auribus mds, et eliqnabatnr Veritas In oor 
menm ; et exaestnabat hide aflectos pletatis, et canrebant 
laerimae, et bene mihl erat cnm eis."— A Avguttini 
Cot\fei»ianum, Uh. Ix. cap. vL e. 14. 

k "Tone hymnl et pMlmi nt 'canerentiir' i e nm^tum 
wiorem orieniaUum jNirttum. ne populus maerorls Caedlo 
ooDtabeaoeret, institatuni est; et ex Ulo in bodiemnm re- 
tentom. multis Jam ac pene umaiboa gregibus tais, et per 
cetera orbis imitantibaa."— OvV., lib. Ix. cap. 7-15. 

so employed ; for, " in the first ages of Christi 
anity,'' says St. Isidore, "the psalms were r^ 
cited in a manner more approaching speech thaa 
song."* In this view most writers on Ambresiau 
music have concurred ; that it was veritable 
song, in the proper musical sense of the word, 
not musical speech or "half-song;" and that, 
not only was it based on a scale system or tonsF 
lity perfectly well understood, but that ite 
rhythmos was subject to recognised laws. S. 
Ubaldo, the author of a work {Diaqvintio dt 
caniu a D. Ambroaio in Mediolanensem eodesiam 
introductOy Mediolani, 1695) especially devoted 
to Ambrosian music, says expressly that St. Am- 
brose was not the first to introduce antiphoui 
singing into the West, but that he did introduce 
what the ancients called Cantua ffarmonicua, ob 
account of its determined tonality and variety oi 
intervals, properties not needed in, and indeel 
incongruous with, musical speech. With thr 
Cantua Harmonicua was inseparably connectea 
the Caniua Hhj/thmicua or Metricua; so that, by 
the application of harmonic (•*. e, in the modem 
sense, melodic) rule, a kind of melody was pnn 
duced in some degree like our own. That Am- 
brosian music was rhythmical is irrefragably at- 
tested by the variety of metres employed by 
Ambrose in his own hymns, and that such w» 
held to have been the case for many centuries is 
confirmed by Guido Aretinus and John Cotton 
(11th century). 

The first requisite of melody is that the sonndi 
composing it b« not only in the same " system," 
but also in some particular scale or succ^sioii, 
based upon and moving about a given sonnd. 
The oldest scales consisted at the moet of foor 
sounds, whence called tetrachords. The inflo- 
ence of the tetrachord was of long duration ; it 
is the theoretical basis even of modem tonalitr. 
Eventually scales extended in practice to penta- 
chords, hexachords, heptachords, and ultimatelj 
octachords, as with us. The modem scale 
may be defined as a succession of sounds con- 
necting a given sound with its octave. The 
theory and practice of the octachord were fami- 
liar to the Greeks, from whose system it is 
believed Ambrose took the first four octachords 
or modes, viz. the Phrygian, Dorian, Hypolydian, 
and Hypophrygian, called by the first Christian 
writers on music Protus, Deuterus, Tritus, and 
Tetrardus. Subsequently the Greek provincial 
names got to be misapplied, and the Ambrosian 
system appeared as follows : 

Pbotdb ob Dokian. 




^ - "^ 




Dkutkkus ob Prrtoiav. 



^ ra 



Tsmjs OB AsoLZAir. 

Tbtbabdus ob Mtxoltmav. 



g^ ^ 

These scales differ essentially from our scales, 

* ** Ita, at proDuntlanti vkinlor eaaet, qnam pnHenll * 
-'De OffiCt cap. vii. 




Mftjor or miaor, of D, E, F, G, which are Tina- 
ally tnafpodtions of one another, or identical 
Kuet at a higher or lower pitch, the seats of 
wImw two lemitoDes are always in the same 
piaeesi— between the 3rd and 4th and the 7th 
nd 8th MMinds seyerally. Whereas the Greek 
aad Inhroaiaa aeales abore are not only unlike 
AM another (the seats of the semitones being in 
all difleient), but they are also unlike either our 
■sden typical major scale of C, which has its 
snsitoaes between the 3rd and 4th and 7th and 
8th sounds, or our typical minor scale of A, 
vUch has one of its semitones always between 
tkc 2nd sad 3rd aounda, another between the 5th 
wd 6th or the 7th and 6th, and in its chromatic 
fcfiB between both. 

TmcAi JLuoB SoALs: 



^. fi^'^" =f 

TmcAXi MnoB Soali. 

The 1st, 2nd, 3rd, and 4th Ambrosian scales 
or tones therefore are not what we now call 
^kcys," but ** modes," differing from one another 
as tne modem major and minor modes differ, in 
tbt plaees of their semitones. Melodies there- 
kn in this or that Ambrosian *' tone " have a 
fariety of character analogous to that which 
distiBguisheB our major and minor modes so very 
videly. Thus tenderness is the popular attri- 
b«te of the minor mode ; strength and clearness 
ars those of the major. In like manner one 
Aadbrosiaa tone was supposed to be characterised 
by dignity, another by languor, and so on. 

The rhythmua of Ajnbrosian melody is thought 
by BOOM to haTe oonaisted only in the adaptation 
to long and short syllables of long and short 
■otek "Of what we call time," says Forkd 
{GttcL der Mtuikf iL 168), — the proportion 
between the different divisions of the same 
ndody, — ^the ancients had no conception." 
He doei not tell ns how they contrived to march 
or to dance to timeless melodies — ^melodies with 
tve beats in one foot and three in another, or 
three feet in one phrase and four in another, nor 
bov vast congregations were enabled to sing 
tbeiB ; and if anything is certain about Ambrosian 
toBg it is that it was above all things oongrega- 

Whether Ambrose was acquainted with the 
■se of musical characters is uncertain. Probably 
be was. The system he adopted was Greek, and 
be eoald hardly make himself acquainted with 
Gieek music without having acquired some 
kaowledge of Greek notationt which, though in- 
tricate in its detail, was simple in its principles. 
But cren the invention, were it needed, of cha- 
nctcn capable of representing the compara- 
tinly few sounds of Ambrosian melody could 
have been a matter of no difficulty. Such cha- 
nden needed only to represent the pitch of 
tbcN sounds ; their duration was dependent on. 

and sufficiently indicated by, the metre. Copies 
of Ambrosian music-books are preserved in some 
libraries, which present indications of what may 
be, probably are, musical characters. Possibly 
however these are additions by later hands. It 
is certain that, in the time of Charlemagne, Am- 
brosian song was finally superseded, except in 
the Milanese, by Gregorian. The knowledge 
of the Ambrosian musical alphabet, if it ever 
existed, may, in such circumstances, and in such 
an age, have easily been lost, though the melo- 
dies themselves were long preserved tradition- 
ally. [J. H.] 

AMBB06IANXJM.— This word in old litur- 
gical writings often denotes a hymn, from S. 
Ambrose having been the first to introduce 
metrical hymns into the service of the Church. 
Originally the word may have indicated that the 
particular hvmn was the composition of S. 
Ambrose, and hence it came to signify any hymn. 
Thus S. Benedict, in his directions for Noctums, 
says, '* Post hunc psalmus 94 (Venite) cum anti- 
phonft, aut certe decantandus.* Inde sequatur 
Ambroskmum : Deinde sex psalmi cum anti- 
phonis." Also, S. Isidore d« Divin, off. lib. i. 
c 1, § 2, speaking of hymns, mentions S. 
Ambrose of Milan, whom he calls ** a most illus- 
trious Doctor of the Church, and a copious com- 
poser of this kind of poetry. Whence (he adds) 
from his name hymns are called Aml^skms" 
(unde ex ejus nomine hymni Ambrasiani appel- 
lantur). [H. J. H.] 

AMEN (Heb. }DK). The formula by which 

one expresses his concurrence in the prayer of 
another, as for instance in Deut. xxvii. 15. 

1. This word, which was used in the services 
of the synagogue, was transferred unchanged in 
the very earliest age of the Church to the 
Christian services [compare Alleluia] ; for the 
Apostle (1 Cor. xiv. 16) speaks of the Amen of 
the assembly which followed the thjcapttrrloj or 
thanksgiving. And the same custom is traced 
in a series of authorities. Justin Martyr (Apol. 
i. c 65, p. 127) notices that the people present 
say the Amen after prayer and thanksgiving; 
Dionysius of Alexandria (in Enseb, H, E, vii. 9, p. 
253, Schwegler) speaks of one who had often 
listened to the thanksgiving (^tbxapurrid), and 
joined in the Amen which followed. Cyril of 
Jerusalem {CaUcJusmus Mystag, 5, p. 331) says 
that the Lord's Prayer is teaied with an Amen. 
Jerome, in a well-known passage (Prooemium in 
lib. ii. Comment, Ep. Oai,, p. 428) speaks of the 
thundering sound of the Amen of the Roman 

2. The formula of consecration in the Holy 
Eucharist is in most ancient liturgies ordered to 
be said aloud, and the people respond Amen, Pro- 
'uably, however, the custom of saying this part 
of the service secrete — afterwards universal in 
the West — had already begun to insinuate itself 
in the time of Justinian ; for that emperor ordered 
^Novella 123, in Migne's Patrol, tom. 72, p. 1026), 
that the consecration-formula should be said 
aloud, expressly on the ground that the people 
might respond Afiten at its termination. [Com- 
pare Canon.] In most Greek liturgies also, 

• This Is explained as *' oninino ptotrahendo et ab vno 
ant a plniibas moroM* or as^fn directum dne Antl- 
pbDni." Jroiteiu </e Jfii. Jfon. fit., Lib. L cap. IL 22. 


n the 

X/HOTti." tbe receirer answen Ainm. So, too, 
ID the Clemeutiae Liturgy, sflar the ucriptioa 
of Glory to God (ApoK. Cmtt. liii. 13, p. 215, 
Uttun). (Bona, Dt Jtelxu Liturgicii, 1. JL cc. 5, 
1!, "•) [C] 

AHICE (_Anuctm, HumeraU, Saperfnimenh 
or Ephed, AnaMadiim, Aiu^xl'igittm, Amgotai- 
Mil). S I. The word Amictus Is employed in clu- 
■icsl writen as a geaeral term for tmy cater 
garmeat. Thus Virgil employ* it {Am. iii. 405) 
in ipcnkiD^ of the togi, oroamfiitHl with pnr|iU, 
the end of which wu thrown about the head by 
prieati and other olGcisl personi when engaged 
ID acts of «acrific«. (See for eiainple " the 
Emperor incrificiDg," from thecolumn of Trajaa, 
Vtat. Christ, pi. iii.) The umo general usage 
may be tmced In the earlier ecclesiastical wriUr*, 
M in St. Jerome, and in Gregory of Tours, who 
uses the word in ipenking of a bride'i Teil. St. 
Isidore of Setille (circ. 6:i0 a.d.) nowhere em- 
ploy« the word aa the designation of any par- 
ticular garment, SAcred or otherwise. But in 
defining Che meaning of an^iboladium (a Gi 

a Uter 

ititied w 

ent), he 

quo humeri operiuntur, quod Gneci et Latini 
tiodonem Tocant." {Origina, lii. 25.) With 
thia may be compared St. Jerome on leaiab, cap. 
iii., where in referring to the dreu of Hebrew 
women, he says. " Habeat aindonei quae rouantur 
amictoria." This usage of " amictorium,'* and 
Its equiyalent " anaboTadium," in speaking of a 


II preiHi 

tbe 9 Eh century, vhen it is compared by Rabaaus 
Uaurus (such seems to bn his menuing) with the 
■'supeihiunenle" of Leiiticat use {Dt Imtit. 
Cler. Lib. I. cap. 15). Rabnnu), howoTer, does 
not use the word "amictns," though he svems 
evidently to refer lo the restment elsewhere so 
culled. Amalarias of Meti, writing about tbe 
aame time (circ. 825 a.d.), speaks of the " amio- 
tus" aa being the first in order of the vestmenU 
of the Church, "primum vestimentilm nostrum 
quo collum andique cingimus." Hence iti sym- 
bolism in his eyes as implying "castigatioTocis," 
the due restraint of the voice, whose organs are 
in the throat (Dt Eccl. Of. ii. 17.). Walafiid 
Stnibo writing tome few years later (he was a 
pupil of Rabanus), enumerates the eight resl- 
ments of the Chnrch, but without including in 
them the amice (i'e Scb. Ecd. c 'H.\ But in all 
ihe later liturgical writ«n the restment it named 
under some one or other of the various designa- 
tions enumerated at tbe head " 

n this 

y then 

till nearly the close of the Snion period. It is 
not mentioned in the Pontifical of Egbert. In 
a Inter Anglo-Saion Pontifical (of the lOth cen- 
tury, Dr. Rock says,) among tbe vestments 
enumerated occurs mention of the "supei'- 
bumerole sen poderem," an eipreesion which hoa 
been supposed to point to the amice, though the 
use of " poderia," as an alternatire name, seems 
to make thi> somewhat duubtfuL (Quoted bj 

— — ..^ ..„, »,u„,c -.u, originally a squue gi 
oblong piece of linca, somewhat such u tint 
which forma the background in the accompany' 
lag woodcut, and was probably worn nearly as 
■howD in Fig. 1, so as to cover the seek and 

Dr. Rook, Church of our Falhert, vol. I. p. Ati 
from the ArcluuiJiigiii, voL iiv. p. 2S.) 

g 2. Shtpt of the Anuct, itt Material, and onu 

shoulders. Early in the 10th century(A.D. S^.l) 
we hear, for the first time, of omanienls of gohl 
ontheamice. {TtaiiineiitiiKn Iteeuifi Epacopi in 
Higne's Putrologlit, torn, ciiiii. p. 468, "caligu 
et landaliaa pari* duo, amictcs [sic] cum aurs 
quattaor.") Thia ornament was probably id 
"aurifrigium" or "orfrev." From the 11th 
century onwards the richer amices were adorned 
with embroidery, and at times even with pre- 
cious Btonei. lliese onuunente were attached to 
a portion only of the amice, ■ comparatively 
emntl patch, iinown as a piaga, or parura (i. el, 
paralura) being fastened on (see Pig. 4 in wool- 

^0 appear as a kind of collar above Uie 

e Fig. 3% An eiample is given of late 

he shape of the parara, as, from 

tbe material, very early amioet 

later limes as " mil aria " or "co 
Rock, Ch. ofourFatUrt, i. 470). 

§ 3. How kd™.-AII the cnrliei 
the amice ore such as to imply that 
on the neck and shoulders only. 
Autun (writing ore. 1125 A.D.) is t 
speaks of it as being placed on the \ 
merale quod in Lege Ephot, apud 

: illo c 

collum !< 

humeroH (onde et Hnmerale dicitur) cooperil. 
in pcctore copulatum duahns vittia ad mammillsi 
cingiL Per Humeralc qaod capili mpmiiv 
spes caelestium intelligilur." {Qraana atamne. i. 
c 201.) It appeara to have been tempotarili 
placed on the head (as shown la Fig. 2 of the 

arranged, after which it was turned down ■ 
that the pamra might appear in its preprr 
place. To this position on the head is to be 
referred it* later aymboliam as ■ Mmct t* 




.21, >» 

cUntMi. " Amictns pro galea capat obnnbit.' 
Dnnndi SaHtmale iii. 1. For other sjinbol- 
inns tee InnooeBt IIL, De Sacro AUari$ MysteriOy 
L ee. 36 and 50. (The woodcut above is from 
t>r. Bock's QwAichte der iiturgi8(Aen Gewander, 
a iL TaC iL) [W. B. M.] 

AMICUS, confessor at Lyons, commemorated 
Jalr U {MarL Hitrm.), [C] 

AMMON. (1) Commemorated Feb. 7 (Jtfar^ 

(f ) Coomiemorated Feb. 9 ( Jf. Sfieron,, Bedae). 

(3) *Afifnow, the deacon, with the forty women 
ktt disciples, martyrsy commemorated Sept. 1 
(CUL fy^aU.). 

(4) Commemorated Sept. 10 (if. Hiercn^ 

(9) Ifartrr at Alexandria, Dec 20 (Mart. 
Bam. r€t.y Bedaey [C] 

AMHONABLA, martyr at Alexandria, com- 
BMmorated Dec 12 (Mart. Bom, Vet.). [C] 

AMMONIUS. (1) Martyr, Jan. 31 (Mart. 
Biero^L, Btdaey. 

(5) bifant of Alexandria, commemorated Feb. 
n (Mart. Bom. Vet.). 

(t) Conmiemorated Oct. 6 (Jf. Hieron.). [C.J 

AMOS, the prophet, commemorated June 15 
(CeL Byzant.). [C] 

AMPELU8 of Messana, commemorated Nov. 
»(MarL h'om. Vet.). [C] 

Tais word appears to be confined to Galilean 
writert. And this fact, coupled with its Greek 
derivation, pointing as this does to a very early 
period for its introduction, is noticeable, as one 
umn% many instances of diversities of usage 
ia miaor matters, characteristic of the Galilean 
diiirek, and indicating an origin distinct from 
that of other western churches. 

1 2. /brm cf the vestment, and its prevailing 
me. There are three passages to which refer- 
caoc may here be made as determining all that 
caa vith certainty be known with regard to 
the vestment now in question. St. Remigius, 
Archbishop of Aries, dying about 500 A.D., 
left to his successor in the see ** Amphibalum 
slbom paschalem," a white amphihalus for 
«e OB Sundays and high festivals. (For 
'pnchalu' see Dncange in voc.) We cannot 
here conclude with alMoIute certainty that it 
■ of a vestment for church use that he is 
yking, though the context seems to imply 
this. (The quotation is from the Testamentum 
S. XemdgU Semensis, apud Galland, BiMiothec. 
PeL, torn. X. p. 806.) But in the passages that 
feUov this meaning is beyond doubt. In a life 
Hi & Bonittts (o/tos S. Bonus), f circ 710, A.D. 
vrittra, as it is supposed, by a contemporary 
(Ada Sandorvm Jamuw., d. xv. p. 1071 sqq.)^ we 
ire told that the saint was much given to weep- 
ia; even in chmrch; so much so, that the upper 
ptrt of his amphibalua, which served as a cover- 
hg tat his head, was found to be wet with the 
tetn he shed. ** Lacrimarum ei gratia in sacro 
•« deerat officio ita ut amphibali summitas, qua 
apot tegebator, ex profusione earum madida 
rideretor." This ** upper part " of the amphi- 

Wlas wu evidently a kind of hood (like that of 

the casula),. separable, m some sort, irom the 
rest of the garment. For the saint is repre- 
sented as appearing afler death, in a vision, to a 
certain maiden, devoted to God's service, and 
sending through her a message to the " mother '* 
of the neighbouring monastery, bidding her keep 
by her (no doubt as a relic) that part of his 
amphibalus which covered his head. " Ut pai'- 
tem amphibali moi qua caput tegitur, secum re- 

Even in this passage, however, though it is 
evidently spoken of as worn in church, and 
during the " holy office," it does not follow that 
a sacerdotal vestment, distinctively so called, is 
there intended. The mention of the hood (or 
hood-like appendage) as worn over the head 
.points rather to use in the choir. But in a 
fragmentary account of the Galilean rite, of un- 
certain date, but probably of the 9th or 10th 
century, the word amphibalus is used as equiva- 
lent to the ** casula," then regarded as specially 
belonging to sacerdotal ministry. ^* The casula, 
known as amphibalus," the writer says, " which 
the priest puts upon him, is united from top to 
bottom . . . it is without sleeves . . . 
joined in front without slit or opening . . . 
* Casula, quam amphibalum vocant, quod sacer* 
dos induetur (nc), tota unita . . . Idee 
sine manicas (sic) quia sacerdos potius benedicit 
quam ministrat. Ideo unita prinsecus, non scissa, 
non aperta,'" &c. (See Martene, ITiesattrus 
Anecdotorum, torn, y.) 

From the above passages we may infer that 
"amphibalus" was a name, in the Gallican 
church of the first eight or nine centuries, for 
the more solemn habit of ecclesiastics, and par- 
ticularly for that which they wore in offices of 
holy ministration. Having regard to its (pro- 
bably) Eastern origin, and to its subsequent iden- 
tification with the casula, we shall probably be 
right in thinking that it resembled in shape the 
white phenolia, in which Eastern bishops are re- 
presented in mosaics of the 6th century, in the 
great church (now Mosque) of St. Sophia at 
Constantinople. For these last see the article 
Vestments (Greek), later in this work, and 
Salzenberg's AUchristliche BaudenkmeUe^ plates 
xxviii. and xxix. [W. B. M.] 

AMPHILOCHIUS, bishop of Iconium, com- 
memorated Nov. 23 (Cal. Byzant.). [C.] 

AMPIDIUS, commemorated at Rome Oct. 14 
(Mart. Bieron.). [C] 

AMPLIAS, ** Apostle," commemorated Oct. 
31 (Cal. Byzant.). [C] 

AMPODIUS, commemorated Oct. 11 (Mart. 
Hieron.). [C] 

AMPULLA (Probably for amb-oOa, from iU 
swelling out in everr direction), a globular yes- 
sel for holding liquid. In ecclesiastical language 
the word denotes — 

1. The flasks or cruets, generally of preciooa 
i metal, which contain the wine and water used 
at the altar. The word " pollen," used in some 
districts of Germany to designate these vessels 
(Binterim's DenkwOrdigkeiten, iv. 1. 183) is pro- 
bably derived from ^ Ampullae." 

WHien the custom of making offerings of wine 
for the Holy Communion ceased, ampullae seem 
to hare taken the place of the larger Amab 


Tha notion of th« ampullae thamulTia hiTin; 
bacD large Teuela it probablj fonodad an thi 
ancicDt stymoli^, "ampulla, qnaii Ta» am' 
plum;" an atfmologf which Walafrid Stnbo 
(Z>( Reh. Ecd. c 24) adapU to the &cta i ' " 
own tima hj reTeraicig it, " ampulla qoasl f 
ampU." Ths Gnt mention of ampnllae aa allai^ 
TioBak, appear* to be in the Zt6cr Pontifcaiit 
(c 110) In the life of John III. (669-573), who 
it said to hate ordered that the oratoriea of the 
martyn In tbo citf of Roma ihonld be nippHail 
with altar-plate, incloding ampnllae [al. amnUe] 
from the Latann church. 

2. Hore commanlf the word ampnlla deuotea 
a veiael, A^icuSat, UMd for holding conaeciated 
oil orchrinn. In thia eenw It !■ used b; Optatus 
HileTitaaua (jMntra Donntidai ii. 19, p. 42), 
when he tella na that an "ampulla chriunatia" 
thrown from a window by the Donatuta mire- 
culouilj remained unbroken. In the Gregorian 
Sacramentary (p, 65), in the direction! for the 
benediction of Chrimi on the " Feria V. poat 
Palmu," or Thnrsday In H0I7 Week, " ampnllaa 
dno cam oleo" an ordered to be prepared, the 
better of wbidi ia to be preeented to the Pope. 

By ftr 

kind ii that which was laid to have'been broUKlil 
bj a dors from heaTeu at the baptiam of Gloria, 
and which waa used at the coronation of the 
Frank kin^. Hincmar, in the service which he 
drew up for the coronation of Charlea the Bald 
(840), speaka of the first Christian king of the 
Franka having been anointed and consecrated 
with the hcaf en-descended chrism, whence that 
which he himself uaed waa derired ("caelitoa 

tns et in regem sacraloa"), aa if of a thing well 
anown. lu Flodoard, who wrote in the first 
half of the 10th century, we find the legend fully 
developed. He tolls na (/f,si. Eceki. Nemmtlt, 
i. 13, in Migne's Patroi. vol. 135, p. 52 c.) that 
at the Baptiam cfClovis, the clerk who bore the 
chrism wsa prevented by the crowd from reach- 
ii^ his proper station; and that when the 
moment for uortion arrived, St. RemI raised his 


eyes to heaven and prayed, when " eece nbltii 
colnmba cea nil advolat Candida Tostro dafenas 
ampullam caelestis doni chrismate replatam." 
This aacnd ampulla (the "Saint* AmpouUe'^ 
waa preaentedin the abbey of SL Bemi,at Reimi, 
and Died at the coronation of the succesiive kiip 
of France. It was broken in 1793, bat em 
then a fragment waa said to have been praerved, 
and waa used at the coronation of Charlet X. 
The ampolla represented in the woodcut, from 
Honia, it said to be of the Tth century, ll it 
of a metal resembling tin, and hta engrarid 
upon it a representation of the Adoration oTlht 
Hagi and of the Shepherds, with the inscrlptim. 
TOUoiN, having boan used for preservlne Holr 

OiL [Oil, Holt.] [c.] 

AMULETS. The aarlieat writer in whom 
the word occun. is Pliu]' (f/.X. iiii. 4, 19 ; ai. 
15, 47, et nl.\ and Is used by him in the sense of 
a " charm " againat poisons, witchcraft, and tht 
like (" venefidomm amnleta "). A Latm deriva- 
tion has been suggested for it as being thil 
"quod malum amolitur." Modern etymologiiti. 
however, connect both the word at well ta 
the thing with the East, and derive it from ths 
Arabic hanimalet (— a thing snspendod). tbt 
practice which the word implies had been in Ibe 
Christian Church, if not from the firat, yet •• 
soon aa the Paganiim and Judaism out of which 
it had emerged began again tn find their way 
into it as by a process of infiltration, and the 
history of amulets presents a strange pictore of 
the ineradicable tendency of mankind to fall back 
into the bluest auperstitions which seem to belong 
only to the savage bowing before his ftiidn. 
Man has a dread of unseen powers around him — 
demons, spectres, a 


That belief 


o preserve him 

a alte- 

Eathcr arbitnry. When the laraetitea left 
gypt, tbcy came fi^m a people who had car- 
ried Uiis idea to an almost unequalled eitcat. 
The •carabaeus, the hawk, the serpent, the 
uraena, or hooded snake, an open eye, out^nad 
wings, with or without formulae of prayer, 
deprecating oc invoking, are found in countlea 
variety in all onr musenms, and seem to hsve 
been home, some on the breast, some suapendcd 
by a chain round the neck. The law orUoaca, 
by ordering the ZicilA, or blue fringe on the gar- 
ita which men wore, or the papyrus scnilb 
i> tests (Exod. liii. 2-10, 11-17; Dent ri. 
4-g, 13-22), which were to be aa fh)ntlets « 
their brows, and hound upon their amis, known 
.ater Jewa as the Ttp/iiiUm, or when nailed on 
r door posts or the walls of their housei ai 
Uttuaa, sought, as by a 
3 men who had been 
usages to higher thoaghts, and to turn what had 
been a sDperstition into a witness for the truth. 
The old tendency, however, crept in, and it aeemt 
clear that aome St least of the ornaments named 
by Isaiah (iii. 23), especially the DVrh, were of 
the nature of amulets (fiti. Diet. A>uixn). Aid 
the later ^vXarripia of the S. T., though an at- 
tempt baa been made by aome archaeologista le 
explain the naoM ai though they iiaiiiiiiM 




BMi fvkU^tuf rhv >4funf (Schoitg^n) were, 
tkcre OB be little doubt, to called as **pre- 
wermdrm" against demooa, magic, and the evil, 
cje.* Tikioiigb the whole hiatory of Rabbinism, 
the tcBdencj was on the increaae, and few Jews 
Miered themselret free from evil spirits, unless 
the bed en which thej slept was guarded hj the 
JfitfUM. Mystic figures — ^the saoed tetragram- 
BMtea, the shield of Darid, the seal of Solomon — 
with cabalistic words, AGLA (an acrostic formed 
froB the initial letters of the Hebrew words for 
^Thoa art nighty for ererlasting, O Lord"), 
Ibncalan. and the like, shot up as a rank after- 
growth. Greek, Latin, Eastern Heathenism, in 
Kin manner, supplied Tarious forms of the same 
eage. Everywhere men lived in the dread of 
the &acinatioa of the ** evil eye." Sometimes in- 
^iriihial men, sometimes whole races (e.g, the 
Thika of Pontos) were thought to possess the 
peirer of smiting youth and health, and causing 
them to waste away (Plutarch, Stpnpaa, ▼. 7). 
ind against this, men used remedies of rarions 
kinds, the 'E^ciria ypdfifiortt^ the fhalhts or 
foQuum. The latter was believed to operate as 
direrting the gnre which would otherwise be 
ittd OB that which kept it spell-bound (Plu- 
tarch, Lc; Varr. de Linff. Lat, vi. 5X but was pro- 
bably connected also with its use as the symbol 
•f life as against the evil power that was working 
te destroy life. It is obvious that superstitions 
if this kind would be foreign to Christian life in 
its first parity. The " bonfire '* at Ephesus was 
a pretest against them and all like usages (Acts 
m. 19). They crept in, however, probably in 
the firrt instance through the influence of Juda- 
ing or Orientalizing Gnostics. The followers 
if Basilides had their mystical Abraxas and Jal- 
dahaoth, which they wrote on parchment and 
md as a charm [C%r. Biogr. art. Basilides]. 
Searahaei have been found, with inscriptions 
(Jao, Sahaoth, the names of angels, Bellerman, 
Cher die Soarahaeen, L 10)^ indicating Christian 
ciatioBS of this nature.^ The catacombs of 
hare yielded small objects of various kinds 
that were used apparently for the same purpose, 
a brottse fish (connected, of course, with the 
■jitic anagram of IxeTS), with the word 
Ifl2Aa on it, a h;tuJ holding a tablet with 
ZHCE2, medals with the monogram which had 
figored OD the hbarwa of Constantine (Aringhi, 
£ma Svbterraneoy ri. 23 ; Costadoni, Del Pesce^ 
ri. n., iii., 19 ; Martigny, s. v. Poisemi). In the 
East we find the practice of carrying the Gospels 
iPifiida or ^leryydkta /uKp^) round the neck 
as fsAflrHlfaa (Chrysost. Horn. Ixiiii. in Matt.) ; 
and Jerome (in Hatt. iv. 24) confesses that 
he had himself done so to guard against disease. 
When the passion for relics set in they too were 
CBployed, and even Gregory the Great sent to 
TVcodeliiida two of these ^uXorr^pia, one a cross 
eoBtainittg a fragment of the true cross, the other 
a box containing a copy of the Gospels, each with 
Greek avocations, as a charm against the evil 
ipirita or lamiae that beset children (Epp. xii. 7). 
la an these cases we trace some Christian asso- 

• TUi li disthietly stated In the Jemsalem Qenuua 
(BeacklbL3,4> Oomp. the exbaastlve article fay Leym 
«B 'Aytaklerlcn* in Henog. 

^TkeBMBttoDoT'tbe horns of the Scarabaens " as att 
mdti \f Vtiaj {B, N. xaviiL 4) shews how widely the 
iU ^gypdao feeling aboot It bad spread fai the first 

ciations. Symbolism passes into superstition. 
In other instances the old heathen leaven was 
more conspicuous. Strange words, ir^plepyoi 
X^poKrripts (Basil, in Ps. xlv., p. 229 A), names 
of rivers, and the like (Chrysost. Horn, Ixxiii. in 
Matt.), "ligaturae*' of all kinds (August. Tract vii. 
in Jixmn.), are spoken of as frequent. Even a 
child's caul (it is curious to note at once the 
antiquity and the persistency of the superstition)^ 
and the iyK6\'K'ior Mvfta became an kyK6Kwiov 
in another sense, and was used by mid wives to 
counteract the ^ evil eye " and the words o{ evil 
omen of which men were still afraid (Balsamon, 
in Cone. Trutt.j c 61). Even the strange prohibi- 
tion by the Council just referred to of the practice 
of " leading about she bears and other like beasts 
to the delusion (vphs iraiywtow) and injury of the 
simple," has been referred by the same writer 
(ibid.)f not to their being a show as in later 
times, but to the fact that those who did so car- 
ried on a trade in the ^vKaucHipiOj which they 
mnde from their hair, and which were in request 
as a care for sore eyes. 

Christian legislation and teaching had to carry 
on a perpetual warfare against these abuses. 
Constantine indeed, in the transition stage which 
he represented, had allowed *' remedia humanis 
quaesita corporibus " (^Ood, Theodos. ix. tit. 16, 
8. 3), as well as incantations for rain, but the 
Council of Laodicea (c. 36) forbade the clergy 
to make ^Xaicrfipta, which were in reality ''8c(r- 
furrfipia for their own souls." Chrysostom fre- 
quently denounces them in all their forms, and 
lays bare the plea that the old women who sold 
them were devout Christians, and that the prac- 
tice therefore could not be so very wrong (Jicm, 
viii. in Coloss. p. 1374 ; Hom^ vi. c Jud. ; Hem, 
Ixii. p. 536, in Matt. p. 722). Basil (/. c.) speaks 
in the same tone. Augustine (/. c. and Serm, ccxv. 
De Temp.") warns men against all such '* diabolioa 
phylacteria." Other names by which such amulets 
were known were ircpiairra, wtptdfifiarcu We 
may infer from the silence of Clement of Alex- 
andria and Tertullian that the earlier days of the 
Church were comparatively free from these super- 
stitions, and from the tone of the writers just re- 
ferred to that the canon of the Council of lAodicea 
had been so far efiectual that the clergy were no 
longer ministering to them. [E. H. P.] 


ANACJLETUS, the pope, martyr at Rome, 
commemorated April 26 (Mart, Potn, Vet.), [C.j 

ANAGTOBON C/^dxropop from Maeretp), 
the dwelling of a king or ruler. In classical 
authors, generally a house of a god, especially 
a temple of the Eleusinian Demeter or of the 
Dioscuri ; also, the innermost recess of a temple, 
in which oracles were given (Lobeck*s Aglaopha^ 
mus, i. pp. 59, 62). Eusebios {Panegyr, c. 9) 
applies the word to the church built by Constan- 
tine at Antioch, whether as equivalent to /Boo'i- 
Xfff^, or with reference to the unusual size and 
splendour of the church, or with a reminiscence 
of the classical use of the word, is difficult to say. 
(Bingham's Antiquitiea, viii. 1. § 5.) [C.J 


Tertullian is the earliest writer who mentions 
this office as a distinct order in the Church (De 
Praescr, c. 41). It would seem that, at first, the 
public reading of the Scriptures was performed 




indifierently by presbytei's and deacons, and pos- 
sibly at times by a layman specially appointed 
by the bishop. From Tertullian's time, how- 
ever, it was included among the minor ordei-s, 
and as such is frequently referred to by Cyprian 
i^Epp, 29, 88, &c.). It is also one of the three 
minor orders mentioned in the so-called ApoB- 
tolical Canons, the other two being the {ncohii- 
Kovos and the ^fdkrris. The Scriptures were 
read by the Anagnostes, from the pulpitum or 
tnbunal ecclesiae. If any portion of the sacred 
writings was read from the altar, or more pro- 
perly from the bema or tribunal of the sanc- 
tuary, this was done by one of the higher clergy. 
By one of Justinian's Novels it was directed 
that no one should be ordained reader before 
thi* age of eighteen ; but previously young boys 
wCa'c admitted to the office, at the instance 
of their parents, as introductory to the higher 
functions of the sacred ministry (Bingham, 
Thorndike). [D. B.] 

ANANIAS. (1) Of Damascus (Acts ix. 10), 
commemorated Jan. 25 {Mart. Rom. VeU^ ; Oct. 
1 (Co/. ByzanL); Oct. 15 (<7. Armen.), 

(2) Martyr in Persia, April 21 {Mart. Rom, Vet), 
(8) Mai*tyr, with Azarias and Misael, Dec. 16 
(/&.); April 23 {MaH, Bedae); Dec. 17 (Col, 
Byzant.). [C] 

ANAPHORA. QKvax^ood, The word i^va- 
^4peiv acquired in later Greek the sense of 
" lifting up " or " offering : '* as avcup4p€iv $v- 
ffiasy Heb. vii. 27 ; 1 Pet. ii. 5 ; ianupepuy th- 
Xapurriav, €v<piifilay, Ho^oKoyiaVj Chrysostom in 
Suicer, s. v. 'Avoupopd was also used in a cor- 
responding sense ; in Ps. 1. 21, [LXX], it is the 

equivalent of the Hebrew TO]), *' that which 

goeth up on the altar.") 

1. In the sense of "lifting up" Anaphora 
came to be applied to the celebcation of the 
Holy Eucharist; whether from the "lifting 
up'* of the heart whicli is required in that 
service, or from the "oblation" which takes 
place in it ; probably the latter. 

In the liturgical diction of the Copts, which 
has borrowed much from the Greeks, the word 
Anaphora is used, instead of liturgy, to designate 
the whole of the Eucharistic service, and the 
book which contains it ; but more commonly its 
use is restricted to that more solemn part of the 
Eucharistic office which includes the Consecration, 
Oblation, Communion, and Thanksgiving. It be- 
gins with the " Sursum Corda," or rather with 
the benediction which precedes it, and extends 
to the end of the office, thus corresponding with 
the Preface and Cai70N of Western rituals. 

The general structure of the Anaphorae of 
Oriental liturgies is thus exhibited by Dr. Keale 
{Eastern Church, Introduction, i. 463). 

7%e Great Evcharittic Prayer— 

1. The Preface. [Sdrsuk Corda.^ 

a. The Prayer of the Trlomidial Hymn. [Paxfacb.] 

3. The Trlamphal Hymn. [Sakotus.] 

4. Oommemoratfon of our Lmrd's Life. 

5. OommemoraUon oflnstitatlon. 

The OmeeeraJtioi^- 

6. WoTxls of Institution of the Bread, 
f . Words of Institution of the Wine. 

8. Oblation of the Body and Blood. 

9. Introductory Prayer for the Descent of the 

Holy Ghost 
10. Prayer for the Change of Elementa 

The Great Mereeeeary Prayer— 

11. General Infeerceaaloo for Qnicik and Dead. 

12. Prayer before the iMtl'a Prayer. 

13. The Lord's l^rayer 

14. The EmboltMinus. 

The Commumion — 

15. The Prayer of mdlnatlon (rius m^oAoc kXA- 


16. Td ayta nli ayibc« and Elsratton of UosL 

17. ITie Fraction. 

18. The Confession. 

19. The Communion. 

20. The Antldoron ; and Prayers of Tbank^ving. 

This table exhibits the component parts of the 
Anaphorae of all, or nearly alC the Eastern litur^ 
gies, in the state in which they have come down 
to us ; but different parts are variously de 
veloped in different liturgies, and even the order 
is not always preserved ; for instance, in the 
existing Nestorian liturgies, the general inter- 
cession is placed before the invocation of the 
Holy Ghost, and other minor variations are found. 
The principal of these will be noticed under their 
proper headings. 

It is in the Anaphorae that the characteristics 
are found which distinguish different liturgies 
of the same family; in the introductory 'or pro 
anaphoral portion of the liturgies there is much 
less variety. "In every liturgical family there 
is one liturgy, or at most two, which supplies 
the former or pro-anaphoral portion to all the 
others, and such liturgies we may call the normal 
offices of that family ; the others, both in MSS. 
and printed editions, commence with the ' Prayer 
of the Kiss of Peace,' the preface to the Ana- 
phora " (Neale, Eastem Church, i. 319). Thus, 
when the liturgy of Gregory Theologus or of 
Cyril is used, the pro-anaphoral portion is taken 
from that of St. Basil ; the Ethiopian Church has 
twelve liturgies, which have the introductory 
portion in common ; the numerous Syro-Jaoobite 
liturgies all take the introductory portion from 
that of St. James; the three Nestorian from 
that of the Apostles. Further particulars will 
be found under Canon and Communion. 

2. The word kva^opd is sometimes used in 
liturgical writings as equivalent to the aiip or 
Chalice-veil ; and has found its way in this sense, 
cori-upted in form {Nuphir") into the Syrian 
liturgies. (Renaudot, Lit. Orient, ii. 61.) [C] 

AN ASTASIA. (1) Martyr under Diocletian. 
Her Natalie, an ancient and famous festival, falls 
on Dec. 25 {Mart. Rom, Vet,, Ifieron,, Bedae), 
Her name is recited in the Gregorian Canon. 
The proper office for her festival, in the Gre- 
gorian Sacram, (p. 7), is headed, in Mi^rd's 
text, Missa in Mane prima Nat. DonL, site S. 
Anastasiae; and is inserted between the SKsta 
In Vigilia Domini in Node and the Missa In Die 
NatcUis Domini, The titles in the other lifSS. 
are equivalent. In the Byzantine Calendar she 
is commemorated as <f>c^fuuco\vrpla, dissolver of 
spells on Dec 22 (see Neale's Eastern Ckvrdi, 
Introd. 786). 

(2) Of Rome, da-iofjidpTvs, commemorated Oct 
29 {Cal. Byzant.), [C] 

ANASTASIS.— The Orthodox Greek Church 
commemorates the dedication of the Church of 
the Anastasis by Constantino the Great (*£7irai- 
I'la rov Naov r^s ayias row Xpurrov koI 6cov 
^fx&v * KvoffrAffews) on Sep. 13. (Daniel, Coda 




IT. 268.) This festival refers to the 
of the Qmrch of the Holy Sepulchre, 
« of the Besurection of the Lord, at Jerusalem, 
AJtL 335. (Ensebivs, Vita CoHgUmtini, iii. 26 ff.) 
A MDilar oaiM was given to the room where 
Gregory of Nasianzns preached at Constantinople, 
lAervaids converted into a magnificent church. 
(Gibbon's ^ome, iiL 367, ed. Smith.) [C] 

AKASTA8IU8. (1) The monk, martyr in 
Penis, commemorated Jan. 22 (^CcU. Byzant^ 
Mart Rom, Vet.^ Hieron.^ 

(S) Ssint, April 1 (Mart, Bedae), 

(S) The pope, April 27 {Mari, B. V., Bedae) ; 
Oct 28 {CaL Armen.). 

(4) Saint, May 2 ( Jf. Bedae). 

(i) The Comicalarins, martyr, Aug. 21 (Mart. 

(9) Commemorated Ang. 26 (M. Hienm.). 

(T) Bishop, Got. 13 (^M. Bedae, Bieron.). [C] 

ANATHEMAf the greater exoommunica- 
ika, saswering to Cherem in the Synagogue, 
m the lesaer form did to Niddni, «>. Separation : 
tkb latter is called k^fopuffihs in the ConstHutiona 
tf the Afo$tk9. 

The excision of obstinate offenders from the 
Christisn fellowship was grounded npon the 
voids of Christ—^ If he will not hear the Church, 
kt him be as a heathen man and a publican." 
So St. Grmry interprets them — ** let him not 
be oteemed for a brother or a Christian " — ^ vi- 
deBeet pcccator gravis et scandalosus, notorius 
ait socosatns et convictus " ; being reproved by 
the bishop in the public assemblies of the Church, 
if be will not be humbled but remains incorri- 
gible and perseveres in his scandalous sins — 
** tan anathemate feriendus est et a corpore £c- 
deaise ieparandos" (St. Gregory in Ps. v.), and 
St Augustine (Troci zxvii. in Johan.) vindicates 
this severity of discipline on the Church's part 
ia radi a case — " quia neque influxum habet a 
cftpHe, neque participat de Spiritu ChristL" 

This application of the word Anathema to the 
** g:reatcr excommunication " was warranted, in 
tbe belief of the ancient Church, by St. Paul's 
ose of it (Gal. i. 8, 9), and the discipline itself 
beiag distinctly warranted by our Lord's words, 
as well as by other passages in the New Testa- 
nest, the anathema was regarded as cutting 
a nai off from the way of salvation ; so that 
■akn he received the grace of repentance he 
woald certainly perish. 

A nilder aense, however, of the word Ana- 
tbcna, as uaed by St. Paul, has not been without 
its deieadcrs, both among our own Divines as 
Haaunood and Waterland, and by (hx>tius. The 
kttcr writer, oommenting on Rom. iz. 3, gives 
tbe following interpretation : ^'Uoc didt : Yelim 
MB nodo earere honore Apostolatds, verum 
contemptissimus esse inter Christianos, 
sant qui exoommunicati sunt." 
Aad as to the effect of the Ecclesiastical Ana- 
tboM — It is maintained by Vincentins Lirinen- 
m tbat it did not bear the sense of cursing 
anoag the ancient Christiana, as Cherem did 
SBoag the Jews. 
It is certain, however, that the word Ana- 

tbana b uniformly employed by the LXXas the 
•^vivalcBi of Cherem ; and it can hardly be 

iMrtiooed, therefore, that where it occurs in 

^ V. T. H must be understood in the deeper 
nlating to the spiritual condition — 

and not merely to exclusion from Church prfvl* 
leges, whatever may have been the force subse- 
quently attached to the word, as expressing the 
most solemn form of ecclesiastical excommuni- 
cation. On this point and on the history of the 
word in general, the reader is reforred to Light- 
foot on Galatians ; Thomdike, voL iL 338 ; Bp. 
Jeremy Taylor {Ductor Dybitantium}. For 
'Avd^fu, see Votive OFrE&iNOS. [D. B.J 

ANATOLIA, martyr, commemorated July \f 
(Mart. Bom. Vet). [C] ' 

ANATOLIUS, bishop, commemorated July 3 
(MaH. Bom. Vet.). [C] 

ANAXABBE (Stnoda of)^ a.o. 431, to con- 
firm the deposition of St. Cyril, and those who 
held with him. Another was held there two 
years later, as at Antioch, to make peace with 
St. CyriL f E. S. F.] 

ANCHOB (AS Sthbol). The anchor is an 
emblem very frequently used, from the earliest 
ages of Christianity, in symbolism. As the anchor 
is the hope and often the sole resource of the 
sailor, the ancients called it sacred; to weigh 
anchor was, "Anchoram aacram solvere." St. 
Paul adopts an obvious symbolism, when he 
says (Heb. vi. 19) that we have hope as '* an 
anchor of the soul both sure and stedfast ;" so 
that, in its special Christian sense, the anchor 
would seem to be an emblem of hope. 

By the early Christians we find it used, some- 
times with reference to the stormy ocean of 
human life, but mora often to the tempests and 
the fierce blasts of persecution which threatened 
to engulf the ship of the Church. Thus the 
anchor is one of the most ancient of emblems ; 
and we find it engraved on rings, and depicted 
on monuments and on the walls of cemeteries in 
the Catacombs, as a type of the hope by which 
the Church stood firm in the midst of the storms 
which surrounded it. In this, as in other cases, 
Christianity adopted a symbol from Paganism, 
with merely the change of application. 

The symbols on sepulchral tablets often con* 
tain allusions to the name of the deceased. The 
Chevalier de Rossi (Ik Monum. IXeTN exhtb. p. 
18) states that he has three times found an 
anchor upon tituli bearing names derived from 
Spes or 4\irls ; upon the tablet of a certain 
ELPIDIVS (Mai, Coliect Vatican, v. 449), and 
upon two others, hitherto unpublished, in the 
cemetery of Priscilla, of two women, EIPIZVSA 
and Spes. In some cases, above the transverse 
bar of the anchor stands the letter £, which is 
probably the abbreviation of the woni *Z\irls. 
Further, we find the anchor associated with the 
fith, the symbol of the Saviour [IXBTS]. It is 
clear that the union of the two symbols expresses 
'* hope in Jesus Christ," and is equivalent to the 
formula so common on Christian tablets, " Spes 
in Christo," << Spes in Deo," ''Spes in Deo 

The transverse bar below the ring gives the 
upper part ofthe anchor the appearance of acrtu; 
ansata [Crobb] ; and perhaps this form may have 
had as much influence in determining the choice 
of this symbol by the Christians as the words of 
St. Paul. The anchor appears, as is natural, very 
frequently upon the tombs of martyrs. (See 
Lupi, Severae Epitaphium^ pp. 136, 137 ; Boldetti, 
OMemaxioid^ 366, 370^ &c.; Fabretti, Inaorith 



tionum Explic, 568» 569 ; and Martigny, DicL 
des Antiq. Chr^, s. v. * Ancre.*) [C] 

ANCYRA. — Two svnods of Ancyra are re- 
corded ; the first of which stands at the head of 
those provincial synods whose canons form part 
of the code of the universal Church. It was 
held under Yitalis of Antioch, who signs first ; 
and of the 18 bishops composing it, several 
attended the Nioene Council subsequently. 
Twenty-five canons were passed, about half of 
-which relate to the lapsed, and the rest to dis- 
cipline generally (v. Beveridge, Synod, ii. ad /.). 
The date usually assigned to it is a.d. 814. 
Another synod met there, A.D. 858, composed 
of semi-Arians. They condemned the second 
Synod of Sirminm, accepted the term homoi- 
0U8i(M„ and published 12 anathemas against all 
who rejected it, together with a long synodical 
letter. Another synod of semi-Arians was held 
there, A..D. 375, at which Hipsius, Bishop of 
Parnassus, was deposed. [E. S. F.] 

are commemorated by the Aimenian Church on 
June 20, as fellow-martyrs with Theodotion, or 
Theodoras, of Salatia, the first Bishop of Ancyra 
of whom we have any account. (Neale, Eastern 
Church, Introd. p. 800.) [C] 

gers, Council of.] 

LOT, Council op.] 

Conciliuh), near Langres ; summoned by Gun- 
tram, King of Orleans (at a meeting to ratify a 
compact, also made at Andelot, between himself 
and Childebert, Nov. 28 or 29, 587), for March 1, 
A.D. 588, but nothing further is recorded of it, and 
possibly it was never held at all (Greg. Turon., 
ffist. Fr. ix. 20; Mansi, ix. 967-970). [A. W. H.] 

AND0C5HIUS or AND0CIU8, presbyter, 
commemorated Sept. 24 (^Mart. Hieron., 
Bedae), [C] 

ANDREAS. (1) Martyr, commemorated 
Aug. 19 (^Mari. Rom, Vet). 

(2) King, Hedar 16 = Nov. 12 {Ccd, Ethiop,), 

(8) The general, with 2953 companion mar- 
tyrs, commemorated Aug. 19 (jCai, Byzant,), 

(4) Of Crete, htnoyAinvs, Oct. 17 {Cal, 
Byz.), [C] 

ANDREW, Saint, Festival op. — As was 
natural, the name of the ** brother fisherman " 
of St. Peter was early held in great honour. 
He is invoked by name as an intercessor in the 
prayer ^ Libera nos " of the Roman Canon, with 
the Virgin, St. Peter, and St. Paul ; and his 
principal festival was anciently placed on the 
same level as that of St. Peter himself (Krazer, 
De Liturgiis, p. 529). His "Dies Natalis," or 
martyrdom, is placed in all the Martyrologies, 
agreeing in this with the apocryphal Acta Andreae, 
on Nov. 30. It is found in the Calendar of Car- 
thage, in which no other apostles are specially 
commemorated except St. Peter, St. Paul, and 
St. James the Great ; and in St. Boniface's list 
of Festivals, where no other apostles are named 
except St. Peter and St. Paul (Binterim*s Denk- 
wurdigkeiten, v. i. 299). The hymn " Nunc An- 
dreae solemnia," for the festival of St. Andrew, 
is attributed to Venerable Bede. Proper offices 


for the Vigil and Festival of St. Andrew an 
found in the Sacramentaries of Leo and Gregory. 
In the latter (p. 144) there is a clear allusion to 
the Acta (see Tischendorf's Acta Apost. Apocry* 
pha, p. 127X where it is said that the saint frankij 
proclaimed the truth, "nee pendens taoeret in 
cruce;" and in the ancient Liber Jtesponsalis, 
which bears the name of Gregory, is one equally 
clear to the same Acta in the words of St. Aii- 
drew's prayer, " Ne me patiaris ab impio jndice 
deponi, quia virtutem sanctae cinicis agnovi " (p. 
836). A trace of the influence of these same Ada 
is found again in the Gallo-Gothic Missal (pro- 
bably of the 8th century), published by Mabillon, 
in which the '* contestatio, or preface (Litttrgia 
Gall. lib. iii. p. 222), sets forth that the Apostle, 
** post iniqua verbera, post carceris saepta, alli- 
gatus suspendio se purum sacrificium obtulit 
. . . Absolvi se non patitur a cruce . . . turba 
. . . laxari postulat justura, ne pereat populus 
hoc delicto ; interea fundit martyr spiritum." 
The Armenian Church commemorates St. Andrew 
with St. Philip on Nov. 16. 

The relics of the apostle were translated, pro- 
bably in the reign of Constaniius, though some 
authorities place the translation in that of Con- 
stantine (compare Jerome, c. Vigilantitany c. 6, 
p. 391, who says that Constantius translated the 
relics, with Paulinus, Carm, 26, p. 628), to Con- 
stantine's great "Church of the Apostles" at 
Constantinople, where they rested with those of 
St. Luke; the church was indeed sometimes 
called, from these two great s&ints, the church 
of St. Andrew and St. Luke. Justiniin built 
over their remains, to which those of St. Timothr 
had been added, a splendid tomb. 

The Martyrohgium Hieronymi places the trans- 
lation of St. Andrew on Sept. 3, and has a 
" Dedicatio Basilicae S. Andreae *' on Nov. 3 ; but 
most Martyrologies* agree with the Martynh 
logium Bomanum in placing the translation on 
May 9. Several Martyrologies have on Feb. 5 
an " Ordinatio Episcopatus Andreae Apostoli,*' in 
commemoration of the saint's consecration tx) 
the see of Patras (Florentinus, in MariyroL 
Hieron, p. 300 ; Baronius, in Martyrol. Romano, 
Nov. 30, p. 502 ; Tillemont, Mem, Eccles. i. 320, 
589 ; Binterim's DenkwHrdigh^ten, v. i. 503, £). 

As was natural in the case of so distinguished 
a saint as the first-called Apostle, churches werp 
dedicated in honour of St. Andrew in early times. 
Pope Simplicius (c. 470) is said to have dedicated 
a basilica at Rome in his honour (Ciampini, Vd. 
Monum, i. 242); and somewhat later (c 500) 
Pope Symmachus converted the '^Vestiarium 
Neronis " into a church, which bore the name 
" S. Andreae ad Crucem." This was not far from 
the Vatican (Ciampini, De Sacris Aec^, p. 86). 
Later examples are frequent. 

The representation of St. Andrew with the 
decussate cross (X) as the instrument of his 
martyrdom belongs to the Middle Ages. Id 
ancient examples he appears, like most of the 
other apostles, simply as a dignified figure in 
the ancient Roman dress, sometimes bearing a 
crown, as in a 5th-century Mosaic in the 
church of St. John at Ravenna (Ciampini, Vetera 
Monumenta, torn. i. tab. Ixx. p. 235), sometimes 
a roll of a book, as in a 9th-century Mosaic 
figured by Ciampini (u. s. torn. ii. tab. liu. 
p. 162), where he is joined with the favoored 
disciples, SS. Peter, and James, and John. [C] 

AKDRONIGUS. (1) Saint, April 5 (Jf. 

(f ) Maj 13 (jr. H%er<m.\ 

(S) *« Apostle," with Junia (Rom. xri. 7), com- 
owBonted May 17 (Got/. Byzant) ; inyention 
of their relics, Feb. 22 (/%., Neale). 

(4) Commemorated Sept. 27 (Jf. JTieron.). 

(5) "Holy Father," Oct. 9 (CW. 5y«an«.). 

(6) Martrr, oommeroorated Oct. 10 {Mart, 
niertM.); Oct. 11 (Jf. J?om. Tet.); Oct 12 (Col, 
ByzoMt), [C] 

ANE6IU8, of Africa, commemorated March 
31 {Mart Hier^M.), [C] 



TikS .\ST. The representations of angels in 
Christ Un art, at various periods, reproduce in 
a remarkable manner the ideas concerning them, 
which from time to time have prevailed in the 
Church. In one and all, however, we may trace, 
thoiu^ with varioos modifications of treatment, 
tt embodied commentary npon the brief but ex- 
jmssive declaration concerning their nature and 
office which is given in the Epistle to the Hebrews 
fi. H). Worship or service rendered unto 
tiod (XciTovp>ro),* and work of ministration 
(ItMtork) done on 6od*s behalf to men, these are 
the two spheres of angelic operation suggested in 
Holy Scripture, and these, under various modifi- 
catioQS ^ curioosly characteristic of the successive 
ai*ei in which they are found, oome before us in 
X lories of monuments extending from the fourth 
to the close of the 14th century. 

§2. Firti three Centuries. Existing monu- 
Beats of early Christian art, illustrative of our 
preeat subject, are, for the first 500 years, or 
more, almost exdoaively of the West, and, with 
oac or two doubtful exceptions, all these are of 
a date subsequent to the " Peace of the Church," 
Dfider CoBstantine the Great, and probably, not 
earlier than 400 A.D. As a special interest 
attaches to these earliest monuments, it may be 
well here to enumerate them. The earliest of them 
all, if I/Agincourt's judgment (Histoirey etc. vol. 
T. Peintnrey PL vii. No. 3.) may be trusted, is 
a mooument in the cemetery of St. Priscilla,^ 

■ Hdx L 14. karovpyuci. wruyMra awoaTtXX6iiMva tit 
iMaamv. The distinction of the two words noticed 
above la lost in oar EngUab TersioiL It is well brought 
urn \j Orign. osnL CeUum, lib. v. (quoted by Blngbam. 
JmHq^ book xUL cap. liL ^ 2, note 2). See this further 
QtiMXBted in the descrfpUoo of woodcut in ^ 6 below. 

^ AtaMOt (almost, if not altogether) for the first four 
oBtaffies (mo f a> tbey subserve purposes of dogma (( 3) 
is dte Mb oentary; tbey are Scriptural still, but also in 
oaecMe kgmdary (f 4) in the 6tb. From that time for- 
wardcaaonlcal and apociTpbal Scripture and mediaeral 
hsmd are mixed up togietiier. We find them imperial 
hi Chaiactcr, or saeerdotal and Utnigical, an the caae may 
he; vbile in the later middle ages even feudal notious 
vwe characteristically mixed up with the traditions con- 
ttraiBf then derived frxm Holy Scripture. (For this last 
a» JaaMaoo. Sacred and Legendary Art, 3rd edit vol. i. 
p M, qooting from 71 PeifeUo Leffmdario.) 

' Tbe AbW If artigny ( Z>ie<umfui^ Ac M me. « Anges 
with evident doubt of the date assigned to this 
D^Aginooort himaelf in hta description gives no 
pankalan as to the source from which his drawing was 
fafwed. Neither esriier nor later antiquariea know any- 
Wog of Hi history. And this being so, an unsupported 
as to Its date, resting on the authority of D'Agin- 



dating, as he thinks, from the second centitry* 
It is a representation of Tobias and the angel. 
(This same subject, suggestive of the ^* Guardian 
Angel," reappears in some of the Vetri Antichi, 
of the 4th and 5th century.) Another fresco of 
early but uncertain date in the cemetery of 
St. Priscilla (Aringhi, £. S. ii. p. 297) has been 
generally interpreted as representing the Annun- 
ciation. The angel Gabriel (if such be the inten- 
tion of the painter) has a human figure, and the 
dress commonly assigned to Apostles and other 
Scriptural personages, but is without wings, or 
any other special designations. With these 
doubtful exceptions, no representations of angels, 
now remaining, are earlier than the fourth cen- 
tury, and probably not earlier than the fifth. 

§3. Fourth and fifth Centuries. There was an 
interval of transition from this earlier period, 
the limits of which are Indicated by the (Council 
of llliberis,' a.d. 305, on the one hand, and on 
the other by the Christian mosaics of which we 
first hear ' at the close of that century, or early 
in the next. The first representation of angels 
in mosaic work is supposed (by Ciampinus and 
others) to be that of the Church of S. Agatha at 
Ravenna. These mosaics Ciampinus admits to be 
of very uncertain date, but he believes ' them to 
be of the beginning of the 5th century. (See his 
Vetera Mtmumenta, vol. i. Tab. xlvi.) The first 
representations of the kind to which a date can 
with any certainty be assigned, are those in the 
CThurch of S. Maria Major at Rome, put up by 
Xystus III. between the years 432 and 440 a.d. 
In those of the Nave of this Church (Ciampini 
V, M. tom. i. Pll. 1. to Ixiv.) various subjects from 
the Old Testament have their place ; and amongst 
others the appearance of the three angels to 
Abraham \P1. li.) and of the ''Captain of the 
Lord's Hosts" (by tradition the archangel 
Michael) to Joshua (PI. Ixii.). But on the 
**Arcus Triumphalis"ff of this same Church, 
there is a series of mosaics, of the greatest pos- 
sible interest to the history of dogmatic theology; 
and in these angels have a prominent part. 
This series was evidently intended to be an em- 

court alone, carries but little weight. The same sntiiect is 
reproduced in the Gemetery of 8& Thraao and Satuminus 
(Ferret, vol. UL pL zxvL). 

d The 37th canon forbids the painting upon waUs the 
objects of religious worship and adoration. " Placnit plo- 
tnras In ecclesia ease non debere, ne quod oolitnr et adoratur 
in parietlbna depingatur." Roman writers, for obvious 
reasons* seek to explain away the apparent meaning 
of this prohibition. As to this, see Bingham, C. A., 
book viii. cap. viii. ^ 6. 

* Paullinus, bishop of Nola, early in the 6th century, 
describes at mudi length In a letter (E^ zil.) to bis friend 
Sevens the decorations with which he had adorned hla 
own church. His descriptions accord clo&ely with some 
of the actual monuments (aaroophagi and mosaic pictures) 
of nearly oontemporaiy date^ which have been preserved 
to our own time. 

' The form of the Nimbus here assigned to our Lord 
seems to indicate a later date. 

s By the " trinmpbal arch" of a Roman church is 
meant what will correspond most nearly with the chancel 
arch of our own churches. It was frill in view of the 
assembled people on entering the church. And for the 
first six centuries (or nearly that tlmey It was reserved 
exclusively for such subjects as had Immediate reference 
to our Lord ; more particularly to His triumph over stn 
and death, and Hla sesskn as King In heaven. See 
farther on this sul^ect Ciampini, V. M, torn. I. p. 198, sqq 

G 3 




bodiment in art of the doctrine decreed jiut 
preyioufilj in the Conncil of Ephesns, A.D. 431. 
The angels represented in the scenes of ''The 
Annunciation/' the Worship of the Magi (see 
woodcQt ^ annexed), and the Presentation in the 
Temple, are here made to serve to the declaration 
of what had just before been proclaimed, viz. : 
that He who was bom of Mary was not a mere 
man in whom the Word of God might afterward 
take up his abode,' but was himself God, as well 
as man, two natures united in one person. The 
angels throughout are represented as ministering 
as it were in homage to a king. Even in the 
Annunciation, not Gabriel only is represented, 
but two other angels are seen standing behind 
the seat on which the Virgin Mary is placed. 
Of these Ciampinus rightly says, that they are to 
be regarded as doing homage to the Word then 
^come incarnate, '* Duo illi .... astant, sive 
Gabrielis asseclae, sive Deiparae custodes, aut 
potius incamato tunc Verbo obsequium ez- 
hibentes." They embody, as he observes, the 
thought expressed by St. Augustine. ''All 

angels are created beings, doing service nnte 
Christ. Angels could ho. sent to do Him homage, 
(ad obsequium) could be sent to do Him senioe, 
but not to bring help (as to one weak or helpleai 
in himself): and so it is written that angds 
ministered to Him, not as pitying one that needed 
help, but as subject unto Him who is Almightj." 
(S. Aug. in PscU. Ivi.) 

§ 4. Sixth Century, Between 500 A.D. snd 
600 A.D., the following examples may be died : 
the triumphal arch of the Church of SS. Cosiniis 
and Damianus at Rome (Ciampini V, M, torn. iL 
Tab. XV.) circ. 530 A.D., and fifteen years later the 
mosaics of S. Michael the archangel at Ravenna, 
i&ui Tab. zvii.). In the apse of the tribune is 
a representation of Cur Lord, holding a lofty 
cross, with Michael r. and Gabrihel (stc) 1. On 
the wall above, the two archangels are ^ain 
seen on either side of a throne, and of one seated 
thereon. These two bear long rods or stares, 
but on either side are seven other angels (four r. 
and three 1.) playing upon trumpets, lliere is 
here an evident allusion to Rev. viiL 2, 6, " I saw 

Wonbip of fhe lUgl. fron 8. HuiA Ibdor at 

the seven angels, which stand before God, and to 
them were given seven trumpets." Comp. 
Ezek. X. 10, Tobit xii. 15, and Rev. i. 4; iv. 
5. (Ciampini V, M. ii., xvii., comp. Tab. xix.) 
Michael and Gabriel appear yet again on the 
arch of the Tribune of S. ApoUinaris in Classe 
(jhid. Tab. xxiv.); and there are representations 
of the four archangels, as present at the Worship 
of the Magi, in the S. ApoUinaris Novus (ibid. 
Tab. xxvii.) towards the close of that century. 
To this period abo is to be assigned the diptych 
of Milan,^ which is remarkable as containing an 

k For farther paitlcalars as to this see $ 15 below. 

i See Cyril. Alex. BpixL ad Jfonochos, in whicb the 
patriarch of Alexandria, the chief opponent of Nestorius, 
represents in these terms the doctrine condemned at 

k Fignred and described in Bngatl, Memone di S. Cd$o 
Mcartire, Append, tab. 1. and ii. The particular group 
above referred to is fignred in Martlgny. IHctiomtaire, tc, 
under 'Annondation.' The whole diptych is pnblished 
to tkcslmile of fictile ivory by the Amndel Society. 

embodiment (probably the first in CJhristian art) 
of legends concerning the appearance of Gabriel 
to the Virgin Mary, derived ftom the Apocryphal 


§ 6. From 600 to 800 A,D, Art moan- 
ments of this period are but few in number. 
For examples, bearing upon our present subject, 
see Ciampini V, M, vol. ii. Tabb. xxxi. and 
xxxviii. and D'Agincourt," Peinturej torn, v^ 
PI. xvi. and xvii. They contain nothing to call 
for special remark, save that, in the 8th centuiy 
particularly, the wings of angels become more 
and more curtailed in proportion to the body; 
a peculiarity which may serve as an indication of 
date where others are wanting. Cue such ex- 
ample in sculpture, of Michael and the Dragon, ii 
referred to below, § 10, 

§ 6. Eastern and Greek Bepresentations. Early 
monuments of Christian art in the East are nn- 

» See also his pL z. and xlU containing fireeooes of Iat> 
bat uncertain date from the oataoomba 

fatoitdy, my m% thi ual of the Icoiuiclut4, 



It ■ btar period of Smccni and Turki, 
f bi^ &ti] to miDf , wbich might othtr- 
D pnierTcd. The earlieat eiuoplo 
a Un*k ut ii ■ repmaDtation of an angal in 
• US. of Geneui in the Imperial Lihnry at 
TiegH^ helieTrd to be of the 4th or 5th rrnturj. 
It ii fifond bj Stretu lyA^coart, Pn'nturv, 
Fl ill. It ii a hnmui figan, winged, and with- 
«al limboi or other >ii«<^ attribats. The 

Serf sirord, etc., epoken of in Gen. iiL ig th«r* 
repmenled not aa a nword, in the hand of th< 
aogel, bat u ■ great wheel « of fire biilde him. 
Neit in date to this is an intexutiag picture of 
the Aicengion, Id a S3rriac MS. of the GogpeU, 
written and illumioaUd in the fear 586 l.D. at 
Zagba in Mesopotamia. We hsTc engraTed tbia, 
oa embodying thoae Oriental types of the angel 
form which hare been characteriitic of Eaitem 
and Greek art iiom that time to thli. It 

wQI be ieen that the SaTioor u here repre- 
■Bted in glory. And the variooa angelic powers 
^fscar in three dlBerent capacitiea. Beneath the 
hct of the Sarionr, and forming ai It were 
a chariot npon which He riiee to HeaTen, iawhat 
tkt Greeks oil the Tetramorphon. The head 
■ad thi hand of a man (or rather, according to 
Gntk (raditiou, of an angel), the heads of an 
•i^ a lion, and an oi, are united by wings that 
an fill attjm (eomp. Ezekiel i. IS). On either 
Bde of these again are two pairs of £ery wheels, 
"~'' ' vithin wheelr" as suggested again by the 
Eiak. L 16 Thae serve - 

symbolic representations of the order of aneelt 
known as "thrones" (comp.§ T below), and of the 
cherabim. Of the sli other angels, here repre- 
sented in haman (brm, and winged, fonr are min- 
istering to Onr Lord (KinevprfovrTft), either by 
active terrice, as the two who bear Him np Id 

COsmp. V 

le moealo of the BL Vllalia at B 
nil. 111.), In the npper part ol 
KQ spboldlnc a m jiUd ■ wlieel." 


s^boUsiD Inlendsl, rightlj deicrfin Lt irj the words 



their hands, or hj adoration, as two othsrs who are 
offering Him crowns of victory (^rr^^xtvoi). Two 
others, lastly, have been sent on work of ministry 
to men (comp. note * above), and are seen, as 
St. Lake's narrative suggesU, asking of the 
eleven disciples, *'Why stand ye here gazing 
up into heaven?" and the rest. (The central 
figure of the lower group is that of the Virgin 

§ 7. The Celestial Hierarchy of Dionysius. 
The best comment on the picture last described is 
to be found in the * Celestial Hierai'chy ' of Diony- 
sius. The whole number of celestial beings are 
to be divided (so he tells us), into three orders, in 
each of which a triple gradation is contained. In 
the first order are contained the *Hhrones," the 
seraphim and cherubim. And these are con- 
tinually in the immediate presence of God, nearer 
than all others to Him, r^ecting, without inter- 
vention of any other created being, the direct 
effulgence of His glory. Next to these, and of 
the second order, are dominions, authorities, 
powers (ffupK^TifTcs, i^o^ffiau, Zvvdfuis), forming 
a link between the first and the third order. To 
these last (principalities [apx^* archangels, 
and angels) he assigns that more immediate ex- 
ecution of the divine purposes in the sphere of 
creation, and towards mankind, which in the 
belief of religious minds is generally associated 
with the idea of angelic agency. 

This teaching of Dionysius, regarded as it was 
both in East and West as of all but apostolic 
authority, has served as a foundation upon which 
all the later traditions have been built up. And 
this language, with the additional comments 
quoted in the next section, will give the reader 
the key to much that would be otherwise obscure 
in the allusions of Greek fiithers, and in the 
forms of Greek art. 

§ 8. Angels in later Greek Art. The language 
of the *Epfi'tiy€ia r^s (trfpa^piicfisj • or * Painter's 
Guide' of Panselinos, a monk of Mount Athos in 
the 11th century, may be regarded [see under 
ApOffTLEs] as embodying the unchanging rules of 
Greek religious art from the 8th century to the 
present time. Taking up the division quoted 
above, the writer says, as to the first order, that 
'* the thrones ai'e represented as wheels of fire, 
compassed about with wings. Their wings are 
full of eyes, and the whole is so arranged as to 
produce the semblance of a royal throne. The 
cherubim are represented by a head and two 
wings. The seraphim as having six wings, 
whereof two rise upward to the head, and two 
droop to the feet, and two are outspread as if for 
flight. They carry in either hand a hexapteryx, p 
inscribed with the words *Holy, Holy, Holy.' 
It is thus that they were seen by Isaiah." Then, 
after describing the " Tetramorphi," he proceeds 
to speak of angels of the second order." These 
are dominions, virtues, powers. '* These," he 
says, '*are clothed in white tunics reaching to 
the feet, with golden girdles and green outer 
robes. 4 They hold in the right hand staves of 

» Obtained by M. Didron in MS. at Mount Athos, and 
published by him in a FVench translation. 

9 The " flabellum " or ** lau " of the Greeks was called 
iiaoT^pvi, aa containing the representation of a aix- 
wlqged seraph. The "thrones," represented as wheels 
(with wings of flame), described by Panselinos, may be 
soeii In the second of the iilnstrations of this article. 

« Outer robes. ** Dcs dtules vertes," aays M. Didron. 


gold, and in the left a seal formed thus (^ ."< 

Then, of the third order, (principalities, arch- 
angels, angels), he writes thus. ^ These are 
represented vested as warriors, and with golden 
girdles. They hold in their hands javelins and 
axes; the javelins are tipped with iron, ai 

§ 9. Attributes of Angels. There are two 
sources from which we may infer the attributes 
regarded as proper to angels in early times ; the 
description given of them in the treatise of 
Dionysius already quoted, and the actual monn- 
ments of early date which have been preserved 
to our times. As to these Dionysius writes that 
angels are represented as of human form in regard 
of the intellectual qualities of man, and of his 
heavenward gaze, and the lordship and dominioD 
which are naturally his. He adds that bright 
vesture, and that which is of the colour of fire, 
are symbolical of light and of the divine likeness, 
while sacerdotal vesture serves to denote their 
office in leading to divine and mystical omtem- 
plations, and the consecration of their whole life 
unto God. He mentions, abo, girdles, staves or 
rods (significant of royal or princely powerX 
spears and axes, instruments for measurement or 
of constructive art (r& yfwfi€TpiKa teal rcrro- 
vtKOi ffKtvri), among the insignia occasionallT 
attributed to angels. If, from the pages of 
Dionysius, we turn to actual monuments, we find 
the exact counterpart of his descriptions. They 
may be enumerated as follows : — 1. The kaman 
form. In all the earlier monuments (enumerated 
above, §§ 3, 4), angels are represented as men, 
and either with or without wings. In this 
Christian art did but follow the suggestions of 
Holy Scripture. But St. Chrysostom expresses 
what was the prevailing (but not the universal) 
opinion of early Christian writers, when he sajs 
{De SacercL lib. vi. p. 424 D) that although 
angels, and even God Himself, have ofttimes 
appeared in the foim of man, yet what was then 
manifested was not actual flesh, but a sembUace 
assumed in condescension to the weakness of 
mankind* (o& (rapxhs itkfideia &AA& ffvyxafrir 
ficurts). Both in ancient and in modem art 
examples are occasionally found of angels thus 
represented as men, without any of the special 
attributes enumerated below. 2. Wings. As 
heavenly messengers ascending and descending 
between heaven and earth, angels have, with a 
natural propriety' as well as on Scriptural 

But we suspect that in the original he found oroKax, a vord 
which Qreek writers never use in the technical sense o( 
"stoles" (the ecclesiastical vestment known aa ttda in 
the West since the 8th century). 

r This is what was known in mediaeval times as the 
** Signaculum Dei," or Seal of God. Such a seal la npn- 
sented in the hand of Lucifer b^ore hisfdUt in tboBortm 
Ddiciarum, a MS. once in the Library of Straabourg- 

* With this agrees the language of TertulUan, DeJtamt- 
rectione CamiSt cap. Izii. : ** Angell aliqua&do tanquam 
homines fliernnt, edendo et bibendo^ et pedes lavacro por* 
rigendo, kumanam enim induenaU svperficiam^ sdvs 
intus substantia propria, igltur si angell, facU tanifaam 
homints, in eadem substantia tpirUus permansenmt," kc 
Similar language reappears in other Latin Fathers. 

t Comp. Philo^ Quaea. in Excd. zxv. 20. « rov 0nv 
ircurai SvvdfMts vrcpo^vovm r^ arw irpov r&r Hotiv* 
oSau y\t.\6iiuam.L tc xal e^U/icrai. And very beaatifhllr 
elsewhere he speaks of Uie angels as going up and down 
beiweeii heaven and earth, and conveying (&ayycA- 




MtlMritj,* been represented in all ages of the 
chtuth « foroished with wings. We may add 
t^t thb mode of expressing the idea of ubiquity 
lol power, as superhuman attributes, had pre- 
T tiled in heathen art from the earliest times, 
aal that in East and West alike. Examples of 
thu ia Assyrian art are now £eimiliar to us. 
Stnlisr figures are found in Egypt. They were 
ktf eommon in classical art. Yet Mercury, as 
tM messenger of the gods, had wings upon his 
teet ; sod little winged genii were commonly repre- 
sented in decoratire work, and thence were trans- 
^rred (probably as mere decorations) into early 
Qiristian' works of art. As to the number of 
ikat wings, two only are to be found in all the 
orlier representations. We do not know of any 
enmpic of four, or of six wings, earlier than the 
9th century, though the descriptions given in Holy 
Scripture of the '^ Living Creatures" with six 
vings. and the four-winged deities of primitive 
£aiteni art, might natnrally have suggested 
sadb representations. As to later representations 
of cherubim and seraphim, and the like, see 
belov, section 14. 3. Vesture. The vesture 
usig^ to angels, in various ages of the Church, 
kii ew been such as was associated in men's 
minds with the ideas of religious solemnity, and 
m ihe later centuries, of sacerdotal ministry. In 
Holj Scripture the vesture of angels is described 
js white (Matt, xzviii. 3 ; John xx. 12 ; Rer. iv. 
4; XV. 6), 7 and in mosaics of the 5th and 6th 
/atones, at Borne and Ravenna (where first we 
ean determine questions of colour with any 
aoeuacyX ^^ ^^ white vestments generally 
. auigaed to them (1^>^S ^^^^^ <^<^ pallium), ex- 
actly resembling those of apostles. But in 
■Misics, believed to be of the 7th century (St. 
Sophia at Theasalonica)* angels have coloured 
himstia (outer robes) over the long white tunic, 
sad their wings, too, are coloured, red and blue 
being the prevailing tints. And these two 
eolous had, long ere that time, been recognised 
SI iavesled with a special significance, red as the 
eoloar of flame, and symbolical of holy love 
Vesritss), blue as significant of heaven, and of 
btsvealy contemplation or divine knowledge. 
Aad ia the later traditions of CThristian art (from 
the 9th century onwards)* these two colours 
vers ss a general rule assigned, red more espe- 
raJly to the seraphim as the spirits of love, and 
bine to the cherubim as spirits of knowledge or 
of contemplation ; while the two colours com- 
boMd, as they often are found, are regarded as 

the Uddings of tbe Fatber to His cbildreD, and 
the raDts of the children to their Father. 

■ &e the pssagfn In Exodus, laal&b. and Esekiel already 
ntemd to ; and compare the expression In Rev. xiv. 0, of 
m ntfAJifimg (vctq^mmk) tbere. 

■ For examples see Arin^i, Rcma StMerraneOf torn. L 
Pfn 321, • 1 s ; torn. U. p. 1«7. Oompare p. 29. where similar 
£gvv«t vltbont winp^ are introduced in an ornamental 

y See Qamplnl, Y. M. iL pp 58 and 64. He epeaks of 
'tnieae*' and * pallia " as being wbito ; and of ** stoles " 
{nali7 stripes oo the tnnicX and wings of violet 

* Tcxkr and Pollan, Bytantine ArehUeciurt^ pL xL 
Omsfut the cnrious picture of the Holj Family, a bishop 
t«r (Khcreockaiastic), and two angeln. from Urgub, figured 
ia pitas V, where the robes of the angels are white, their 
vi&9 Woe and reiUlsh yellow. 

■ 'TlkediKinctJoaof hoe in the red and blue angels we 
And vfaolly omltled towards the end of the 16th century " 
(Ufa. J«nMSoo, Sacred and Legendary Arty 

suggesting the union of the two qualities of love 
and knowledge, the perfection of the angelic 
nature. It should be added that the vestments 
of angels have not unfre^uently such ornament 
appended to them as was of ordinary usage from 
time to time in ecclesiastical dress, viz., coloured 
stripes on the tunic, in the earlier centuries, 
afterwards oraria or stoles, and even "omophoria," 
the distinctive insignia of episcopal office in the 
East. 4. The Nimbus, In the early Greek MS. 
already noticed, § 6, and in one or two early 
representations in the catacombs at Rome, angels 
are represented without the Nimbus. But from 
the middle of the 5th century onward, this orna- 
ment is almost invariably assigned to them. 
[Nimbus.] 6. The Wand of Power. Only in 
exceptional instances during the first eight cen- 
turies, are angels represented as bearing anything 
in the hand. Three examples may be cited, in 
mosaics, >> of the 6th century, at Ravenna, in 
which angels attendant on our Lord (see § 3) 
hold wands' in their hands, which may either 
represent the rod of divine power, or, as some 
have thought, the "golden reed" — the "mea- 
suring reed," assigned to the angel in Rev. xxi. 
15, as in Ezek. xl. 3. The representations of 
archangels, particularly of Michael, as warriors 
with sword, or spear, and gii*dle, are of later date. 
6. Instruments of Music. One early example 
has been already referred to (§ 4) of a Ravenna 
mosaic, in which the " Seven Angels " are repre- 
sented holding trumpets in their hands. In the 
later traditions of Christian art, representations 
of angels as the "Choristers of Heaven" have 
been far more common, various instruments of 
music being assigned to them. 

§ 10. Michael. — The archangel Michael is first 
designated by name in mosaics of the 5th cen- 
tury, at Ravenna (Ciampini, vol. ii. pi. xvii. and 
xxiv.). And in other cases where we see two 
angels specially marked out as in attendance on 
our Lord, we may infer that Michael and Gabriel 
are designated. For the names of these two 
alone are prominent in Holy Scripture. And 
according to a very ancient tradition, traced back 
to Rabbinical belief, perpetuated as many such 
ti*aditions were in the East, and thence handed 
on to Western Christendom, these two arch- 
angels pei'sonified respectively** the judgment 

b Ciampini, V. M. IL tab^ xvil.. xix., and xxiv. Oom- 
pare in his plate xlvi. of vol. i. the mosaic at S. Agatha, 
whidi we believe to be of nearly the same date. 

e In the church dedicated in the name of the archangel 
Michael at Ravenna, in the year 546, an indication of 
special honour is given to him by the small cross np(»i his 
wand, which is wanting In that of Gabriel (damp. 7. M. 
11. tab. xvii.). 

^ In yet other traditions the mercy of God, and more 
particularly His healing grace, is ministered by Raphael. 
There is great variety in the older Jewish tradltiona 
According to one (Joma, p. 37, quoted by Buhmer in 
Herzog** Encycl^ when the three angels appeared to 
Abraham, Miclutel, as first in rank, occupied the central 
place, having Gabriel, as second, on his right hand, and 
Raphael, as third in rank, on bis left This place on the 
nyM hand of God is elsewhere assigned to Gabriel, as 
being the augel of bis jmoer (oomp. Origen. mpl dpx<^r, 
i. 8), and to Raphael that on the left (m«r the heart), as 
being the angel of His mercy. And again in Pbllo {Quaest. 
in Gtn. ill. 24), the two cherubim on either side of tlie 
mercy-seat represent respectively the messengers of tho 
Wrath, and of the Men^, of the Lord (comp Fxod. xxxl v. 


aod ths mercj of Cod, ud wen thererore fitif 
pUixd, Ulcbnel, u the uig*l of power, on the 
riebt haad, Oabriel, nsuir to the haart, oa tlis 
left haDd. For the ipeciil tnditioai eonceniing 
"St. Michul," hia appeaisucn in Tiaioa at 
Mount Gilguio id Apulia, to St. Qregory the 
ar«at on the mole of HadrUn, now the cutle of 
St, Angelo, and to Aub«rt, Bishop of AmDchn 
in 706, A.D., at " Moont St. Michel" in Nor- 
mandj (to thi< our OWD St. Hichael'a Moant 
owea ita d«>igiiaUoD), »e Jamwon'i Sacr^ and 
Legendary Art, pp. EM aqq. The old««t «i- 
ampla in acalptiire »f St. MicliMl treadiog under 
foot tha dragon (lee Rar. lii. 7, 8), ia on the 
parch of the CaCbadral of Chalazia, believed to be 



of the Tth eentnr;'. (Vigani aboTe.] Later 
pictarca often repmeat St. Michael ai Che angel 
of judgmaat, holding Kalee in his hand, in which 
soul* are weighed. 

§ 11. Gabriel (Heb. " Man of God,") aa the 
measenger more eapecially of comfort and of good 
tiding!, occnpiea a prominent place in the New 
Teatameut, ai announcing the birth both of John 
the Btlptlst to Zachariai and of our Lord to the 

Virgin Mary.) In the language of Taaso he li 
" I'AngBlo Annnniiatore," Thongh only twico 
(u &r u I have observed) deeignated by name 
in taiiy Christian Art (Ci ■■-■.■■-. 

v.), yet 

a the V 

i» he, of 

Gonru, who Is to be understood. By a singalar 
fate, having been regarded by Mahomet as his 
immediate inspirer, he is looked upon in many 
port* of the f^t aa the great protecting angel 
of Islamiam, and, aa such, in direct oppoeition to 
Michael the protector of Jews and Christians. 

§ 13. Siiphael (Heb. the Besler who ia from 
Oud, or "Divine Henler") is mentioned in the 
iiMtk of Tobit u< "one of the seven holy an^ls 
which go in and out b«fore the glory of the Holy 
One," cap. lii. 15. Through the infliience of 
this beautiful Hebrew story of tobiia and 
Raphael, his name became aauKlAted in early 
times wilh the idea of the guardian angel. Jut 

inch he is twice figured Is the &i 
and allnaions to the same story are freqneU 
in the Vttri AntiiAi. [Olis, CaBiBruM.] ta 
mediaeval Greek art the three archangels already 
named are sometime* represented together, de- 
signated by their initial letten M, r, and f, 
Michael as a warrior, Gabriel as a prince, acvi 
Raphael as a priest — the three supporting be- 
tween them a youthfiil figure of oar Lord, bioK 
self represented with winga as the "angeliis' 
or mesienger of the will of God. (Figured in 

§ 13. Uriel. (The Fire of Ood.) The fourth 
archangel, named Urisl in Esdnu ii. 4, has been 
much leas prominent in legend and in art than 
the three already named.* He is regarded as 
charged more particnlarly with the interpreta- 
tion of God's will, of judgments and propbeoes 
(with reArence, doubtlesa, to Eadraa ii.). Thoe 
"archangels" of Christian tradition are to the 
Jcwa the first four of those "Seven Angels' who 
see the glory of God (Tobias iiiL 15); the other 
three being Chamuel (be who sees God), Jophiel 
(the beauty of God), and Zadkiel (the righteooi- 
nesi of God). Bat these last three namea have 
never been generally realised either in East or 
Weat. And in the first example of the repre- 
sentation of these Seven Angels in Christian art 
they are distinguished from the two archangeb 
Michael and Gabriel, who hold wands, while te 
the seven, as already noticed, § 4, trumpets an 
assigned. (Ciampini, V. M., ii., pi. iviL) 

§ 14. Serapiim and Chtmbim. The« two 
names appeiu, the first in Isaiah vi. 2 (there only), 
and the latter in Eiodus iir. 18, where In 
are spoken of, and in Eiekiel i. 4-14, who speaks 
of four (compare the four " living creatures " 
of Rev. ir. S). They have been perpetuateJ in 

Christian usage, and the descriptioni given of 
them in Holy Scripture have been embodied 

SJioaeoftbe cherubim or fonr" living creatutw," 
rst, and somewhat later those of the seraphim) 

They were regarded (see above § 3) aa'the spiriU 
nf love and of knowledge respectively. For fuller 
details concerning the two in Holy Scripture see 

" From the name o( Uriel belnffUUJelcmvii, tbeftHnlb 
srchu^cel it ile*i£na(«d La some nHdlseval moanmsilB 
(JuuFSuD. .'--. uvl /.. jM. |k >9) sa - 5( CtaniNiL" 



•Dictiouiy of the BtUe.' In art tfaej do not 
tspfmr u Angei forms, with sny special modi- 
6cstM& of the ordinary tj|)e, as far as we have 
tbterred, in any earlier representation tl\an that 
af tJM Sjrriac 11 S. already described and figured. 
Liter modifications of &is oldest type may be 
leen in Jameson, &. and L. Art, p. 42 sqq., 
froa which the cat giren abore is taken; 
D^il^iaooart, Sculpture, pi. xii. 16 (the diptych 
tf Bsmboaa, 9th century), Peinture, pL 1. 3 
(Greek US. of 12th century). Cherubic repre- 
ntatioos of the four ** Liring Chreatures" will 
be Rpsraiely treated under Evangelistb. 

{ 15. Tk€ Ilhuiratiotu to t/us Article, Great 
ialcRst attaches to the mosaic of Xystus III., 
vUck fiums the first of the illustrations to this 
axtide, from its bearing upon the history of 
doctrine, and especiaUy of the cultus of the 
Vii^ Hary, and as restorations made in the 
toM of Benedict XIY. (1740-1758) have pro- 
dieei ooasiderable changes in the mosaic here 
iifired, it will be well to state the authority 
far the present representation. The only pub- 
liikd picture of the mosaic in its older state 
(tkst here reproduced), is a very rude engraving 
a CSaa^iini, Vetera Momtmenta, i. p. 200, Tab. 
iluL In some important particulars of archaeo- 
k^ieal detail his engraving varies from the care- 
My diBwn and coloured pictures, from which 
tkc Ulnstiation abore given has been taken. But 
ii the general arrangement and outline of the 
%ires the two are in accord. The coloured 
dnwiags of which we speak, form part of a ool- 
kekfeoa (in two large folio volumes) which was 
■ade by Pope Clement XI. when Cardinal 
Albaao. These, with a number of other volumes 
fflrtsiaiHg dawira] antiquities of various kinds, 
were pozdiased at Rome by an agent of George III., 
sal sie now in the Royal Library at Windsor. 

The second of the illustrations (from a Syriac 
MSl) is from a photolithograph, reproducing the 
enthne given by Seroux d'Agincourt, Feinture, pi. 
nriL That author speaks of it as ^^ caique sur 
foriginsl,'' and from a comparison with an exact 
tapf made from the original by Professor West- 
wood, we are able to Touch for the perfect accu- 
nejof the present illuatration. [W. B. M.] 

does lot appear that the bishops of the Primitive 
Qivdi were commonly spoken of under this 
titie, Bor indeed did it become in later times the 
oHiaary designation of the episcopal office. In- 
oUaeet, however, of this application of it occur 
IB tlie earlier Church historians, as, e. g,^ in So- 
mtcSf who so styles Serapion Bishop of Thomais 
(Lib. ir. c. 23). The word Bydei also, which is 
Ssxoa for angel or messenger, is found to have 
bees iimiUrly employed (see Hammond on Rev, 
i. 20)^ Bat though no snch instances were 
iortheoniiag, it would prove nothing against the 
neeived interpretation, as it may be considered, 
of the memorable vision of St. John, recorded in 
the first three chapters of the Apocalypse, in 
vlueh he is charged to convey the heavenly 
■esasge to each of the seven churches through 
it« ** Angel." It should be remembered that 
the laagnage of this vision, as of the whole 
hook to which it belongs, is eminently mystical 
ud sjmbolical ; the woid ^ Angel," therefore, 
as being transferred from an hearenly to an 
CBithlj ministry, though it would rery signifi- 



cantly as well as honourably characterize the 
office so designated, could yet scarcely be ex- 
pected to pass into general use as a title of 
individual ministers. By the same Divine voice 
from which the Apostle receives his commission 
the "mystery" of the vision is interpreted. 
"The seven stars," it is declared, "are the 
angels of the seven churches ; and the seven 
candlesticks which thou sawest, are the seven 
churches." The symbol of a star is repeatedly 
employed in Scripture to denote lordship and 
pre-eminence (e,g. Num. xxiv. 17). "There shall 
come a star out of Jacob," where it symbolises 
the highest dominion of all. Again, the actual 
birth of Him who is thus foretold by Balaam is 
announced by a star (Matt. ii. 2 ; cf. Is. xiv. 12). 
Faithful teachers are " stars that shall shine for 
ever " (Dan. xii. 8) ; false teachers are " wander- 
ing stars " (Jude 13), or " stars which fi^ from 
heaven " (Rey. vi. 13, viiL 10, xii. 4). Hence it 
is naturally inferred from the use of this symbol 
in the present instance that the "angels" of the 
seven churches were placed in authority over 
these churches. Moreover, the angel in each 
church is one, and the responsibilities ascribed 
to him correspond remarkably with those which 
are enforced on Timothy and Titus by St. Paul 
in the Pastoral Epistles. Again, this same title is 
given to the chief priest in the Old Testament, 
particularly in Malachi (it 7), — ^where he is stylea 
the angel or messenger of the Lord of Hosts, 
whose lips therefore were to keep knowledge, 
and from his mouth, as from the oracle, the 
people were to " seek the law," to receive know- 
ledge and direction for their duty. To the chief 
minister, therefore, of the New Testament, it may 
be fairly argued, the title is no less fitly applied. 

By some, however, both among ancient and 
modern writers, the word " angel " has been 
understood in its higher sense as denoting God's 
heavenly messengers; and they have been supposed 
to be the guardian angels of the several churches 
— their angels — ^to whom these epistles were ad- 
dressed. It is contended that wherever the 
word angel occurs in this book, it is employed 
unquestionably in this sense ; and that if such 
guardianship is exercised over individuals, much 
more the same might be predicated of churches 
(Dan. xii. 1). Among earlier writers this inter- 
pretation is maintained by Origen (Horn. xiii. in 
Luc, and Horn. xx. in Num.) and by Jerome (in 
Mich, vi. 1, 2). Of later commentators, one of 
its most recent and ablest defenders is Dean 
^Iford. But besides the obvious difficulty of 
giving a satisfactory explanation to the word 
" write " as enjoined on these supposed heavenly 
watchers, there remains an objection, not easily 
to be surmounted, in the language of reproof and 
the imputation of unfaithfulness, which on this 
hypothesis would be addressed to holy and sm- 
less beings, — ^those angels of His who delight to 
"do His pleasure." So is it observed by Au- 
gustine (Ep. 43, § 22) : " ' Sed habeo adversum 
te, quod caritatem primam reliquisti.' Hoc de 
superior i bus angelis did non potest, qui per- 
petuam retinent caritatem, undo qui defecerunt 
et lapsi sunt, diabolus est et angeli ejus." 

By presbyterian writers the angel of the 
vision has been variously interpreted : — 1. Of the 
collective presbytery ; 2. Of the presiding pres- 
byter, which office, however, it is contended wa& 
soon to be discontinued in the Church, because 




of its foreseen cormption. 3. Of the messengers 
sent from the several churches to St. John. It 
hardly falls within the scope of this article to 
discuss these interpretations. To unprejudiced 
readers it will probably be enough to state them, 
to make their weakness manifest. It is difficult 
to account for them, except as the suggestions of 
a foregone conclusion. 

On the other hand, as St. John is believed on 
other grounds to have been pre-eminently the 
organiser of Episcopacy throughout the Church, 
80 here in this wonderful vision the holy Apostle 
comes before us, it would seem, very remarkably 
in this special character; and in the message 
which he delivers, under divine direction, to each 
of the seven churches through its angel, we 
recognize a most important confirmation of the 
evidence on which we claim for episcopal govern- 
ment, the precedent, sanction, and authority of the 
apostolic age. (Bingham, Thomdike, Archbishop 
Trench on £pp. to Seven Churches.') [D. B.] 

ANGERS, COUNCIL OP (Andegavense 
Concilium), a.d. 453, Oct. 4; wherein, after 
consecrating Talasius, Bishop of Angers, there 
were passed 12 canons respecting submission 
of presbyters to bishops, the inability of 
<< digami " to be ordained, &c. (Mansi, vii. 899- 
902). [A W. H.] 

cana); a designation given to English general 
councils, of which the precise locality is un- 
known ; e, g. a.d. 756, one of bishops, presbyters, 
and abbats, held by Archbishop Cuthbert to 
appoint June 5 to be kept in memory of the 
martyrdom of St. Boniface and his companions 
(Cuthb. ad Luilum, intr. Epist. S, Banif, 70 ; Wilk. 
i. 144; Mansi, zii. 585-^90); A.D. 797 (Alford), 
798 (Spelman), held by Ethelheard preparatory to 
his journey to Rome to oppose the archbishopric 
of Lichfield (W. Malm. 0, P. A. lib. 1. ; Pagi ad an. 
796, n. 27 ; Mansi, xiii. 991, 992). [A. W. H.] 

ANIANUS. (1) Patriarch, commemorated 
Hedar 20 = Nov. 16 (jCal. Ethiop.). 

(2) Bishop ; translation, June 14 (Mart. Bedae, 
nieron.)\ deposition at Orleans, Nov. 17 (if. 
Hkron.). [C] 

ANICETUS, martyr, commemorated Aug. 
12 (CaL Byzant.). [C] 

ANNA, the prophetess, commemorated Sept. 1 
(Ado, De Festiv., Marty roi); Jakatit 8 = Feb. 2 
(Cb/. Ethiop.). [C.'] 

ANNATES : lit. the revenues or profits of 
one year, and therefore synonymous with first- 
fruits so far; but being, in their strict anc 
technical sense, a development of the Middle 
Ages, the only explanation that can be given of 
them here is how they arose. Anciently, the 
entire revenues of each diocese were placed in 
the hands of its bishop, as Bingham shews (v. 6. 
1-3), who with the advice and consent of his 
senate of presbyters distributed, and in the 
Western Church usually divided them into 4 
parts. One part went to himself; a 2nd to his 
clergy ; a 3rd to the poor ; a 4th to the mainte- 
nance of the fabric and requirements of the 
diocesan churches. Of these the 3rd and 4th 
were claimants, so to speak, that never died ; 
but in the case of the two former, when ofilces 
became vacant by death or removal, what was 

lo be done with the stipend attaching to them 
till they were filled up ? Naturally, when en- 
dowments became fixed and considerable, siA 
promotions, from not having been allowed at all, . 
the rule, large sums constantly fell to the dis- 
posal of some one in this way ; of the 1)isbop, 
when any of his clergy died or were removed ; 
and of whom, when the bishop died tir was re; 
moved, by deposition or by translation, as time 
went on, bUt of the metropolitan or primate at 
last, though, perhaps, at first of the presbyteiy ? 
And then came the temptation to keep bishop* , 
rics vacant, and appropriate " the annates,*' of 
else require them from the bishop eleot'in return 
for consecrating him. It was but a step further 
in the same direction for Rome to lay claim to 
what primates and archbishops had enjoyed so 
long, when the appointment of both, so far as 
the Church was .concerned, became vested in 
Rome. But, on the other hand, it is eqoally 
certain, that had the primitive rule, founded as 
it was in strict justice, been maintained intact/ 
each parish, or at least each diocese, would hsTe 
preserved its own emoluments, or, which comes 
to the same thing, would have seen them applied 
to its own spiritual exigencies in all cases. The 
34th Apostolical canon, the 15th of Ancyra, and 
the 25th of Antioch, alike testify to the old rale 
of the Church, and to what abuses it succumbed. 
Still, De Marca seems hardly justified in ascrib- 
ing the origin of annates to direct simonv (Dg 
Concord. Sac. et Imp. vi. 10). [E. S'. F.] 

ANNE C'Ainra, nin). Mother of the Virgin 
Mary. July 25 is observed by the Orthodox 
Greek Church as the commemoration of the 
" Dormitio S. Annae," a Festival with abstinence 
from labour (dpyla). The same day is said to have 
been anciently dedicated to S. Anne in the West 
also, and the feast was probably transferred in the 
Roman Calendar to the 26th (the day on which 
it is at present held) frx>m a desire to gire 
greater prominence to S. Anne than was possihle 
on S. James's Day. In the Greek Calendar, also, 
Joachim and Anna, ** SfowtuSpts,** have a festival 
on Sep. 9, the day following the Nativity of the 
Virgin Mary. Both the Armenian and the Greek 
Calendars have on Dec 9 a'' Festival of the Con- 
ception of the Virgin Mary," or (as it is called 
in the latter) *H avWrii^is Tfjs kyias icai Ocovpo- 
firir6pos "AvirtiSj i. e. S. Anne's Conception of 
the Virgin, icol ykp aMi dv^Khiat iH^r fo^ 
X6yov rhv A^oy icvfiaaa'ay. In the Ethiopic, 
^ Joachim, avus Christi," has April 7 ; and on 
July 20 is commemorated the *' Ingressus Annae 
Matris Mariae in Templum" or "Purificatio 
Annae." (Daniel's Codex Liturgicus, tom. ir.; 
Alt's Kirchenjahr.) There is no evidence of any 
public recognition of S. Anne as a patron saint 
until about the beginning of the 6th century, 
when Justinian I. had a temple built in her 
honour, which is described by Procopius (Jk 
Aedtfic. Justin, ch. iii.) as Upowpewis re jccu 
kycurrhv tXns tZos "Avyp kyiify "whom," he 
adds, " some believe to be fiTirdpa S€ot6kov and 
grandmother of Christ ; " and we are informed 
bv Codinus that Justinian II. founded another in 

Her body was brought from Palestine to Con- 
stantinople in 740, and her " Inventio Cor|¥>ris " 
was celebrated with all the honour due to a 
saint. [C] 


AimOTINUM PA8GHA. In the Grego- 
ruB lAer B€apon»aliSy and in some MSS. of the 
Sayvmmtanff following the Dominica in AUna 
(First after Easter), we find an office m Paa- 
eid ^jT'*^ That it was not, howerer, in- 
Tviiklj oa the day following the Odtaye of 
Easter is shown hj Martene (quoted by Binterim, 
« L 246XVho foand it placed on the Thursday 
before Aacension Day in an ancient ritual of 
Vieaae. And it is mentioned in later autho- 
ritiei as having been celebrated on yariona days, 
Si 00 the SalAatMin Vn AJbis, the Saturday after 

is to tow meaning of the expression there are 
raiiovs opiaioos. Natalia Alexander {Hist. Ecd. 
An. VL ^must. 2% with sereral of the older au- 
tkwitiei, supposed it to be the annirersary of 
tk Easter of the preceding year. If this anni- 
Tonrf was specially observed, when it fell in 
the Lnt of the actual year it would naturally 
M onitted, or transferred to a period when the 
Fast was orer ; for the services of the Paacha 
oMottnm were of a Paschal character, and oon- 
se^oently unsuited for a season of mourning. 

PkobaUy, however, the nature of the Paxha 
m^tmam is correctly stated by the Micrologus 
(c56); Annotine Paacha is a term equivalent 
to aBoirersaiy Paacha ; and it is so called because 
ia dden time at Rome those who had been bap- 
tised at Easter celebrated the anniversary of 
their baptism in the next year by solemn ser- 
nccL Honorius of Autun, Durand, and Beleth, 
pre the same explanation, which is adopted by 
Tlunnasius, Martene, and Mabillon. To this call- 
is; to mind of baptismal vows the collects of 
the Gregoriap SaeramenUiry (p. 82) refer. The 
vords of the Micrologus, 'that this was observed in 
oUen time (antiqnitns) seem to imply that even 
at the time when that treatise was written 
(sboat llOOX it had become ubsolete (Gregorian 
^enm, Ed. Moiard, p. 399 ; Binterim's Denk- 
nnSgieaeH, v. i. 245 ff.). [C] 

ANNUNCIATION. [Mary the ViBaiN, 

ttgaVAlB OP.] 

ANOINTINO. [Unction.] 

ANOviuSj of Alexandria, oommemorated 
Joly 7 {Mart. Hierxm.), 

ANSENnUS. Commemorated August 7 
{Mart Hieron.}. [C] 

ANTEHPNUS, bishop, oommemorated April 
27 {Mart. Hieron,). [C.] 

ANTEPENDIUM (or Antipendium), a veil 
«r hanging in ttont of an altar. The use of such 
a pacee of drapery no doubt began at a period 
wl^ altars, as that at S. Alessandro on the Via 
Xomentana near Rome [Altar], began to be 
coostnictcd with cancellated fronts: the veil 
hanging in front would protect the interior 
froon dust and from pro&ne or irreverent curio- 
nty. Ciampini {V^» Mon, t. ii. p. 57) says 
that in a crypt below the church of SS. Cosmo 
c DuDiano at Rome there was in his time an 
mdent altar ^ cum duabus oolumnis ac epbtilio 
at corona ; nee non sub ipso epistilio anuli sunt 
ferm e quibns veU pendebant." (Compare t. i. 

In the 7th and 8th centuries veils of rich and 
tittly stufi are often mentioned in the Lib, 
^9Ktif, as suspended ''ante altare," as m the 



case where Pope Leo III. gave to the church of 
St. Paul at Rome " velum rubeum quod pendet 
ante altare habens in medio crucem de chrysoclavo 
et periclysin de chrysoclavo," a red veil which 
hangs before the altar, having in the middle 
a cross of gold embroidery and a border 
of the same. It is possible, however, that in 
this and like cases the veil was not attached to 
the altar, but hung before it from the ciborium 
or from arches or railings raised upon the altar 
enclosure. [A N.] 

ANTEBOS, the pope, martyr at Rome, 
commemorated Jan. 3 (Mart. Bom, Vet.^ 
Bedae). [C] 

ANTHEM. [Antiphon.] 

ANTHEMIUS, commemorated Sept. 26 {Cal 
Armen.), [C] 

ANTHIA, mother of Eleutherius, comme- 
morated April 18 {Mart. Bom, Vet.). [C] 

ANTHIMUS. (1) Bishop, martyr at Nico- 
media, commemorated April 27 {Mart. Bom, 

(2) Presbyter, martyr at Rome, May 11 {lb. 
et Bedae). 

(8) Martyr at Aegaea, Sept. 27 {Mart, 
B. v.), [C] 

ANTHOLOGIUM Qkveo\&yiov\ a compi- 
lation from the Paracletice, Menaea, and Horo- 
logium, of such portions of the service as are most 
frequently required by ordinary worshippers. It 
generally contains the offices for the Festivals of 
the Lord, of the Virgin Mary, and of the prin- 
cipal saints who hare festivals (jStv iopra(o' 
fityuv ayluy) ; and thase ordinary offices which 
most constantly recur. (Neale, Eastern Churchy 
Introd. 890.) This book, which was intended to 
be a convenient manual, has been so swollen by 
the zeal of successive editors, that it has become, 
says Leo Allatius, a very monster of a book. {De 
Libris Ecclesiasticis Oraecorum, p. 89.) [C.] 

ANTI60NUS, of Alexandria, commemorated 
Feb. 26 {Mart Hieron.), [C] 

ANTIMENSIUM, a consecrated altar-cloth, 
*' cujus nominis ratio haec est, quod ea adhibeant 
loco mensae sive altaris " (Bona, De Bebus Lit. 
L XX. § 2). This seems the natural derivation, 
especitdly if, as Suidas says (in Suicer's Thesaurus 
s. V.) the word was a Latin one, meaning a table 
placed before a tribunal {vp^ BiKcumipiov kci- 
fi4fni)' Nevertheless, the Greeks always write 
the word iiyri/iiyffiov, and derive it from fdvcos, 
a canister (Neale, Eastern Church, Introd. p. 186). 

These Ajitimensia were, and are, consecrated 
only at the consecration of a church (Gear's Eu- 
chologiony p. 648), when a piece of cloth large 
enough to form several antimensia was placed on 
the altar, consecrated, and afterwards divided 
and distributed as occasion required. ''Relics 
being pounded up with fragrant gum, oil is poured 
over them by the bishop, and, distilling on to the 
corporals, is supposed to convey to them the 
mysterious virtues of the relics themselves. The 
Holy Eucharist must then be celebrated on them 
for seven days, after which they are sent forth 
as they may be wanted " (Neale, u. s. p. 187). 
As to the antiquity of these ceremonies it is 
difficult to speak with certainty. 

Theodore Balsamon (in Suiccr, s. v.) say? that 
these Antimensia were for use on the Tables of 



Oratones (tSp tbrnrnplvy), which were probably 
for the most part unconsecrated ; and Manuel 
Charitopnlns (in Bona, n. 8.) says that thev were 
for Qse in cases where it was doubtful whether the 
altar was consecrated or not. They were required 
to be sufficiently large to ooTer the spot occupied 
by the paten and chalice at the time of conse- 

The S3rrian8 do not use these cloth antimensia, 
but in their stead consecrate slabs of wood, which 
appear to be used even on altars which are con- 
secrated (compare the Ethiopic Area [Abca]). 
The Syriac Nomocanon quoted by Renaudot {Lit, 
Orient i. 182) in the absence of an Antimensium 
of any kind permits consecration of the £ucharist 
on a leaf of the Gospels, or, in the desert and in 
case of urgent necessity, on the hands of the 
deacons. [C] 

•nly 13 CouncUs of Antioch between A.D. 252 
and 800, at which date the first vol. of his Bist. 
Literaria stops : Sir H. Nicolas as many as 33, 
and Mansi nearly the same number. Numbering 
them, however, is unnecessary, as there are no 
first, second, and third Councils of Antioch as of 
Carthage and elsewhere. They may be set 
down briefly in chronological order, only three 
of them requiring any special notice. 

▲JD. 252 — ^under Fabian, against the followers 
of Novatus (Euseb. vL 46). 

— 264, 269— On their dates see Mansi L 
1089-91 : both against Paul of Samosata, 
who was also Bishop of Antioch after De- 
metrian (Euseb. vii. 27-9). For details, 
see below. 

— 331 — Of Arians, to depose Eustathius, 
Bishop of Antioch, for alleged Sabellianism 
(Soc i. 24). 

— 339— Of Arians, to appoint Pistus to the 
see of Alexandria, to which St. Athanasius 
had just been restored by Constantino the 
younger {Life of St. Athanasius by his 
Benedictine editors). 

— 341 — known as the Council of the Dedi- 
cation : the bishops having met ostensibly 
to consecrate the great church of the 
metropolis of Syria, called the ** Dominicum 
Aureum," the only council of Antioch 
whose canons have been preserved (Soc 
ii. 8). For details, see below. 

— 345 — Of Arians : when the creed called 
the '* Macrostiche," from its length, was 
put forth (Soc. ii. 18). 

— 348 — Of Arians : at which, however, 
Stephen, Bishop of Antioch, himself an 
Arian, was deposed by order of Constantius 
for the monstrous plot organised by him 
against the deputies from Sardica (New- 
man's Arians^ iv. 3, 4). 

— > 354 — Of Arians : against St. Athanasius. 

— 358 — under Eudoxius : rejected the words 
Homoousion and Homoiousion equally : 
but ^* without venturing on the distinct 
Anomoean doctrine " (Newman's Ariansy 
iv. 4). 

— 361 — To authorise the translation of St. 
Meletius from Sebaste to Antioch. A 
second was held shortly afterwards, by the 
same party, to expel him for having made 
proof of his orthodoxy. 

— 363 — Of semi-Arians : addressed a sy- 


nodical letter to the new onperor Joriao. 
as had been done by the orthodox at Aki* 
andria. St. Meletius presided, and ogned 
first (Soc. iii. 25). 
A.D. 367 — Creed of the Co^mcil of the Dedio- 
tion confirmed. 

— 379 — under St. Meletius: oondemned Uir- 
cellus, Photinus, and ApoUinaris. Ad> 
dressed a dogmatic letter to St. Damuiis 
and the bishops of the West, .who had le&t 
a similar one to St. Panlinus. 

— 380 — ^For healing the schism there : wha 
it was agreed that whichever surriTed— 
St. Meletius or St. Paulinus — should be ac- 
cepted by all. Here the T6fios or synodical 
letter of the Westerns was received (at 
least so says De Marca, ExpUc, Can. \\ 
Condi, Const, a.d. 381, among his Dis- 
sertations). St. Meletius signed first of 146 
others. St. Paulinus, apparently, was not 
present at all. A meeting of Arians took 
place there the same year on the death of 
their bishop Euxoius, when Dorotheus was 
elected to succeed him (Soc iv. 35, and 
T. 3 and 5). 

— 389 — ^To prevent the sons of Marcelliia, 
Bishop of Apamea, from avenging hii 
murder by the barbarians. 

— 391 — ^A^inst the Messaliana. 

— 424— or, as Mansi thinks (ir. 475) in 418: 
at which Pelagius was condemned. 

— 431 — ^under John of Antioch, condemning 
and deposing St. Cyril and five others 
(Mansi, 5, 1147). 

— 432 — under John also ; for making peace 
with St. Cyril : after which he in this, or 
another synod of the same year, condemned 
Nestorius and his opinions. 

— 435 — ^Respecting the works of Theodoms 
of Mopsuestia and Diodorus of Tamu 
lately translated into Armenian. 

— 440--0n the same subject : occasioned br 
a letter of Proclus, patriarch of Constanti- 

— 445 — under Domnus : in which a Syrian 
bishop named Athanasius was condemned. 

— 448 — under Domnus also : when Ibas, 
Bishop of Edessa, was accused ; but his 
accusers were excommunicated. 

— 471— At which Peter the Fuller was de- 
posed, and Julian consecrated in his room ; 
then Peter, having been restored by the 
usurper Basilicus in 476, was again ejected 
by a synod in 478 on the restoration of 

— 482 — ^At which the appointment of Cs^ 
lendio to that see was confirmed ; but he 
in turn was ejected by the emperor Zeno 
in 485, and Peter the Fuller restored, who 
thereupon held a synod there the same 
year, and condemned the 4th Council. 

— 512— at which Severus was appointed 

— 542— Against Origen. 

— 560 — ^under Anastasius : condemning those 
who opposed the 4th Council. 

— 781 — ^under Theodoric : condemning the 

Of these, the two synods A.D. 264 and 269 
against Paul of Samosata were conspicuous both 
from the fact that the accused was bishop of the 
city in which they were held, and horn, the novel 




itntUf of their proceedings. They came to 
Ike itern rcaolatioa of deposing him, yet had to 
apply to a pagan emperor to enforce their sen- 
tnee, who, strange to say, did as they requested. 
No such case had occurred before : it was the 
gnrity of their deliberations and the justice of 
Ucar decisions that caused them to be respected. 
Wrth the first of tfavm, aa we learn from £u- 
feUos, there were some celebrated names as- 
sociated. Firmilian, Bishop of Caesarea in Cappa- 
4ona, the well-kuown advocate for re-baptising he- 
retio with St. Cyprian, St. Gregory the wonder- 
irorker, and Athenodoros his brother, the bishops 
«f Tarsos and Jerusalem, and others. Dionysius 
of Alexamlria was inrited, but sent excuses on 
aowont of his age ; declaring his sentiments on 
toe question in a letter addreraed to the whole 
diocese, without so much aa naming the accused, 
Its bishop. Those who were present exposed his 
erron; bat Paul, promising amendment, man- 
sfcii to cajole Firmilian, and the bishops sepa- 
ntol without passing sentence. At the second 
eooBcsl, baring been convicted by a presbyter 
uiocd Malchion, occupying the highest position 
ta the schools of Antioch as a sophist, he was 
cit off from the communion of the Church ; and 
a sjBodieal letter was addressed in the name of 
those present, headed by the bishops of Tarsus 
aari Jerusalem — ^Firmilian had died on his road 
to the council — and of the neighbouring churches, 
to the bishops of Rome and Alexandria, and the 
vbole Chnreh generally, setting forth all that 
had been done in both synods, as well as all the 
&be teaching and all the strange practices — so 
mach in hannony with what is attributed to 
the sophists of Athens in Plato — ^for which Paul 
kad been deposed, also that Domnus, son of 
DeoMtrian, hb predecessor in the see, had been 
elected in his place. Still, condemned as he had 
beea, Paul held his ground till the emperor 
lorelian, having heen besought to interfere, com- 
manded that *'the house in which the bishop 
Vttti should be given up to those with whom 
the bishops of Italy and of the city of Rome com- 
Boaicated as reguxis dogma." This settled his 
Cite once for all. 

Toe remaining council of Antioch to be spe- 
cially noticed is that of the Dedicatio A.D. 341. 
It was attcaded by 90 bishops, says St. Atha- 
Bssias, or by 97 aa St. Hilary. Of these but 36 
are said to hare been Arian : yet they carried 
their point through Constantius so far as to 
snbstitute Eusebius of Hems for St. Athanasius, 
and. on his hesitating, to get George or Gregory 
of Csppadoda sent out to be put in possession of 
the sec of Alexandria without delay. 

Kot content with this, they got their 12th 
caaon levelled against those who, having been 
deposed in a synod, presume to submit their 
esse to the emperor instead of a larger synod, 
averriag that they deserved no pardon, and 
••fbt not ever to be restored again. In this 
WIT the restoration of St. Athanasius to Alex- 
■adria by Constantine the younger was virtually 
deekred uncanonical and his see vacant. To 
tUi csaon St. Chrysostom afterwards objected, 
wkca it was adduced aeainst him, that it was 
fiaoed by the Arians. Lastly, they managed to 
promnlgatc four different creeds, all intended to 
aademine that of Nicaea. Yet, strange to say, 
the 25 canons passed by this council came to be 
the moat respected of any, and at length 

admitted into the code of the Universal Church. 
They are termed by Pope Zacharias ** the canons 
of the blessed Fathers;" by Nicholas I. ''the 
venerable and holy canons of Antioch;" and by 
the Council of Chalcedon '* the just rules of the 
Fathers." Hence some have supposed two 
councils : one of 50 orthodox bishops, or more, 
who made the canons ; another of 30 or 40 
Arians, who superseded St. Athanasius (>lansi, ii. 
1305, note). But canon 12 plainly was as much 
directed against St. Athanasius as anything else 
that was done there. On the other hand, it laid 
down a true principle no less than the rest ; and 
this doubtless has been the ground on which 
they have been so widely esteemed. Among 
them there are five which cannot be paased over, 
for another reason. The 9th, for distinctly 
proving the high antiquity of one at least of the 
Apostolical canons, by referring to it as "the 
antient canon which was in force in the age of 
our fathers," in connexion with the special 
honour now claimed for metropolitans — on which 
see Bever., Synod, ii. ad loc — canons 4 and 5, for 
having been .cited in the 4th action of the Council 
of Chfidcedon, or rather read out there by Aetius, 
Archdeacon of Constantinople, from a book as 
*< canons 83 and 84 of the holy Fathers;" and 
likewise canons 16 and 17, for having been read 
out in the 11th action of the same council by 
Leontius, Bishop of Magnesia, from a book as 
« canons 95 and 96 4" being in each case the 
identical numbers assigned to them in the code of 
the Universal Church, thus proving this code to 
have been in existence and appealed to then, and 
therefore making it extremely probable, to say 
the least, that when the Chaloedonian bishops in 
their first canon " pronounced it to be fit and 
just that the canons of the holy Fathers made in 
every synod to this present time be in fVill force," 
they gave their authoritative sanction to this 
very collection. Hence a permanent and in- 
trinsic interest has been imparted to this council 
irrespectively of the merits of its own canons in 
themselres, though there are few councils whose 
enactments are marked throughout by so much 
good sense. [£. S. F.] 

ANTIPAS, Bishop of Pergamus, tradition- 
ally the " angel " of that church addressed in 
the Apocalypse, commemorated April 11 (Ca/. 
Byzant), [C] 

ANTIPHON--(Gr. 'Kprlffwvop: Ut. Anti- 
pKona: Old English, Antefn, Antem [Chaucer]: 
Modem English, Anthem. For the change of 
Antefn into Antem^ compare 0. K Stefn [prow] 
with modem Stem. French, Anttenne.) "An- 
tiphona ex Graeco interpretatur vox reciproca ; 
dnobus scilicet choris altematim psallentibus 
ordine commutato." (Isidore, Origines vi. 18.) 

There are two kinds of responsive singing used 
in the Church ; the Responsorial, when one singer 
or reader begins, and the whole choir answers in 
the alternate verses ; the present Anglican prac- 
tice when the Psalms are not chanted ; and the 
Antiphonal (described in Isidore's definition) when 
the choir is divided into two parts or sides, and 
each part or side sings alternate rerses. Of 
these forms of ecclesiastical chant we are now 
concerned only with the second, the Antiphonal. 
We shall endeavour, as briefly as may be, to men- 
tion (1) Its origin. (2) The different usages of 
the term ** Antiphon." (3) Its application in the 




lilissal, acd in the Breviary; pointing out as 
they occur any peculiarity or difference of usage 
between the Eastern and the Western Churches. 

I. Its origin may be found in the Jewish 
Church. For we read (1 Chron. vi. 31 &c.)y that 
Dayid divided the Levites into three bands, and 
" set them over the service of song in the house 
of the Lord, after that the ark had rest. And 
they ministered before the dwelling->place of the 
tabernacle of the congregation with singing, 
until Solomon had bnilt the hoiLse of the Lord in 
Jerusalem ; and then they waited on their office 
according to their order." It appears further 
that the sons of the Kohathit«s, under ^* Heman a 
singer" (v. 33), stood in the centre while the 
Gershomites, led by Asaph, stood on the right 
hand, and the Merarites, led by Ethan (or Jedu- 
thun), on the left. These arrangements, and the 
further details given in 1 Chron. xzv. clearly 
point to some definite assignment of the musical 
parts of the tabernacle and temple worship. 
Some of the psalms, moreover, as the xxiv. and 
the czxxiv. appear to be composed for antiphonal 
singing by two choirs. 

It appears on the evidence of Philo, that this 
mode of singing was practised by the Essenes. 
Speaking of them he says : *' In the first place 
two choirs are constituted ; one of men, the other 
of women. They then sing hymns to the praise 
of Grod, composed in different kinds of metre and 
verse — now with one mouth, now with anti- 
phonal hymns and harmonies, leading, and direct- 
ing, and ruling the choir with modulations of 
the hands and gestures of the body ; at one time 
in motion, at another stationary ; turning in one 
direction, and in the reverse, as the case requires. 
Then, when each choir by itself has satisfied 
itself with these delights, they all, as though 
inebriated with divine love, combine from both 
choirs mto one." 

Plmy appears to allude to antiphonal chanting 
when, in a well-known passage (Epist. x. 97), he 
says that the Christians sing a hymn to Christ 
as God, ''by turns among themselves" (secum 

The introduction of antiphonal singing among 
the Greeks is ascribed by an ancient tradition to 
Ignatius of Antioch (Socrates, EccL Hist, vi. 8), 
who saw a vision of antiphonal chanting in 
heaven. And this tradition probably represents 
the fact, that this manner of singing was early 
introduced into Antioch, and spread thence over 
the Eastern Church. 

We learn from S. Basil that it was general in 
his time. He says {Ep, ccvii. ad Cieric. Neo- 
caesar.) prefacing that what he is going to speak 
of are the receiv^ institutions in all the churches 
(rii vvv KeKparriKSra ^Bri Tdccus Ta7s rov 6cov 
^kkKticIcus <riy^d itrrt wal ir^/i^wva), *' that the 
people, resorting by night to the house of prayer 

at length, rising fVom prayer, betake 

themselves to psalmody. And now, divided into 
two parts, they sing alternately to each other 
(5ixp StavtfiriO€vr€S, iLVTi^d?iKownir &AA^Xo<s . .). 
Afterwards they commit the leading of the 
melody to one, and the rest follow him." 

Theodoret {ffist. JSccles, ii. 19) ascribes the 
introduction of antiphonal singing to Flavian 
and Diodorus, who, while still laymen, he says, 
were the first to divide the choirs of singers into 
two parts, and teach them to sing the son^^s of 
David alternately (oZroi irpwroi, Htxfi Bitxivres 

Tovs T&y T^f<i\x6pTi»y x^P^^^* ^^ ^toSox^t fSctf 
r^v AavtSiK^y 4BlSix^ov /itXif^lay), and then he 
adds that this custom, which thus took its rise at 
Antioch, spread thence in every direction. 

In the Western Church the introduction of 
Antiphonal singing after the manner of the Ori- 
entals (secundum morem Orientalium), is attri- 
buted to S. Ambrose, as S. Augustine says 
{Confess, ix. c. 7, § 15^ and he gives as a reason, 
that the people should not become weary. 

A passage, indeed, is adduced from TertoUian 
(ad Uxor, ii.), from which it is argued ^at the 
practice of alternate singing was in vogue before 
the time of S. Ambrose. It has also been con- 
tended that Pope Damasus, or again Caelestiae, 
was its originator in the Western Church. As 
these opinions do not seem to be generally adopted, 
and as the arguments by which they are snp> 
ported may easily admit of another interpreta- 
tion, it does not appear to be necessary to occupy 
space by discussing them here. 

II. The word Antiphon, however, has been 
used in several different senses. 

1. Sometimes it appears to denote the psalms 
or hymns themselves, which were sung anti- 
phonally. Thus Socrates (Hist, Eccl, vi. 8) calls 
certain hymns which were thus sung ''Anti- 
phonas." When the word is used in this sense 
there is generally a contrast expressed or implied 
with a ''psalmus directus," or '^ directane'is." 
''Psallere cum antiphona" is a phrase much 
used in this connexion, to which "psallere ii 
directum" is opposed. Thus S. Aurelian in the 
order for psalmody of his rule, " Dicite Matn- 
tinarios, id est prime canticum in antiphoni: 
deinde directaneum, Judica ma Deus, ... in 
antiphon& dicite hymnum, Spiendor patemae 
ghriae,** It is not quite certain what is meant 
by these two expressions ; tne general opinion is 
that '' psallere cum (or in) antiphoni," means to 
sing alternately with the two sides of the choir; 
and " psallere directaneum " to sing either with 
the whole choir united, or else for one chanter to 
sing while the rest listened in silence (this latter 
mode of singing, however, is what is nsuallj 
denoted by " tractus ;") while some think that 
"• psallere in" or *' cum antiphoni" means to sing 
with modulation of the voice ; and that ** peaUeit 
directaneum" denotes plain recitation withoat 
musical intonation. Thus Cassian (De JnstiL 
Coenob, ii. 2), speaking of psalms to be sung in 
the night office, says, '' et hos Ipsos antiphonaram 
protelatos melodiis, et adjunctione quammdam 
modulationum ;" and S. Benedict directs that 
some psalms should be said ** in directum," bat 
many more ''modulatis vocibus." A third 
opinion is that ''psallere cum antiphonli" means 
to sing psalms with certain sentences inserted 
between the verses, which sentences were called 
antiphons, from their being sung altematelT 
with the verses of the psalm itself. Of this 
method of singing we shall speak more fully 
presently. In opposition to this sense, " psallere 
directum " would mean to sing a psalm straight 

! through without any antiphon ; and it may be 
I remarked that the " psalmus directus," said daily 
at Lauds, in the Ambrosian office, has no Anti- 
phon. The expression " oratio recta" seems also 
to be used in much the same sense. 

2. The word Antiphona* is also used to dencte 

• «' A distinction is made bj Htargical writers bet«*«i 




i matd oompositioii, or oompilation of verses 
frocD the Psalms, or sometimes from other parts 
«f Seriptore, or several coDsecutive verses of the 
saaw palm appropriate to a special subject or 
festiTiL HiIs was sung by one choir, and afler 
each Terse an unvarying response was made by 
tbe opposite choir ; whence the name. 

Compilations of this nature are to be found in 
the old office books, e^., in the Mozarabic office 
kt the dead, where, however, they are called ** a 
halm of l>avid,'* as being said in the place of 
palms in the Noctums ; and they have this pecu- 
litrity, that each verse (with very few ezcep- 
tkos) begins with the same word. Thus the 
rerses of one such *' psalm " all begin with " Ad 
tc;** those of another with '* lldiserere ;" of 
aaotker with *< Libera;'* of another with **Tu 
DNRDiDe," and so on. They are also found in the 
imbrosian burial offices, where they are called 
Aotiphonae, each verse being considered as a 
Kptrate Antiphon, and are headed Antiph. i. 
Aatiph. iL and so on. The Canticles, which were 
ap(*oiDted to be said ii^tead of the "Yenite" in 
tfie English state services, there called '* hymns," 
sai directed to be said or sung ^ one verse by 
the Priest, and another by the Clerk and people" 
{L €. aati|]^onally), are of this nature. 

3. The word " Antiphona" denotes (and this 
ii the sense in which we are most familiar with 
iti aseX a sentence usually, but by no means 
iiTariably, taken from the psalm itself, and ori- 
giftAlIr intercalated between each verse of a psalm, 
bat which, in process of time, came to be sung, 
vkollv or in part, at the beginning and end only. 
Wc shall speaik more at length on this head pre- 


4. The word '^Antiphona" came to denote 
sacb a senterce taken by itself, and sung alone 
vithoat connexion with any psalm. These Anti- 
pliQos were frequently original compositions. 
(We thus arrive at our common use of the word 
•Dthem as part of an Anglican choral service.) 
Aatipbons of this description are of common 
oorarrenoe in the Greek offices. 

As an example take the following from the 
^ee far the taking the greater monastic habit 
(tw fuyiXav vxhpuiros). In the Liturgy, after 
the entrance of the Gospels, the following Anti- 
phwi (*Arr{^ra) are said : — 

^aL 1. * Woold that I conld wipe out with tears the 
httdvTidog of my offence^ Lord : and please Thee by 
npeacance for the remainder of my life: bat the enemy 
ieo^es aie. md wan against my souL Lord, before 1 
feaUj perfrik, ove me. 

* Wlio tiut k tnawfrt by storms, and makes for it, does 
io( find safety in this port? Or who that is tormeoted 
vttt piin and Ctlla down before it, does not find a cure in 
tts pbee of healiiv? O thou Creator of all men, and 
|*jiidak of the sick, O Lord, beforo 1 finally perish. 

' I am sdieep<tf Thy rational flock; and I flee to Thee, 
Ite BMd Sbejpberd ; save me the wanderer from Thy fuld, 
OOod. ind have mercy on me." 

Then foUowB "Gloria Patri" and a "Tlieoto- 
kioa,** which is a short Antiphon or invocation 
addressed to the KV.M. as ** Theotokos." Then 
AnttpiioB ii, after ths model of the first, but in 

tod antiphonmoy the neuter form denoting 
I of the nature here described; and the feminine 
or nodoktioD song as a prefix or adJanct to a 
#Kii pmtaa ' quasi ez opposito reqModens.' "— Ooar, Euch, 

two clauses only. So after another '* Gloria" 
and " Theotokion," Antiphon iii. in one clause. 

III. We shall now re&r to the principal uses 
of Antiphons in the services of the Church. 

1st. In the Liturgy, or office of the Mass. 

We will take the Greek offices first. In these 
(and we will confine ourselves to the two Litur- 
gies of SS. Basil and Chrysostom) before the lesser 
entrance ( that of the Gospels) 3 psalms, or 
parts of psalms are sung with a constant re- 
sponse after each verse. These are called re- 
spectively the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Antiphon, and 
each is preceded by a prayer, which is called the 
prayer of the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Antiphon respec- 

The Greek liturgical Antiphons consist each of 
four versides with its response, though occasion- 
ally, as on Christmas Day, the third Antiphon 
has but three ; that " Gloria Patri " is said after 
the first and second Antiphons, but not after the 
third. (This is doubtless because the office passes 
on immediately after the third Antiphon to other 
singing with which we are not now concerned.) 
In the first Antiphon the antiphonal response 
is always the same, and is that given in the 
cases quoted ; in the second it varies with the 
day to the solemnity of which it has reference ; 
it always begins with the words " Save us," and 
ends with *' Who sine to Thee, Alleluia " (jr&trov 
iffjMs . . . ^dWoyrds vot *AWri\o{ta); in the 
third it varies likewise with the day, but is not 
of so uniform a type. It is, as a rule, the same 
as the " Apolyticon," an Anthem which is sung 
near the end of the preceding vespers. That 
aft«r the " Gloria " in the second Antiphon, in- 
stead of repeating the proper response of the 
Antiphon "0 only begotten Son and Woi'd of 
God," &c., is suDg as a response. (This invoca- 
tion occurs in the office of the " Typics,") 

Other compositions, which are virtually Anti- 
phons, are found in Greek offices, and will be 
spoken of under their proper heads ; see Cohtta- 


We turn now to the Liturgies of the Western 

The three Antiphons of the Greek Liturgies 
correspond both in structure and position with 
the single Antiphon of the Western Church. 
The chant which the Church uses at the begin- 
ning of the Mass is commonly called ^ Introitus," 
or ''Antiphona ad Introitum," from its being 
sung Antiphonally when the priest enters upon 
the service, or mounts to the altar ; for both ex- 
planations are given [Intboit]. It still retains 
its name of " Introitus " in the Roman missal ; 
and the word '' Introit " b frequently used among 
ourselves at the present day with a similar mean- 

In the Ambrosian Liturgy the corresponding 
Antiphon was called **Ingre8sa" for the same 
reason ; while in the Mozarabic and Sarum Litur- 
gies it was called *^ Officium." In the Gallican 
rite it was called *' Antiphona " or '* Antiphona 
ad praelegendum,*' or "^ de praelegere." 

The institution of the Antiphon at the Introit 
is almost universally ascribed to S. Caelestine, 
who was Pope A.D. 422, and who is said to have 
borrowed this kind of singing from S. Ambrose, 
and to have appointed that the cl. psalms of 
David should be sung antiphonally befbre the 
Sacrifice, which was not done previously, bnt 
only the Epistles of S. Paul and the Gospel 




were read, and thai the Mass was oonduct«d> 
In the account given by S. Angnstine (de Civ. 
Deiy xxii. 8 sub fin.) of a Mass which he cele- 
brated, A.D. 425, there is no mention of such an 
Introit. After speaking of certain preliminary- 
thanksgivings (as we should say occasional) for 
a recent miracle, he says, ^* I saluted the people " 
. . . when silence was at length established, the 
appointed lections of Holy Scripture were read 
as though that was the beginning of the Mass. 

It seems, however, doubtful what we are to 
understand by the singing of Psalms thus insti- 
tuted by Caelestine— whether an entire Psalm, 
varying with the office, was sung, or only cer- 
tain verses taken fh>m the Psalms, and used as 
an Antiphon. The former opinion is held by 
Honorius {Qemma animaey 87), who says that 
'* Caelestine appointed Psalms to be sung at the 
Introit of the Mass, f^m which (de quibus) 
Gregory the Pope afterwards composed Anti- 
phons for the Introit of the Mass with musical 
notations (modulando composuit.)" Also by 
Prisons in his ** Acts of the Popes," and by Cardi- 
nal Bona. 

The latter opinion is held by Micrologus 
(cap. i.), and by Amalarius (^De Eocl, Off, iii. 
5), who, in explaining this addition of Caeles- 
tine's, says, ** Which we understand to mean 
that he selected Antiphons out of all the Psalms, 
to be sung in the office of the Mass. For previ- 
ously the Mass began with a lection, which cus- 
tom is still retained in the vigils of Easter and 

It has again been argued with much force that 
it was customary to sing Antiphons taken from 
the Psalms at the Mass before the time of Caeles- 
tine.* S. Ambrose {de Myst cap. 8) and the 
writer de Sacr. (iv. 2) speak as though the use 
of the verse ** Introibio," &c., at the Introit were 
familiar. So, too, Gregory Nazian. says. When 
he (the priest) is vested, he comes to the altar 
Mying the Antiphon " I will go unto the altar of 
God " (Introibo ad altare Dei). It is also noticeable 
that some of the verses said to have been used as 
Antiphons in early times differ somewhat from 
Jerome's version. This is strong evidence that 
the use of Antiphons at the Introit was anterior 
to the time of Caelestine. However this may 
be, Caelestine may well have so organized or 
Altered, or developed the custom, as to be called 
its inventor. And on the whole the more pro- 
bable opinion seems to be that he appointed en- 
tire Psalms to be sung before the Mass and that 
afterwards Gregory the Great selected from them 
verses as an Antiphon for the "Introit," and 
others for the " Responsory," * " Offertory," and 
** Communion," which he collected into the book 
which he called his Antiphonary. In support of 
this view it may be observed that the Respon- 
sory &C. (which are really Antiphons, though 
the Introit soon monopolized that name) are 
often taken from the same Psalm as the Introit. 

The form of the Antiphon at the Introit wax 
as follows. After the Introit, properly so called, 
a psalm was sung, originally entire, but afler- 

i> Liber ponHJUxdit In vita 8. Ou^lestinL See also the 
Gatalogue of the Roman FOntifEb, April, voL L (Heoachen 
and Papebroch). 

a Vide Radnlph. Tongrens. 2>e Ccm, (Hmerv. prop. 23 
Gaflsian. hutU. UL 11. 

d Afterwards known as the "GntdoaL** In the Antl- 
lihoDajy it Is called " Responsorinm gndale.** 

wards a smgle verse with "Gloria Patri." Hm 
Introit was then repeated, and some chordies 
used to sing it three times on the more soleom 

The Introit in the Antiphonary of S. Gregory 
is taken from the Psalms, with a fkw exceptions, 
which Durandus (Rat. iv. 6) calls "Irregnlar 
Introits." These Introits, taken from other parts 
of Scripture, are in all cases followed by theit 
appointed " Psalmus." There are also a few In- 
troits which are not taken from any part o( 
Scripture. Such is that for Trinity Sunday in 
the Roman and Sarum missals. 

-BleBBed be the Holy Trinity, and the nnditrUed 
Unity ; we will give thanks to It, for It has dealt merd- 
taUy with us." 

And that for All-Saints Day in the same Missal 

'* Let us all n>Joice celebrating the festival in bonoor 
of all the Saints, over whose solemnity the angels r^jom^ 
and Join in praising the Son of God." 

These non-scriptural Introits, however, are 
mostly, as will be observed, for festivals of later 
date, and are not fbund in Gregory's Antipfaonarr. 
A metrical Introit is sometimes found. Thus 
in the Roman Missal in Masses, ** in Commemora- 
tione B.y.M., a purif. usque ad pasch." the 
Introit is : — 

Salve, sancta Parens, enlza puerpera R^ieoi, 
Qui coelum temmque r^t in secala aecolornm.* 
Psalmut. — Virgo Dei genetriz, quern totns' non capit ortiii 
In tua se clauslt viscera factns homo. 
Gloria Patri. 

Here the " Psalmus " is not from the Psalms, 
which is very unusual, though this is not a soli- 
tary case. That of Trinity Sunday is another. 
The lines are the beginning of an old hymn to 
the Virgin, which is used in her office in various 

The different Sundays were often popularly 
distinguished by the first word of their " Officium," 
or ^ Introitus." Thus, the first four Sundays in 
Lent were severally known as, " Invocavit," 
" Reminiscere," " Oculi," ** Laetare." Low Sun- 
day as ** Quasimodo," and so in other cases. 
So too we find week days designated, i.e, Wednes- 
day in the third week in Lent called in Missals, 
"Feria quarta post Oculi." In rubrical direc- 
tions this nomenclature is very frequent. 

The Ambrosian '^ Ingressa " consists of one un- 
broken sentence, usually but by no means always, 
taken from Scripture, and not followed by a 
" Psalmus," or the "Gloria Patri." It is often 
the same as the Roman *' Qfficium." It is never 
repeated except in Masses of the Dead, when its 
form approaches very nearly to that of the Bo- 
man ^ Introitus." 

The form of the Mozarabic '* Officium " though 
closely approaching that of the Roman ''In- 
troitus " differs somewhat from it. The Anti- 
phon is followed by a '' versus," corresponding io 
the Roman ** Psalmus," with the " Gloria Patri," 
before and after which the second danae alone of 
the Antiphon is repeated.' 

Durandus {Rat. lib. iv. cap. 5) and Beleth (De 
Div. Off. cap. 35) state that in their time a 
Trofus was sung, in some churches, on the more 
solemn days before the. Antiphon. 

• The line is thus given in the Roman and 
Mlasala It was probably rend ** In secla sedoram.* 

f This is the Roman manner of repeating the *B» 
sponBories" at Matlna 




W« Mw MOM to that me of Antiphons with 
wUdk we an probaUj moit femiliar — as song 
« tt aoeoBpaBimoit to Paalmi and CSanticUs. 
la fCMcal toms aa A&ttphon In thia sense is 
A HitiBee wUoii precedes a Psalm or .Canticle to 
tk Buical tone of which the whole Psalm or 
Ontiele is snng, in alternate verses by the oppo- 
■ts liiia of tiie choir which at the end unite in 
Rpestii^ tiie Antiphon. Tliis sentence is nsnally, 
kt bf Bo means nniTersallj, taken from the 
hdm itself and it varies with the day and 
•eeadsB. Originallv the Ptalm was said bj one 
dMJr, sad the Anti|»on was intercalated between 
«ch Tene by the opposite choir: whence the 
me. Pfe. 136 {Con/tanim) and the Canticle 
'Baedidta'* are obvious examples of this 
wlkd of singing. Indeed in Ps. 135 (v. 10-12) 
vc ksve very nearly the ssme words, without 
vkt we may call the Antiphon (^'for His merer 
cBducOi lor ever,*^ which occur in Ptt. 136 with 
tbt Antiphon inserted after each clause, and 
tk ^BeDedidto" is often recited without the 
ifpgHtloB of its Antiphon after every versejr 
hL 4S and 43 iQmadmoditm and Judica\ 80 
(Q»' rtgk Israel), and 107 (OmjSiwmm) will at 
ttoe safgest themselves as containing an Anti- 
pkaal vcKse which is repeated at intervals. 

TWn are many examples of this earlier use of 
latiphotts In the Greek Services. For instance : 
St TMeis on the '^Great Sabbath" ({. #. Easter 
Evt^n. 82 iD«u» deUi) Is said with the last 
tow, "Arise, O God, and judge Thou the earth, 
At Then shaH take all heathen to Thine inheri- 
toee," npeated with beautiftd application, as an 
Aittj iii (^fj i between each verse. 

Afsin, in the Office fbr the Burial of a Priest, 
hk 23 {IkmiKMa regit me\ 24 (Domim est 
Um\U{Qmmi dOsday, are Wd with «« AUeluia, 
AIMuis,*^ rneated as an Antiphon between 
eMb verM. Here the three Ptalms are called 
mpedhrely the first, second, and third Anti- 

It sppssn that in the Roman Church the same 
eertsiB of repeating the Antiphon after each 
Ttneefthe Pealm originally prevailed. In an 
eld BissB, edited by Menard, in the Appendix to 
fk Sacramesiaiy of S. Gregory, we read, ** An- 
Epsieopo, indpiatur psalmus a Cantors, 
htroitn reciprocante."' 

Aaalarios, too (^De Ordine Awtiphtmarii^ cap. 
wL\ npisking of the Nocturne of weekdays, has 
the vords, ** Ex senis AnUphonis quas vicissim 
cheri per smgulos versus repetunt." We have 
cvidaes that this custom was not obsolete (in 
phcei St least) as lata as the 10th century, in the 
Hfr of Odo^ Abbot of Cluny, where we are told 
that tk monks of that house, wishing to pro- 
kagtk oOiee of the Vigib of S. Martin (Nov. 
11)^ vbsn the Antiphons of the office are short,^' 

* .If. k fts Lauds of the Ambraalan Bl«Tlaxy,and In 
a ma mmn eoanpteasfd torn in the Mosarablo Leads; 
««d-BeDediclte''lsoailttsdlfh»a the begii^ 

^Ikeaae of ■ Aneteto* on this and on similar ocea- 
*ai«f aoBrafag (e^. daiing Lent) Is diiferait from the 
■ar «f Ik Wosiera Gfanich. 

inbaaeBstopafatmoreto the mode of sfa«lng the 
ktait thn rtetaia fai flie dsay office. 

k Tk Uh i H iisia nne of their fkcqaeot repetition hM 
hm myteJ as a reason why tk AntiphoDS to the 
FWRHtetkdaUyoOoean^aaa nUe^io much shorter 
*■ ftrt ai the Intnit of the Mass. 

anUR. AST. 

and the nights long, till daybreak, used to repeat 
every Antiphon after each verse of the Pnlms. 
We find also, in a letter by an anonymous author 
to Batheric, who was appointed Bishop of 
Ratisbon, A.D. 814 (quoted by ThomaslusX ^ 
writer complaining that he has In the course of 
his travels found some who, with a view to get 
through the office as rapidly as possible, that 
they may the quicker return to their worldly 
business, reclto It ''without Antiphons, In a 
perfunctory manner and with all hiuto " (" sine 
Antiphonis, cursim, et cum omni velodtato"). 
Theodoret also relates {Hist. Eocl. ilL 10) that 
Christians, in detestation of the impiety of 
Julian, when singing the hymns of David, added 
to each verse the clause, " Confounded be all they 
that worship carved images." 

A ftmiliar instance of this older use of aa 
Antiphon is found in the " Reproaches " (" versi- 
culi improperii" or " improperia ") of the 
Roman Missal for Good Friday. 

These are Gregorian : the introductory rubric 
as it stands in the Roman Missal is cited, as it Is 
so precise as to the manner of singing them. It 
runs thus : " Versiculi sequentes improperii a 
binis altematim cantantur, utrosque chore simul 
repetonto post quemlibet versum Popule, &&" ■ 

Sometimes metrical hymns were sung anti- 
phonaliy after this manner. Thus at the " Salu- 
totion of the Cross " the verse of the hjrmn 
^'Pange Hnguoy** which begins " CnuffideUs;* is 
sung in the Sarum rito at the beginning, and 
after every verse of the hymn, the rubric being— 

"Gtmnis idem rqietat poet mramquemque Tetsam. 
"Gniz fldelis inter omnea," Ac. 

(. . • SacerdaUt content hune tereum tequentem.') 
** Pange llngna glorlosl proellnm oertaminia," te. 
Chona—** Gniz fldelis^" te. 

And so on. So also before the Benediction of 
the Paschal Candles on Easter Eve, according 
to the Sarum rito, the hymn " Invador rutili 
is sung in the same manner, with the first stanza 
repeated antiphonally after each stanza. 

A variation of this fi>rm of antiphonal Intor- 
polation is when the intorpolated clause itself 
varies. The following is a striking example : — 

On the morning of Easter Eve in the Greek 
office, the following Antiphons (rpordpia) are 
said with Ps. 119, ''saying" (as the rubric 
directs) "one verse (jrrlvop) flrom the Psalm 
after each troparium." These are known as rd 

''Bleaoed art Thoo. Lord. teach ne Thy aUtnlea. 
Bleand are thoae tkt are imdriiled in tk way, and walk 

"Thou, Ghiiat, the life, waat laid knr in the 

grave, and the angelic hosta were smaaed, glorftylnf 

Thy condeaceDalon." 

"BieaBed are they that keep Hla tfstlmoniws, and aeek 
Him with tklr whole heart." 

«0 Life, how ia it that Tboa dost die? Bow la U 

that Thou doat dwell In the grave? Thou pajest th» 

trlbole of death, and ndaeat tk dead oat of Hadea." 

"For they who do no wickedneai walk in His waya.*' 
"We magnify Thee, O Jean the King, and honoqr 

Thy burial, and Thy paarion, by which Thoa bast saved 

aa from daitmetioa." 

And so on throughout the whole Psalm. 

In the same manner at the burial of mool(B| 
the blessings at the beginning of the Sermon on 

■ The rubrical dbeetlona with reapect to the "Impio> 
perU" in the MoMuaUo Mtaaal are very ftilL 





the Mount (ol juucapio'fiot) are recited with a 
varying antiphonal clause after each, beginning 
from the fifth. 

Aa an example fh>m the Western Church, we 
may refer to the following, which belongs to 
Vespers on Easter Eve. It is given in S. Gre- 
gory's Antiphonary, with the healing ArUiph, and 
Fs. to the alternate verses. 

Antiph, * In the end of the Sabbath, as it began to dawn 

towards the first day of the week, came Mary Magdalene, 

and the other Maiy to see the aepalchre." Alleluia. 

Pt. " My soul doth magnify the Lord." 

Afitifh. ** And behold, there was a great earthquake. For 

the angel of the Lord descended from heaven/' Alleluia. 

Pt. " And my spirit hath r^oiced in God my Saviour." 

^.nd so the Magnificat is sung with the suc- 
cessive clauses of the Gospel for the day used as 
Antiphons after each of its verses. 
. The missal Litanies which are said in the Am- 
brosian Mass on Sundays in Lent, and the very 
beautiful Precea with which the Mozarabic 
Missal and Breviary abounds, are so fiir anti- 
phonal that each petition is followed by an un- 
varying response. Their consideration, however 
interesting, scarcely belongs to our present 

The repetition of the Antiphon after each 
verse was called '' Antiphonare." In the old 
Antiphonaries we frequently find such directions 
as '*Hoc die Antiphonamus ad Benedictus" or 
simply **Hoc die antiphonamus." The word 
" antiphonare " is explained to mean to repeat 
the Antiphon after each verse of the Canticle. 
The " Greater Antiphons " (i. e, " Sapientia," 
&c.) are directed to be sung at the BenedictuSy^ 
with the rubric, "Quas antiphonamus ab In Sanc- 
titate ;" which means that the repetition of the 
Antiphon begins from the verse of which those 
are the first words.^ 

At a later period the custom of repeating the 
Antiphon after each verse of the Psalm dropped, 
and its use was gradually limited to the beginning 
and end of the Psalm. A relic of the old usage 
still surviveft in the manner of singing the 
"Venite" at Nocturns, in which Psalm the 
Antiphon is repeated, either wholly or in part, 
several times during the course of the Psalm. 

It remained a frequent custom, and more par- 
ticularly in the monastic usages, at Lands and 
Vespers on the greater feasts to sing the Anti- 
phon three times at the end of Benedidus and 
of Magnificat, once before Qloria Patn, once 
before Sicut erat, and once again at the conclu- 
sion of the whole. This seems to have been the 
general use of the Church of Tours ; and the 
Church of Rome retained the practice in the 
12th century, at least in certain otHces of the 
festivals of the Nativity, the Epiphany, and S. 
Peter. It was called " Antiphonam triumphare" 
which is explained by Martene (De Ant, EccL 
Bit. iv. 4) as " ter fari." Antiphonam levare,^ or 
imponere, means to begin the Antiphon. 

Other variations in the manner of singing the 
Antiphon are mentioned by other writers. Thus 

■ This differs from the later (and the present) practice, 
according to which these Antiphons are said to the Mag- 
nificat at Vespers. 

« This is the manner In whidi the *" fujcapitrfioi'* men- 
tioned above are redted. The first four are followed by 
no antiphonal sentence. 

» Oompare our English nae of the word to roHte. 

we are told 4 that sometimes the Antiphon 
said twice before the Psalm ; or at least, if <«ly 
said once, the first half of it would be sung l^ 
one choir, and the second half by the o&er. 
This was called ^ respondere ad Antiphonam." ' 

It appears that this method of singing the 
Antiphon was confined to the beginning and end 
of the Psalm or Canticle. When repeated during 
the Psalm, the Antiphon was always sung by one 
choir, the other taking the verse. 

The repetition of the Antiphons was in later 
times still further curtailed, and the opening 
words only sung at the beginning of the Paalm 
or Canticle, the entire Antiphon being recited at 
the close. Still later, two or more Psalms were 
said under the same Antiphon, itself abbreviated 
as just stated. This is the present custom of the 
Roman Breviary. When the Antiphon was taken 
from the beginning of the Psalm or Canticle, 
after the Antiphon the beginning of the Psalm or 
Canticle was not repeated, but the recitation was 
taken up from the place where the Antiphon 
ceases. For instance, the opening verses of the 
92nd Psalm are said at Vespers on Saturday ia 
the Ambrosian rite in this manner : — 

AnL " Bounm est." 

Pt. ** Et paallere nomlnl Tuo Altisslme,'' ftc 

-Gloria Patri,"&c. 
AnL ** Bonum est conflteri Domluo Deo nostra" 

Where the recitation of the Psalm begins with 
the verse following the Antiphon, though the 
opening words only of the Antiphon are said at 
the beginning. 

On the more important festivals the Anti- 
phons at Vespers, Matins, and Lauds (but not at 
the other hours), were said entire before as well 
as after the Psalms and Canticles. These feasts 
were hence called " double ;*' those in which the 
Antiphons were not thus repeated, " simple." 

There are a few peculiarities in the use of 
Antiphons to the Psalms and Canticles in the 
Ambrosian and Mozarabic rites which may be 

1. The Ambrosian Antiphons are divided into 
simple and double. The simple Antiphons are 
said in the same manner as the Roman Antiphou 
on days which are not "double." They are 
always so said whatever be the nature of the 
feast. In Eastertide the Antiphon is said entire 
before the Psalm, and instead of its repetition 
at the end, " Alleluia, Alleluia," is said. 

The double Antiphons consist of two clauses, 
the second being distinguished by a V.(i. e. tersus), 
and is said entire both before and after the 
Psalm. The following is a specimen which ti 
said to be one of the Psalms on Good Friday: — 

Ant. dupiUx. " Simon, sleepest thou ? Oouldeet not tbon 
watch with me one hour ?" 

v. * Or do ye see Judas, how he sleqM uoi, but baflteu 
to deliver lie to the Jews i** 

These double Antiphons occur occasionally snd 
iri'egularly on days which have proper Psalms. 

1 By AroalariuB, De Eccl. Off. iv. 7. 

' In the Vatican Antipfaonary we find the IbDowing 
direction on the Epiphany :— '* Hodie ad omnes Aotipbons 
respondemus," and so in other instances. In a MS. of tlie 
church of Rouen the antiphon before and after the "Vag- 
nificat " at first Vespi^rs of the Assumption Is divided inta 
four alternate parts between the two sides of the choir, 
and after the •^Gloria Patri" la agsin rang by both adn 


ftv M Wedandaj before Eaflter, ont of nine 
falwtf one vas a doable Antiphon ; on Thurs- 
dar. <nt ef tea, nolle, and on Good Friday, out of 
■ikteen, one ; on Christmas Day, out of twenty- 
mty fear; and on the £piphany, ont of twenty- 
sac, six. FestiTals mre not divided into <* double " 
sad ''simple'' as distinguished by the Anti- 



2. The Mozanbic Antiphons axe said entire 
heSxt as well as after their Psalm or Canticle. 
OecattOBally two Antiphons are giyen for the 
Ckatide.* They are often divided into two 
distingui^ed' by the letter P,* in which 
St the end of the Psalm the " Gloria " is In- 
tercslated between the two clauses. 

Of the nature of the sentence adopted as an 
iotiphao little is to be said. It is, for the most 
pert, s ferse, or part of a verse, from the Psalm 
it seeompanies, varying with the day and the 
oeeasioQ, and often wiUi extreme beauty of ap* 
plicitien. Sometimes it is a slight variation of 
tk« rene ; or it is taken from other parts of 
Scripture; sometimes it is an original composi- 
tjoe, occasionally even in verse. E. g. in the 
3nl Noctun on Sundays between Trinity and 
AArtsi m the Sarum Breviary : 

Ik ft. 19 (OoeU sMHTOfitX 
"Spoons Qt e fhslsmo processit Christas in orbem : 
Descen d eu s oodo Jure salatlfero." 

The Antiphons for the Yenite are technically 
aScd the brviTATOBiA.* 

The corresponding Antiphons of the Eastern 
Chvch need not detain us, as they are less pro- 
suoat and important, and present no special 
ftataret. They are always taken from the Psalm 
itseM^aad ar« said after the Psalm only, and are 
pR&ced by the words jrol irdXiy (and again), 
aad are introduced before the «* Gloria Patri." 

"niQB P^ 104 (^Benedic anima med) is said 
^j at Vespers. It is called the prooemiac 
haim ; and the Antiphon at the end is — 

"The inn knoweth }d» going down. Thou makest 
^rtmi ttHt U rasj be night. 

*0 IxmL how maaifold are Thy works. In wisdom 
kHtlVoo made them aU." 

-Gfc«7be.*ftc. «Asttwss."Ac. 

AMiiphana Post JSvangelium, — An Antiphon 
laid, as its name indicates, after the Gospel, in 
the Ambrosian rite. It consists of a simple un- 
brofcea clause, and is sometimes taken from the 
Mas or other parts of Scripture ; sometimes 
it IS composed with reference to the day. One 
•xampk will show its form, that for the ChristO' 
jUionf or return of Christ out of Egypt (Jan. 7). 

PiilM the Lord, all je angels of His; praise Him sU 
Vnim EQm son and moon: pnilse Him all ye 

is nothing corresponding in the Roman 
ie and Sarum Missals, in which the Gospel 

■ We ds not feel sore whether In these cases it Is in- 
thai t»lh Antiphooa be used at oooe, or a choice 
giwiibetveen the two. 

* It does not seem quite dear what this P. represents. 
VMi^r it ateods for FSalmns. 

" The Bonan Is taken laiber than any other Brevlaiy 
■ ihlBC a diort fonn. The Invitatorfes of the Samrn 
Jkintoy sre nearly the saine for the weekdays. For 
lodays tbere is a greater variety, which would 
them longer to quota, without adding to the 

is immediately followed by the Creed. In the 
Mozarabic office the Lauda followed the GospeL 
(The Creed, it will be remembered, is sung after 
the consecration.) 

Antipihona ad Confractumem Panis* — ^An Anti- 
phon said in the Mozarabic Mass on certain days 
at the breaking of the consecrated Host.* It 
occurs for the most part during Lent, and in 
votive Masses. Also on ¥^itsunday and on 
Corpus Christi. It is usually short and said in 
one clause. Thus from the 4th Sunday in Lent 
{Mediante die Festo), up to Maundy Thursday 
(in coend Domini), and also on Corpus Christi, 

** Do Thoo, O Lord, give os our meat in due season 
Open Thine hand, and fill all things living with plen- 

In the Ambrosian Missal the Confraotorium 
corresponds to the Antiph, ad Confrac, There 
is no Antiphon appointed at the same place in 
the Roman and Sarum Missals. 

Antipluma in Choro. — ^An Antiphon said in 
the Ambrosian rite at Yespers on certain days. 
It occurs near the beginning of the office, before 
the Hymn, and is said on Sundays, and at the 
second Vespers of festivals. It is also said at 
the first Vespers of those festivals which have 
the office not solemn y (officium non solemne) and 
of some, but not of all, *' Solemnities of the Lord.** 
It is not said at first Vipers of a Solemn Office. 
This is the general rule, though there are oc- 
casional exceptions. It varies with the days, and 
is usually a verse of Scripture, in most cases from 
the Psalms, and has no Psalm belonging to it. 
Sometimes it is an adaptation of a passage of 
Scripture, or an original composition. Thus, on 
Easter Day, we have — 

AnL in ch. Ballel. Then believed they His words, 
and sang praise unto Him." HalleL 

Antiphona ad Crucem, — ^An Antiphon said in 
the Ambrosian rite at the beginning of Lauds 
after the Benedictw, It is said on Sundays 
(except in Lent), on Festivals which have the 
''Solemn Office" (except they &ll on Satur- 
day), in *' Solemnities of the Lord " (even 
though they fall on Saturday), and during 
Octaves. It is usually a verse from Scripture, 
but sometimes an original composition with very 
much of the character of a Greek rpovdpiov, and 
always ends with Kyr. Kyr. Kyr. (i.e, Kyrie 
eleison, sometimes written E. K. K.). It is said 
five times, the Antiphon itself is repeated three 
times, then follows Gloria Patri, then the Anti- 
phon again, then Sicut erat, and then the Anti- 
phon once more. On Sundays in Advent, except 
the 6th, on Christmas Day, the Circumcision, 
and the Epiphany, it is said seven times, i. e., is 
repeated five times before the Gloria Patri, 

> In the Mosarabic rite the Host after oonsecration is 
divided, as is well known, into nine partly which are 
arranged on the 'paten in a prescribed order, which it 
wonld be foreign to our present poipose to describe. In 
the Eastern Church the Host is broken into four ports by 
the Priest, who recites an unvarying form of words. But 
this is not an Antiphon, and therefore beyond our pro- 

r Festivals are divided in the Ambroeian rite into So- 
iwrnUia of tks Lord (Solemnitates Domini), and thoee 
which have the offioe solemn (offlcium aolemneX or not 
*sitwm (offldnm non solemne). 

H 2 




Thus OB Asoeniion Day-— 

ML od erueem qtrinqttlm, "Te men of Galilee whj 
lUiid je gMJiig up Into bMTcn? Am je have Men Him 
go into heaTen« n ifaall HeoanMu" HalleL Kyr. Kyr. Kyr. 

•• Te men,** kc 

• T« men," fta 
«• Gloiy bc^" h». 

• Ye men," Ac. 

*' As It waa," fta 

• Temen,"te. 

An Anltipkoina ad cruoem, apparently redted 
once only, often occurs in the Antiphonarr of 
Gregory the Great, after the Antiphons of Ves- 
pers or Lands. The early writers on the offices 
of the Roman Chorch make no mention of it, so 
that it was probably peculiar to the monastic 
rites, which more niuiily admitted additions of 
this nature. It has been conjectured that the 
monastic orders deriyed it ftmtk the Church of 

Antiphona ad Aooedentes or ad Aooedendum, — 
An Antiphon in the Mozarabic Mass, sung after 
the Benmiiction, and befbre the Communion of 
the Priest. They do not often change. There 
IS one which is said from the Vigil of Pentecost 
to the first day of Lent inclusiye, one which is 
said from Easter £ye to the Vigil of Pentecost. 
In Lent they yary with the Sunday, that for 
the first Sunday being said on weekdays up to 
Thursday before Easter ezclusiye. The first of 
these which is said during the greater part of 
the year, is as follows : — 

- tMte and see bow graoioas the Lord la." AlleL 

F. * I will always giye thanks unto the Lord. His 
praise shall eyer be in my moafh." P. AIM. Allei. AlleL 

V. "The Lord deliyeretb the souls of His servants; 
and all fhej that put their trust la Him aball not be des- 
titnte." P. AlleL AlleL AlleL 

V, "Gkny and honour be to the Father, and to the 
Son, and to the Holy Gliost, worid wlthoat end." Amen. 
F. AUeL AlleL AlleL 

In the ApotMioal ConstiMufiUy Fk, 24 (Bene- 
dicam), from which this Antiphon is taken, is 
appointed to be said during the Communion, as 
it is in the Armenian Liturgy during the dis- 
tribution of the Azjrmes." (During the com- 
munion of the people another Canticle is sung.) 
S. Ambrose alluded to the practice in the wonls 
'' Unde et Eoclesia yidens tantam Gratiam, horta- 
tur, Gustate et yidete.** 

The second Antiphon, that used between Easter 
and Pentecost, has reference to the Resurrection. 
It is adapted from the words of the Gospel nar- 
ratiye, and we need not quote it. 

That fbr Thursday befbre Easter is much 
longer, and is broken into many more antiphonal 
elauses, and is an abstract of the Gospel narra- 
tiye of the institution of the Sacrament of the 
Lord's Supper. Those in use during Lent are of 
precisely the ordinary form. 

There is nothing in the other Western liturgies 
which exactly corresponds to this Antiphon. 
The Roman and Sarum CommurUo, and the Am- 
brosian Ihxnsitorimn, which are the analogous 
parts of those offices, are said after the R^p- 
tion. [H. J. H.] 

ANTIPHONABIUM (also AtOiphonaley An- 
iiphonarius, Antiphonaritu Kber), an office book 
of the Latin Church, containing the Antiphons 

■ These correspond to the French jpain heni. [Eulooiab.^ 

and other portions of the Seryioe, which wtif 
sui^ antiphonally. 

llie name Antiphonarimn is applied to so^ 
books by John the Deacon, in his life of Gregoiy 
the Great, who says that tihat Pontiff was the 
author of Antiphonaries. The complete colleo- 
tion, howeyer, of Antiphons and Responsoriei, 
known by the general name o{ Antiphimarpm 
or Seaponaorium, was usually diyided into three 
parts in the Roman Church. 

Amalarius writes :> ''It is to be obeerred 
that the yolume which we call Antipkonanmm 
has three names ^ (tria habet nomina) among 
the Romans. That part which we term Oradaal 
(Gradale) they term Oamtatory (CsntatorinmX 
which is still, according to their old custom, in 
some churches bound in a separate yolume. Tlis 
following part they diyide under two headings 
(in duobus nominibus). The part which otAtains 
the Responsories is called the Jieaponaorial (Re- 
sponsoriale) ; and the part which contains the 
Antiphons is called the AnHphonary (Antiphon* 

As to the name CantatonuMf we find in the 
"Ordo Romanus I." (§ 10) the direction:— 
" After he [the Subdeacon] has finished readiag 
[the epistlej, the singer (Cantor), with the Cbirta- 
tory, mounts,* and sings the Response." And 
Amalarius (De Eod, Off, iii. 16) says: ''The 
singer holds the Tal>letB (Tabulas),'' where the 
word Tdbfolas is thought to mean the same thing 
as (kmtatoriuin^ L e. the book itselC 

The deriyation of these words is obyious. The 
book was called Cantatoriwn from its containing 
the parts of the Seryice which were sung : Oradak, 
QradaUSy or Oraduale (Gradual or Graile), from 
their being sung at the steps of the ambo or 
pulpit ; and Ta&Uae in all probability from the 
plates in which the book was contained, and 
which appear to haye been of bone, or perhaps 
horn. Amalarius, in the context of the passage 
quoted, says that the tabulae which the Caadat 
holds are usually made of bone (solent fieri de 

By whateyer name this book was known, it 
contained those portions of the office of the Ma» 
which were sung antiphonally, and was the first 
of the three diyisions aboye alluded to. The 
second part, the Reeponaorialet contained the 
Responsories aft«r the lessons at Noctums ; sad 
the third part, the Antipihonanimn, the Antiphoof 
for the Noctums and diurnal offices. 

The three parts together make up what ii 
generally understood by the Antipifumale or A»r 
Uphonarivm. The book is also sometimes called 
the Official Book, or the Office Book (liber offi- 
dalis. A MS. of the Monastery of St. Gbsdl, of 
part of an Antiphonary and Responsorial of the 
usual type, is headed *'Incipit officialb liber"). 
It seems also to haye been occasionally called the 
Capitular Book (Capitulare). In a MS. of St 
Gall, of apparently about tiie beginning of the 
11th century, we find the direction, "Respon- 
soria et Antiphonae sicut in Capitulari habetnr;" 
and though, according to the old Roman use of 
words, " Capitulare *' means the Book of Epistles 
and Gospels, the context in this place naoessitates 

• De erd. Ant^ptL, Pnioffm. 

h i£. ooosists of three partsb as the context diowa 

* Ca the Ambo or its stepa»flbr the eostom would saai 
to haye yarled. 


of AmUpkimary, The word oocvn, 
throogiftoat the MS. in the same 



AgkiphoBuiei an aometiniea found Sn old 
MSS. Abided into two parts — one beginning 
with Admt, and ending with Wednesday or 
Boae liter daj (Ibr the practice is not nniform) 
ia the Holy Week, and the other comprising 
thi rait of the year. Sometimes, again, they 
we divided into two parts, containing respect- 
ivdy the senrioes fbr the daily and the nocturnal 
efieHL Among the books of the Monastery of 
Ffai (Muatori, ilsiii* RaL ir.) we meet with 
■ JnlipAoiiaribe octo, qtthique diumakSj tres noO" 
tmwUm," and in an old inventory of the chnrch 
^ Tij\m *" AtU^phonariwn de die" and ** AnH- 
fkmanmn dt nooto are mentioned. We haye 
that to dktingalsh between— 

(L) The AMHpkonariitm (properly so called), 
vUch f^*^^nH the Antiphons for the Noctums 
ssddd^ office* 

(2.) The Liber MeeponeondHe et AnHphona- 
rim, freijnently, and in the Roman Church 
waaUy, called for brerity Aniiphonarimi, which 
iWTfi— < the contents of the last-mentioned 
bsok, together with the Responsories, originally 
diridsd into two distinct parts, but afterwards 
nitad into one, and arranged in order of 

(3u) The AaHphonarimnf otherwise called Ora- 
^tek, Gradale, or Oradalis, and which contains 
thoK Mrtions of the missal which are song anti- 
fhoadly. This is what is called by some Ccmkh 

Ihoae which are meet frequently met with are 
ifdaMB2and 3. 

1 As to the origin of Ajitiphonaries, — St. 
Oitgory ihft Great is, as we haye stated, nsnally 
to haTe been the author of Antipho- 
It is, however, maintained by some,' and 
modi reason, that as the use of. Antiphons 
sad Bs^onsories in the Roman Church was older 
tiaa the time of Ox^ory, it is likely that books 
if Antiphons and Rmonsories existed likewise 
pntnoaily, and thai that Pontiff merely revised 
sad reainnged the Antiphonal and Responsorial 
boob he found in use, much in the same manner 
SI he recast the old Sacrameniary of Gelasius 
iito wliat is now universally known as the Ore^ 
ganan Saerameniary* 

h hss been also questioned bv some whether 
GngQty, tlie reputed author of Antiphonaries, 
■ay not be Pope Grq;ory IL A.D. 715. But as 
the title of tts (?rM< was not ascribed to Gregory 
L till kng after hu death,* the argument founded 
« the ahicnee of that title, which is much relied 
Si, dees not seem of great force. 

The Roman Antiphonary, substantially, we 
■ay sappose, as Gregory compiled it, was sent 
hf Pope Adrian I. (a.d. 772-795) to Charle- 
The received story is that the Pope 
two Antiphonaries to the Emperor by two 
(Gantores) of the Roman Church.' Of 
Uen, eoe AU ill on his journey, and was received 
it thi Monastery of St Gall, to which monastery 

Opero, It. p. aczslv. 

of Bede^ Qrefloiy of Toars, Jba kc^ 

or OngaHmt P^^fo, or 0r»- 

; bok not Ongerim Magnime, 

tUiS eeeorilog to Thomaslus ( J^ i. sd 

Wis dtrided into the parts 

he left an Antiphonary. The other book reached 
its destination, and was deposited at Hets. This 
Antiphonary was held in high estimation, as we 
learn from St Bernard, who says that the early 
Cistercians, who could find nothing more authen- 
tic, sent to Mets to transcribe the Antiphonary, 
which was reputed to be Gregorian, for their 
use. It is also said that the clergy of Mets 
excelled the rest of the Gallic clergy in the 
Roman Church song (Romana Cantilena) as much 
as the Roman clergy excelled them. 

A Roman Antiphonary was also sent by Pope 
Gregory lY. (A.D. 827-844) to the then Abbat of 
Corbie, which was known as the Corbie Anti- 
phonary ; and as this often varies from that of 
Mets, it is inforred (as is probable) that certain 
changes and variations between different copies 
had by that time crept into the Antiphonary as 
compiled by Gregory. 

After the Gregorian Antiphonary was intro- 
duced into France, it soon underwent many addi- 
tions and modifications. 

Walafrid Strabo, who lived in the 9th century, 
says that the Church of Gaul, which possessed 
both learned men and ample materials for the 
divine offices of its own, intermingled some of 
these with the Roman offices. Hence a great 
variety in the usages of the different French 
churches, on which we need not touch. 

3. As examples of the contents of these booksy 
we will give a sketch of two. 

(1.) "Hie Antiphonary for the Mass, or Gra- 
dual, attributed to St Gregory. This is headed 
^ In Dei nomine incipit Antiphonarius ordinatus 
a St Gregorio per chrculum anni." 

This title is followed in the St Gall MS. by 
the well-known lines — 

** droforiiis Frsesol meritis et nomine dlgnm^ 
Undo genus ducit Smnmnm consoendlt Honorem," elo. 

Tlie book contains the various Antiphons sune 
at the Mass for the course of the ecclesiasticu 
year, divided into two parts ; that for the Sun- 
days and moveable feasts, and that for the Saints' 
days. The first part, corresponding to the Ten^ 
poraie of the Missals, has no special heading. It 
begins with a rule for finding Advent (that it 
must not begin before V. £d. Dec, or after 
UL Non. Dec), and then proceeds with the 
Sundays and Festivals in their course, beginning 
with the first Sunday in Advent (iHmL 1** do 
Adventu Domini), giving for each day the StaHon^ 
the An^tpAona ad Introitmny with the tone for 
the Psabn; the Besponsoritan Oradale, the Trao- 
tu8f when it occurs ; the Antiphona ad Offerenda^ 
and the Antiphona ad Communionemjt each with 
its mrnu ad repetendum^ and the last with its 

In the arrangement of the year, there is little 
to be noticed. The Sundays during the summer 
are counted from the Octave of Pentecost, and 
are called Dominica prima post Octavos Pente» 
oostas; and so on until the 5th, which is called in 
some MSS. Dominica prima post NatcUe Aposto^ 
lorum,^ the numbering from the Octave of Pente- 
cost being likewise continued till Advent After 
six of Uiese Sundays post-Natale, die, comes 

B Those aro now oalled reipe c t l vely the GradtuH (Onip 
dnal% or Gndale), the Ofertonf ((Mhrtoriam> and the 
O o mmmie n (Ooamiiuiio% and the last two aze sbortenei 
into a BUigIa vorse. 

kU (A Ffeter and Fink 



Vomiruca prima post St, Laurentixf and so on tbr 
six Sondays more, when we come to Dominica 
prima post 8, Angeli,^ of which last set of Son- 
dajs seven are provided. Trinity Sunday does 
not appear, bnt the last Sunday before Advent is 
called «<fo SS. Trinitatej [aL"] Dom, xxiv. post 
Octav,'Pentec, ; and the Antiphons are those now 
used in the Roman Church on Trinity Sunday,, the Octave of Pentecost. The Festival of the 
Circumcision does not appear, the day being called 
Oct, Domini, There is also a second office pro- 
vided for the same day, according to an old prac- 
tice, called variously In Natal, Sanctae Marias 
or be Sancta Maria in Octava D**j or Ad hono- 
fwn Sanctae Mariae.^ 

The offices for Good Friday *^ad crucem ado- 
randam," and the Reproaches (called here simply 
Ad crucem Antij^tona) and that for baptism on 
Easter Eve, as also various Litanies and other 
occasional additions to the usual office, are found 
in their proper places. 

The second part is headed "2>0 natalitiis 
Sanetorum,** and corresponds with the Sanctorale 
of later books. It begins with the festival of St. 
Lucy [Dec. 13], and ends with that of St. Andrew 
[Nov. 30]. This is followed k the St. Gall MS. 
by offices for St. Nicholas, the Octave of St. 
Andrew, St. Damasus [Dec. 11], and the Vigil of 
St. Thomas, and one for the Festival of St. Thomas, 
)vbich difiera from that previously given. There 
are also a variety of occasional and votive offices. 

The Festival of All Saints is found in some 
MSS. There is one Festival of the Chair of St, 
Peter in one of the St. Gall copies on Jan. IS,** 
and one in three MSS. on Feb. 22.« There is no 
addition in either case of the words Romae or 
Antiochiae, and both are not, it seems, found in 
the same MS. 

As a specimen of the arrangement, take the 
fint Mass for Christmas Day, that in media node 
or in gain cantu. 

"VIIL Kalendas Jannarii 

N&tivltas Domini nostri Jesa CbrlstL 

Ad Sauctam Marinm. 

Antiphona ad Introitum. 
Domfnos dixit ad me, FUios mens es to. Ego bodie 
genui te. [Dominos dbcit] 

Tan.W. oiOjewmae, 
Ps. 2. Qn«re fremnenmt gentes? et popnli medltati 
tantinanla? [Domlnus dixit] [Gloria. Dominus dixit] 
. P od rejpetenduM. Postula a me, et dabo tibi gentes 
haeredltatem toam. et poaeessloDem tuam termlnoB terrae. 
[DominuB dixit.]" 

Then follow successively the Besponsorium 
gradate^ the Antiphona ad offerenda, and the 
Antiphona ad Cammunionem, each with it« 
versus, and the last with its psalm and versus ad 
Yepetendum. All these Antiphons are repeated 
in the manner which has been explained in the 
article on Antiphons; and as they are of the 

' > i.e. Ang. 10. 

^ i.e. Mldiaelmas, as we sbould say. 

■■ This lias been put forward as an ai^^ment for the 
Gregorian authorship of this Antlphonary, as it Is said 
that St. Gregory was in the habit of celebrating two 
masses on this day, the second of which was **de Sancta 

■ This corresponds with the present festival of the 
Chair of St. Peter at Borne. 

« This corresponds with the present festival of the 
Chai r of St Peter at Antioch. 


ordinary form, it does not seem necessary to set 
them out at length here. 

(2.) As an example of ui Antiphonary for the 
canonical hours, we will take the Antiphonary of 
the Vatican Basilica. It is a MS. with mosical 
notation differing from that adopted later. It 
represents the use of the Roman Church in the 
12th century, and may be considered as embody- 
ing the substance of the Gregorian Antiphonaiy, 
together with some later additions. It is headed 
— ^* In nomine Domini Jesu Christi incipit Be- 
sponsoriale et Antiphonarium Romanae Ecdesiae 
de circulo anni juxta veterem usum Canonicoram 
Basilicae Vaticanae St. Petri." It begins with a 
calendar, with the usual couplets of hexameten 
at the head of each month, and then, without 
any further title, proceeds with the Antiphons 
at the first Vespers of the first Sunday in Ad* 
vent, and thence onwards throughout the coum 
of the year, giving the Antiphons at Noctanu 
and all the hours; and the Responsories after 
the lessons at Noctums. These Antiphons and 
Responsories ai*e so nearly the same as those ia 
the present Roman Breviary that it is unneces- 
sary to quote more than the following spedmet 
of the manner in which they are set out : — 

** Dominica i. de Adventu Domini. 

Statio ad Sanctam Marlam Majorem ad Praesepe. 

I8tad Invjtatorium cantamns eo die ad MatatinoiD 
nsqne in Vigil. Natal. Domini, exoeptls Festivitatlbu 

Begem venturum Dorolnum, venite ■^^rfmns. Venila 
in i. Noctumo. 

Ant, Missus est Gabriel Angelus ad Mariam Viiiginen 
deeponsatam Joseph. PtaL Beatns vir. Qoare frenro- 
eront. Domine quid. Domine ne in. 

AnL Ave Maria, gratia plena, benedlcta td inter rnnfi- 
erea. Psal. Domine Dens mens. Domine Douinos 
noster. Oonfitebor. in Domino confido. 

Ant. Ne timeas Maria, invenisti gratiam apod Domi^ 
nam ; ecce concipies et paries Fllium. Alleluja. PSnIL 
Salvum me fac. Usqnequo. Dixit insiplena. Domini 

V. Ostende nobis Domine misericordlam Tuam. 

R. Et salutare Tuum da nobis." 

Then follows a long rubric, directing how the 
Responsories should be sung, and then the thres 
well-known Responsories : — 

(1) Aspiciens a longe, kc 

(2) Aspiciebam In visu noctis, kc 

(3) Missus est Gabriel, &a 

The lessons are not indicated; but the Re- 
sponsories ai*e usually taken from ihe book which 
is being read in its course. Thus, on the Octave 
of Pentecost the Books of the Kings' were 
begun ; and we have the rubric, ** Historia 
Regum cantatur usque ad Ealendas Augusti,* 
followed by a series of Responsories taken or 
adapted from those books for use during that 

The Antiphons, &c., for ordinaiy week days 
(Feriae) are given after the Octave of the Epi- 
phany. On days on which there are nine lesson^ 
nine Responsories are given. According to the 
present Roman custom, the ninth is replaced by 
Te Deum on those days on which it is said. 

There is also an Antiphonary of this description 

p Including what we call the Books of Samnel. 

1 The older Roman custom was to sing In the OcUve 
of Pentecoet and daring the following week Besponsorles 
from the Psahns (de PsahnisU) after thatfhmtbs KJo» 


mAnM to St. Gngoiy, which ezists at Bi, 
(ML It it hetried bj an introduetioE in Terse, 
vUch Ugiaf thus— 

•Baeipofw OnforlQS Pttra de more aecntnt, 

iHtuiiBvlt o|Ri^ Mizii et In melius, 
ffis f%IIl CkrnB meniem cnnamtne labdit 
(MUboii pueem hoc na oorda faTO.* 

Hie MS. bean the heading — ^^Mncipinnt Re- 
MMfia et Antiphonae per drculum anni." 
Vmt are in the main identical with those in the 
Aatiphooanr jnst mentioned, but are arranged 
witk reftrence to the monastic distribution of 
pidBis and leMona. 

Towards the end of the Antiphonary is a large 
Hmber of Antiphons, given for the Benedicite, 
tke BmedictUf and the Magnificat respectively. 

h a portion of an Antiphonary (" ex vetus- 
tinao oodiee MS. membranaceo Palatine signato 
inL 497 in Bibliotheca Yaticana, in quo conti- 
■atarTetnstiorea, germanioresque libelli Ordinis 
RaBaai*^ containing the service for Easter 
vedc, one or more of the Antiphons to the 
prnfans for each day is given in Greek, but 
vxittea in Roman chkractera, the others remain- 
^ IB Latin. Thos at Vespers on Easter Tuesday, 
titt Antiphon to Pa. czii is thus given — 

'AIM^IiL ProieclMie laoe mn to Qomo mu : dlnate to 
■ hfua li ta lUmata tn stomatoe mo. 
f. IMso en ptinibolaes to stoma ma : phtbenxomae 



Those to the other psalms at the same Vespers 
art in Latin. 

This may suffice to explain the general nature 
of Aatiphonaries. The consideration of the many 
paiits of interest which their details present is 
hjwd the scope of this article. [U. J. H.] 

ANTI8TE8.— This title appears to have 
beta common to bishops and presbyters in the 
Esriy Church. As the name ^ saoerdos " is com- 
BMn to both estates in respect of the offices of 
tiriae service which were performed by both, 
10 ia respect of the government of the Church 
ia vkich they were associated, we find them 
deaignsted alike, sometimes as ** Presbyters " as 
■aiiii^ their age and dignity — sometimes in 
reelect of their ^core" or charge — as **antis- 
tites,** rpoHrrmrtSy praepositi. Thus in the first 
euea of the Council of Antioch, a.d. 341, the 
baliop and presbyter are both expressly classed 
uM«g the vpoco-TWTcf, and the corresponding 
title of ^'Antistites" is evidently extended to 
t^ seeood order of the ministry by St. Augus- 
tine {Serm. 351 <U Poeniterdid), as follows : " Ve- 
■iit (peccator) ad aidistUes, per quos illi in 
tedesii daves ministrantur, et . . . a praepo- 
■tat sacramentomm accipiat satisfactionis suae 
■odom." Here it is plain that '^antistites in 
Mdeni'' are not the bishop alone, but the bishop 
sad the presbyters. This usage of the word 
■pecs with that of Archisynagogus in the 
Jewish synagogue, and may have been suggested 
^ it (Thomdike, Primitive Oovemmmt of 
Oardss, voL i. p. 34.) [D. B.] 

ANTOKlOnS, saint, commemorated April 19 
{Mart Bedae), [C] 

*9pt9ixm KaM /imv rtf vifuf ^tov * Kkivan rh oit 
■P^ ••« tA p4fLara to* 9Tdft«Tt^ lum. 

AXTQNINA, martyr, commemorated June 
10 (Col, Byzant., Neale). [C] 

ANTONINUS. (1) Abbat, Jan. 17 {M. 

(8) Martyr at Nicomedia, May 4 (^Sf, ffieron,). 
(8) Martyr at Apamea, commemorated Sept. 2 
(MaH, Bom, Vet.) ; Sept, 3 (Mart Hienm.). [C] 

ANTONIUS. (1) The hermit, Jan. 17 (Mart 
Bedaej Col, Byzant, Armen.), 

(8) Martyr at Bome, commemorated Aug. 22 
(Mart. Bom, Vet.). 

(8) In Piacenza, Sept. 30 (if. Hieron.). 

(4) In Caesarea, commemorated Nov. 18 
(Mart Hieron,). [C] 

ANYSIA, martyr of Thessalonica, conmiemo- 
rated Dec 30 (CaL Byzant), [C] 

APEB, bishop, conunemorated Sept. 15 (Mart. 
Bedae, Hieron.), [C] 

APCKDREOS CAiTi^icpcw;).— The Sunday in 
the Orthodox Greeic Calendar, which corresponds 
to our Sexagesima Sunday, is called Kvptcuc^ 
*Air6Kptws, because from it the abstinence from 
flesh begins, though the more strict observance of 
the Lent fast does not commence until the follow- 
ing Sunday. [Lent.] The whole of the preceding 
week is also named from this Sunday, and is a 
kind of carnival. [C.] 


AP0D0SI8 CAirrf«o<rij).— When the com- 
memoration of a Festival is prolonged over several 
days, the last day of this period is called in the 
Greek Calendar the **ApodoBis" of the FestivaL 
For instance, on the Thursday before Pentecost 
is the Apodosis of the Ascension (&xo8(8otcu ^ 
'EopT^ r^s 'AvoX^tfrcws). In this case, and in 
some others (for instance, the Exaltation of the 
Cross and the Transfiguiiition) the Apodosis 
coincides with the octave ; but this is not always 
the case. Sometimes the period is more than an 
octave ; Easter-day, for instance, has its Apodosis 
on the eve of the Ascension : but generally it is 
less ; the Nativity of the Theotoicos (Sept. 8), for 
instance, has its Apodosis Sept. 12. (Neale's 
Eastern Church, Introd, 764; Daniel's Codex 
Liturgicus, iv. 230.) [C] 

APOLLINABIS. (1) Bishop, martyr at 
Ravenna, commemorated July 23 (Mart, Bom, 
Vet J Bedae). Antiphon for Natalie Sancti Apol- 
linaris in Liber Antiphon, p. 704. 

(8) Commemorated Aug. 23 (Mart Bedae), 

(8) " Avernus," Sept. 26 (M, Hieron.), 

(4) Bishop, Oct. 6 (/6. et Hieron,). [C] 

APOLLINARIUS, martyr, commemorated 
June 5 (Mart. Bedae), [C] 

APOLLONIA, virgin, martyr at Alexandria, 
commemorated Feb. j (Mart, Bom, Vet), [C] 

APOLLON, bishop and martyr, commemo- 
rated Feb. 10 (MaH, Hieron,), [C] 

APOLLONIUS. (1) Commemorated March 
19 (Mart Bedae), 

(8) Of Egypt, commemorated April 5 (Mart, 
Bom. Vet); Dec. 14 (Cal. Byzant,), 

(8) Presbyter, of Alexandria, April 10 (lb, et 

(4) Senator, martyr at Rome, April 18 (/ft. 
ei Bedae), 



(5) Commemorated July 7 (Mart Bedae et 

(6) Commemorated Dec. 23 ( Jf. EierotL), [C] 

APOSTASY (Axmrroo-fo, apoOasia, praevari- 
catid) is of three kinds. 1. Apostasy a fide, or 
perfidiae; 2. Apostasy a reUgione; 3. Apostasy 
a6 ordffitf tmcepto. Of these the two last wiU 
be more appropriately considered under the 
articles Monastioism and DESERTION. 

Apostasy a fide is the voluntary and com- 
plete abandonment of the Faith by those who 
have been made members of. the Ghnrch by 
baptism. It is voluntary^ and herein to be dis- 
tinguished ftrom the sin of the lapsed [Lafsi]^ 
who fall away through compulsion or the fear 
of death ; it is also oompUtey and consequently a 
graver crime than heresy, which is the denial 
of one or more of the articles of the Faith, but 
not an entire rejection of the Faith itself. Lastly, 
Apostasy is an abandotument of the Faith, and 
therefore an offence which could only be com- 
mitted by members of the Church, by those 
who had in baptism taken the soldier's oath to 
fight under her standard. For this reason apos- 
tates were accounted to be betrayers of their 
Master's cause, and deserters from the ranks 
in which they had sworn to serve. ''Praeva- 
ricatores eos ezistlmamus, qui susceptam fidem 
et cognitionem Dei adeptam relinquunt; aliud 
poUicitos, et aliud nunc agentes" (St. Hilar, 
hct. in Pt, 118, wr». 119). 

It would also appear that catechumens were 
by some considered capable of committing the 
sin of apostasy (Cod. Theod., De Apostat. zvi. 7, 2), 
although their guilt was not so great as that of 
the baptized apostate. 

Apostates a fide were of two classes: those 
who became Jews, and those who became Pagans. 
Of the former class there were thoee who entirely 
abandoned the Christian Faith, and who there- 
fore were properly called apostates; and those 
who did not altogether reject it, but mingled to- 
gether Christianity and Judaism, and, as it were, 
made for themselves a new religion. Such were 
the Coelicolae, Cerinthiani, £bionaei, Nazaraei, 
£lcesaei, and Samsaeu There were others, again, 
who were also called apostates, who, without 
embracing any distinctive Jewish doctrines, ob- 
served parts of the ceremonial law, such as rest- 
ing on the Sabbath, or who kept the Jewish 
feasts and fasts, or consulted Jews with the 
object of procuring charms for the cure of sick- 

And, secondly, there were those who volun- 
tarily abandoned Christianity and returned to 
heathenism. And persons, who without going 
to this length, accepted the office of flamen, or 
who attended sacrifices (except in the discharge 
of duty), or joined as actors, stage players, or 
charioteers in the heathen games, or who sold 
animals or incense for sacrifice, or manufactured 
idols and the like, were considered to have be- 
trayed their faith and to be guilty of a sin almost 
as grave as that of apostasy, and to merit the 
name of apostates (Devoti. Inst. Can, iv. 3; 
Bingham, Aftfig. zvi. 6, 4). 

The crime of apostasy was punished in the 
same way as heresy, though it was a graver 
offence. There are also special enactments in re- 
ference to it, both in the canons of Councils and 
ill the constitutions of the Christian emperors. 


By the 1 1th canon of the Oecumenical Coued 
of Nicaea (a.d. 325), those who had voluntarily 
denied Christ, if they gave proof of hearty re- 
pentance, were admitted for three years amongst 
the audientes. For the next seven years they 
were permitted to become eubttroH, and were 
obliged to leave the church at the same time as 
the catechumens. After the expiration of this 
term they were allowed to join as contUltenteB in 
the prayers of the faithful ; but two years hsd 
still to elapse before they were permitted . 
to make oblations, or to partake of the Holy 
Eucharist; then they were said i\Bw M rh 
riKtiov (cf. Beveridge, Pand, Can* Amuiaiiones i 
in loc, and Bingham, Antiq. viiu 8 ; zviii. 1). 

These provisions were an amelioration of the 
earlier discipline of the Church, as we learn from 
St. Cyprian (a.d. 252). <<Apostatae vero et de- 
sertores vel adversarii et hpstes et Christi £cele- 
siam dissipantes, nee, si oocisi pro nomine foris 
fuerint, admitti secundum Apostolum possunt 
ad ecclesiae pacem, quando nee Spiritus nee Eocle- 
siae tenuerunt unitatem " (St. Cyprian, Ep, Iv. 
ad fin.). 

By the 63rd (or 64th) of the Canons of the 
Apostles, clerks who went into synagogues to 

Eray were deposed and exoommtmicated ; and if 
tymen committed a like offence they were ex- 
communicated (on the interpretation of this canon 
with regard to the question whether or not clerics 
were to be excommunicated as well as deposed, 
see Beveridge, Pand, Can, Annoiationes, in loc.). 
The same punishments were by the 65th (or 
66th) canon inflicted on clerks and laymen wbo 
fasted on the Lord's Day, or upon any Sabbath 
Day except the Great Sabbath, Easter Eve ; and 
by the 69th (or 70th) canon, those were included 
who observed Jewish fasts or feasts, or (canon 
70 or 71) who gave oil for consumption in syna- 
gogues or heathen temples. 

By the 1 1th canon of the ^ Concilium Qnmi- 
sextum," or "in Trullo" (a.d. 691 or 692), the 
clergy and laity were forbidden — the former under 
pain of deposition, and the latter under pain of 
excommunication — ^to eat unleavened bread with 
Jews, or to have any friendly intercourse with 
them, or to consult them in ackness, or even to 
enter the baths in their company. 

In Africa, by the 35th canon of the Srd 
Council of Carthage (a.d. 397) "Apostaticis con- 
versis vel reversis ad Dominum gratia vel re- 
conciliatio non negetur." 

In the East, by the 29th canon of the Conndl 
of Laodicea (a.d. 365, according to Beveridge) 
Christians were forbidden to Ju(Uiize (lov^atfwf) 
under the penalty of anathema. By the 37th 
and following canons of the same Council they 
were forbidden to be present at Jewish or Pagan 

In Spain, the Council of Eliberis (a.d. 305 or 
306) contains several provisions for the supprs* 
sion and punishment of apostasy ; for example, 
by the first canon persons of full age, who after 
baptism went to a heathen temple and sacrificed 
to an idol were reftised communion, even at the 
hour of death. By the 46th canon of the same 
Council apostates who have not been guilty of 
idolatry are admitted to communion after tea 
years' penance ; by the 49th the blosing of the 
fruits of the earth by Jews is forbidden, and 
those who allow that ceremony to be performed 
are cast out altogether from the CShurch. Upoi 




tkboiM H«fele (QMcaieiigemAiekte, u 148) o^ 
mnu: **!! Spun the Jews had beeome so dq- 
wiMt sad powerlVil dnring the early ages of the 
Ghrktiaa era that »Dej believed they might ren- 
tuf to attempt to eoDTert the whole country. . . 
Tkcri it Bo doubt that at that period many 
ChriitiBas in Spain of high standing became con- 
ftns CO j wnsw i i * 

A^UD, by the 59th canon of the 4th Council of 
Toledo (ajk 633X apostate Jews who practise 
dfcnndiioo are punished ; but (canon 61) their 
duUicB, if beliereiBy are not ezclnded from sue- . 
MMB to their property. The next canon (62) 
ftrbids any interoonrse between conrerted Jews 
tad thoic wlio remain in their old fidth ; and there 
ai« oerenl other canons which show that apos- 
Utf to Judaism waa still a prevalent crime in 
Spis ; aS) for »««**«a*^ the 64th canon, which 
«dttB9 that the eridenoe of apostate Jews should 
■ot be received in a ooort of justice. 

la the Frsach Conncils there are several canons 
ithtiag to apostasy^ By the 22nd canon of the Ist 
OoiBcil of Aries (ajx S14) it was forbidden to 
pn oonunanion to apostates who sooght it in 
arkiiw. nntil they were restored to h«!dth, and 
kd «hfl«tJMi proper evidence of their repent- 

By the 12th canon of the Cotmcil of Vennes 
(iJi 465) the clergy were forbidden to attend 
Jcwkh banqfnets or to invite Jews to their own 
liMsi s prohibition which was repeated in the 
40th caaeo of the Goondl of Agde (A.D. 506), and 
eitcaded to laymen by the 15th canon of the 
Coaadl of Epone (A.D. 517), and also by the 13th 
OBoaof the 3rd Council of Orleans (aj>. 538), 
and the 15th canon of the 1st Council of Macon 
(A. a 581> 

la the eollectiona of the Imperial Law — ^the 
*Codcx Theodttdaniia ' (which was promulgated 
UK 436) eoBtaina Tarions provisions made by the 
ChnttisB emperors for the punishment of apos- 
iMj. CoBstantine the Great ordained (a.d. 315) 
ikst spostates to Judaism should suffer ** poenas 
writes" (Ood, Tlwod. zvi 8, IX which were de- 
faed by Oenstantius (A.11. 357) to be the oonfis- 
citioo of the property of the offender (Cod. 
Vmd. ivL 8, 7). lliey were deprived by Yalen- 
tiaka the Younger (a.d. 383) of the ju8 Uttandi, 
bet the action upsetting the will had to be 
keoght within five years of the death of the 
tMtstor, and by persons who liad not in his 
Ufatime known of his offence, and remained 
■kat (Cbd: Theod. xvi. 7, 3> Apostates to Pa- 
gniiB were deprived by llieodosius the Great 
(UK 381) of the pu iaiandi (Cod. Theod, xvi. 7, 
1); bat another constitution of the same emperor, 
pnnvlgated A.D. 383, made a distinction be- 
tincn the baptized (Cftrudumt ac fideles) and 
dtcebumeBs {CkrigHam et caieckiimeru)^ and the 
litter were permitted to execute testamentary 
di^ositioM in fKtoQX of their sons and brothers 
fonnan. By this oonstitutijun it was farther pro- 
vided that apostates should not only be unable, 
with the forecoing exceptions, to bequeath pro- 
perty by wil^ but should also be incapable of 
Rcetriag property under the will of another 
pnon (CodL Thtod, xvi. 7, 2). One day later 
Valcatiaian the Younger promulgated through- 
set the Western Empire the constitution dted 
abort, which applied to all classes of apostates 
aliks (CbdL Theod, xvL 7, 3> By a constitution 
rf the y«K 391 Um Mme emperor ordained that 

baptised apostates professing P^nism should be 
deprived of the right of bequeathing by will, of 
receiving property under a will, of bearing wit- 
ness in a court of justice, and of succeeding to an 
inheritance. They were also condemned " a oon- 
sortio omnium segregari" (on the meaning of 
this expression see the note of Godefiroi, in he.^ 
and were dismissed from all posts of civil dignity. 
It was also declared that these penalties remained 
in force even though the apostate repented of 
his sin — **perditi8, hoc est sanctum Baptismum 
profanantibus, nullo remedio poenitentiae (quae 
solet aliis criminibus prodesse) succurritur " (Cod. 
2%eod. xvi. 7» 4-5). Arcadius (a.d. 396) extended 
the power which his father Theodosius the Great 
had given to apostate catechumens to make cer- 
tain testamentary dispositions, and ordained that 
all apostates, whether baptized or catechumens, 
should have the power to bequeath property to 
their father and mother, brother and sister, son 
and daughter, and grandson and granddaughter 
(Cod. Theod. xvi. 7, 6). The last constitution 
contained in the Codex Theodosianus under this 
title is a very severe enactment of Yalentinian 
the Third (A.D. 426), abrogating the provisions 
of the above-oited constitution of Valentinian the 


Younger of the year 323, as far as it related to 
apostates to Paganism. Under its provisions a 
person could be accused of apostasy at any time, 
although five years may have passed since his 
death, and it was immaterial whether the accuser 
had or had not been privy to the offence. Apo- 
states were also prohibited from disposing of 
their property by will and from alienating it by 
sale or gift (Cod. Theod. xvi. 7 ult.). The <* Para- 
titlon" prefixed to this title in the edition of 
Godefroi (Leipsic, 1736, &c.) gives a brief but 
very useful summary of its contents. 

The ^ Codex Bepetitae Praelectionis " promul- 
gated by Justinian in December A.D. 534 contains 
a title, ** De Apostatis " (Lib. I tit. 7), the first 
four Sections of which relate to this subject, and 
consist of extracts from the *' Codex Theodosi- 



The first section re-enacts the constitution of 
Constantius (A.D. 357), by which the property of 
apostate Jews is confiscated (Cod. Theod. xvi. 8, 
7). The second section contains that part of the 
constitution of Valentinian the younger (A.D. 
383), which limits the time in which an accusa- 
tion of apostasy could be brought (Cod. Theod. 
xvi. 7, 8). In the third section the constitution 
of the same emperor (a.d. 391) is re-enacted, 
which is contained in the Codex Theodosianus (xvi. 
7, 4), and is cited above. The fourth section re- 
peats the enactment of Valentinian the Third 
(A.D. 426), by which very severe penalties were 
inflicted on apostates (Uod. Theod. xvi 7 ult. 
cited above). It appears, therefore, that the le- 
gislation of Justinian was not more tolerant than 
that of his predecessors in its treatment of this 

Although beyond the limits of this article, it 
may be noted that the title of the Decretals re- 
lating to apostasy is the 9th title of the fifth 
book 0*De Apostatis et Reiterantibus Baptisms "). 
The subject is also considered by St. Thomas 
Aquinas (Brnma Theol. 2-2, quaestio 12> [L B.] 

APOSTATE (&TMrrctTi|s, apodato^ praefxui- 
oator). See Ap08TAST. 

AFOBTLE (in Hagiology). The word 'Avd 



iTTo\oi it Dsel in the Gnek Cateudar to dtslgnita 
not onlf thoK who are called Apostles m the 
Htw Teitameat, bat the.Sevent; Disciples aod 
others who were companJODS of the Apostles, 
strictly so ctdled. It is applied, for iDitanra, to 
Agabos, RafOs, Asjiicritiu, and others, supposed 
to be of the Seveoty (April S) ; and to AiuuiiBs 
of Daiutucns (Oct. 1). Bat the Apostles, in the 
narrower sense, are distiaguished from othen t« 
whom the title is applied bj some epithet or 
description. For iostuice, Kor. 30 is described 
u the FestiTsl tsD iylov iyS6iou nal waytiup^ 
uvu 'ATOrmfAou 'Avlpt'ou toG UpttTaKkirrov, 
■c.T.A. ; SS. Peter uid Paul are described bj 
the terms rp<rroitO|>i>f«riii, in addition to the 
epithets applied to St. Andrew. It is noteworthy 
lint the Constaatinople "Typicom" enpresGl; 
ftrbidiSt. Peter to be called the Apostleo/JiotM, 


inannnch as be waa a teachei and culightcMr ol 
the whole world; and it hinU that if any placa 
is In be connected with his name, it shonld bt 
Autioch (Daniel, Codex Lit. iv. 261). 

The term 'laawirriikoi, the equal of the 
Apostlu, is applied to 

1. Biihopi supposed to be consecrated bj 
Apoetles ; as Abercioi of Uisrapolis (Oct 22). 

2. H0I7 women who were companions of the 
Apoetles : as Uary Magdalene, Junia, and Thekla. 

3. Princes who hare aided the spread of the 
Faith ; as RansUntiDe nod Helena in the Ortbo 
doi (h^ek Church, and Vladimir in the Bunian 

4. The first preachers, or " Apostles," of the 
Faith in any countrf; as Nina, in the Gaor^iaa 
Calendar (Neale, EatUnt CAurcA, lotra]. f. 
761). [C] 


In representations of the Twelre, antecedent to 
the fear 1300 a.d. or thereabouts, only slight 

u t"" '"T 

§ 2. tJ/ W« EasUm and Grmk Churches 
Eastern monuments of an early date are 
limited in number, owie " ' 

first of the Iconoclaate, 

cues, of theTurks. Ana among tneie lae oniv 
ntpreaentatiouB of the Twelve Apostles known to 
the present writer are the following. In an early 
Syriac manoscript of the Gospels written at 
Zagba in Mesopotamia in the rear fiSo a.d., now 
in the Library of the Medici at Floreoce, is a 
picture of the AGCensioo, in which twelve (not 
eleven only) Apoetles are represented, the Vii'gin 
Mary standing in the midst of them (ste thi* 
figured under Anscis). Of: 

I of St. i 

Thosalonicn, figured by Teller and Pullan in 
their 'ByEBntine Architecture,' pi. il., ili. Se- 
parate representatious of many of the Apoetlea 
will be found among the illumioAtions of the 
Heuoti^am Graecomm of the emperor Basil. 
Theee, though of coDsiderahh later date (1 0th or 
Ilth cantary), are all but ijentical in character 

with those above mentioned. Indeed the reli- 
gions art of the Greek*, as everything elae per- 
taining to religion, has been stereotyped once for 
all from the close of the 8th century until now. 
"Greek art," says M. DidroO, "is wholly Inde- 
pendent of time and place. The painter of the 
Mores reproduces at this day art such as it was 
at Venice in the 10th century; and those Vene- 
tians again reproduce the art of Mount Athot 
four or five centuries before. The costume of 
the personages represented is everywhere and 
at all times the same, not only in shape, but 
in colour and drawing, even to the very number 
and size of the folds of a dress." For in the eyes 
of the Greeks, at all times, religious art has b«n, 
what one of the Fathers of the Seventh General 
Conncil de8Cril>ed it — not a matter U> be r^u- 
lated bv the inventive power of painlers, but bj 
the prescriptions and tradition of the Cbuni 
(Labbe's Ctwnl. tom, vii. col. 831). 

S 3. Early Uonummti m tie Wat.— F.iprr- 
sentations of the Apostles in monnments ofearly 
date, still eitstiog in Italy and in France, an 
very numerous, and of very various kinds; is, 
for eiample, in nmsaics, fresceea, marble sarco- 
phagi, and even in smaller objects of art, sucb 
■a vessels of glass or omamenta of bronie. The 
principal works in which theee an Ggniodtrde- 
scribed are cnamerated in g 13 beiow. 


§ 4. Oottmme ami Intignwu — ^In all the early 
WBumtaU abore referred to, whether of the 
bet or of the West, in which the Twelve are 
npnseated, almost exactly the same costume 
uiii iasignia are attributed to them. ChilySt. 
Pirtcr and St. Paul [see Paul and Pcter below] 
hATC uy special attributes. The dress assigned 
to then is a loog tonic reaching to the feet (with 
rare exeeptions, which are confined, as far as the 
writer knowi, to some of the Roman catacombs) 
sod with a pallimm (Iftdnoy) as an enter gar- 
Boit The insignia by which they are designated 
an a roll of a book (volumen) generally in the 
left hand, indicatiye of their office as Preachers 
•f the IXrine Word, or a chaplet (porona)j also 
bdd ia the hand, significant either of the Mar- 
tjfi crown, or of w^t is but a slight variation 
of the same idea, the crown of Victory which 
tke Lord bestows upon them who contend faith- 
fnliy unto the end. The scroll above spoken of 
ii sometimes replaced by a codex or book of the 
store modem form (thiis latter is generally the 
distinctive mark of a bishop). In the mosaics of 
St Sophia at Thessalonica above mentioned (§ 2) 
tJie roll is assigned to some, the codex to others, 
while others are represented without either. 
[For an example of the codex assigned to an 
•poitle in Western Art, see Ciampini, Vet, Jfon. 
ton. ii. tab. zlliL, a monument of the 9th cen- 
tarj.] They are occasionally represented as seated 
QB * thrones' or chairs of state (see woodcut, p. 
106) in reference to their delegated authority 
(compare Luke zxiL 30) to rule in Christ's name 
•rer the Chnrck. And in one mosaic, probably 
af tJie 5th century, in the church of St. John in 
Peote at Ravenna, all the Twelve wear a kind of 
tian or peaked cap, suggestive of the thought 
that the office of the Apostles in the Church 
canetponds to that of the High Priest under 
the Law. [See farther under TiARA.] This 
monoment is engraved by Ciampini, Vet. Mon, 
torn. L tab. Ixx. 

§ 5. Names of the Apostles in early Monuments, 
—In early representations of the whole munJber of 
the Twelve the addition of names to each is 
ef very exceptional occurrence. The only ex- 
aai^ known to the present writer is that of a 
BMiaie referred to 'above in the church of St. 
ifkiL m Fonte at Ravenna. The arrangement 
there is a circular one, the figures being so dis- 
posed that St. Peter and St. Paul occupy the 
priadpal position, while the names, and figures, 
of the rest occur in the following order : An- 
TfssjkM — Jaoobub — Joannes — Puiijpus — Bar- 
TDUWECB — SDf ON— Judas Thadeus— Jacobus 
n— Matkub— Thomaa. It will be observed that 
the namber Twelve is obtained, after insert- 
iag the name of St. Paul, by omitting that of 
Mathias This last omission is generally made 
in fimilar enumerations of the Twelve in later 

$ 6. Mode of representation. — ^In Western mo- 
Bimests of the first eight centuries (the period 
with which we are here principally concerned) 
the Twelve are almost invariably represented as 
standing, or as seated, on either side of our Lord, 
like is either figured in His human person, or 
(aoeh more rarely) symbolically designated. In 
cither case He is distinguished from the Apostles 
theoaelTes by conventional designations of higher 
digaity. And in the case of the Apostles them- 
isifm symbolical designations sometimes take the 



place of any more direct representation, while in 
other cases, as on many of the sarcophagi, the 
two modes of representation are combined. 

§ 7. Direct representation — In many early mo- 
numents (see under Paul and Peter) there has 
been an evident attempt at portraiture in the 
case of the two *' chiefest Apostles." Of the rest, 
some are represented as of youthful appearance, 
and beardless, others as bearded, and of more ad- 
vanced years. But beyond this no special tradi- 
tionary rules of representation can be traced in 
early monuments. 

§ 8. Symbolical designation. — Of the symbols 
employed to represent the Twelve, the most 
common is that of twelve sheep, adopted (so it 
has been thought) with reference to those words 
of Our Lord, *' Behold I send you forth as sheep 
in the midst of wolves." These twelve sheep are 
commonly represented six on either side of Our 
Lord (personally or symbolically representedX 
who is generally seen standing upon a rock, 
whence flow four sti-eams. To such a repre- 
sentation Paulinns refers (in his Epist. xxxii. ad- 
dressed to his friend Severus, bishop of Milevis 
in Africa ; Migne, F, C. C. tom. 1x1. p. 366) in 
speaking of his own church at Nola in Campania. 
He is writing ciro. 400 A.D. 

" Petram saperstat Ipse petra Eodeslae, 
De qua aonori quatuor fontes meant, 
EvangeUatae, viva Cbristi flumina." 

The two groups, each of six sheep, are generally 
represented as issuing from two towers repre* 
senting Betnlehem and Jerusalem, the cities of the 
birth and the passion of Our Lord, the beginning 
and the end, as it were, of that Life upon earth, 
of which the Apostles were the chosen witnesses. 
Another symbol, founded also, in all probability 
on words of Our Lord (*' Be ye . . . . harmless as 
doves," Matt. x. 16) is that of twelve doves. Pau- 
linus, bishop of Nola, in the letter already quoted, 
speaks of a mosaic picture on the roof of the apee 
of his church, on which was represented, inter 
alia, a Cross surrounded with a ' Corona,' a circle 
of light, to use his own words, and round about 
this Corona the figures of twelve doves, emblem- 
atic of the twelve Apostles. Beneath this picture 
was the following inscription, descriptive of its 
meaning :— - 

" Pleno ooroscat Tiinitaa mysterio : 
Stat Christus agno ; vox Patrls caelo tonat ; 
Et per oolumbom Splrilus Sancius flui^ 
Cruoem corona lucldo dogit glubo, 
Coi coronae sunt corona ApostoU, 
Quorum flgura est in columbanim choro." 

A representation ^ of the Twelve, nearly an- 
swering to this description, forms the frieze of an 
early sarcophagus preserved in the Museum at 
Marseilles, and figured below (after Miilin, Voy^ 
ageSf etc plate Ivi. 6). Yet other symbols are 

occasionally used in designation of Apostles, bat 
these, as being less capable of definite interpre- 
tation, are rather accompaniments of personal 

• A cnidflx with twelve doves upon the four portions 
of the cpoas itself in the apee of the dmrch of St Clement 
at Rome, la of the 13th oenlory. So Didron, in the Annalet 
Arckaeoloffiquts, torn, zxv L p. 1 7. Thia cross Is figured b^ 
Allegranra, Spitgasione, &&, torn. 1. pi 118. 

108 AP08TLB8 

MpnMnUtloiu of the TwalTe, thu BnbiUtnta* 
for them. Sucli tn palm tno, tIubs, and other 
trm, to which ■ myttical nrereace «u gitau 
in Cbriatiui art u well u ia orlf Chriitfam 
liteimtiiTe. St Hila<7 of Poitou, commanting on 
Hitt. liiL (tlie pirabU of the < Sioapu ' or Un>- 
tud PlantX Me* in th« wad committwl to the 
ground, anl then apringlng up therefrom, a tjpe 
of Chriit, and in the iranoW of the tree, put 
forth by the Power of Chrut, and embracing the 
whole earth beneath their abade, a tjpe of the 
Apoatlei, bnncbei to which Che Gentilea, like 
bird* of the air, ihonld fly from the world's 
troubling storms, and find rut. St. Augnatine 
Dees nearly aimilar language in referenm to the 
aame parable. (Smno in Ftslo S. LaumtU.) 
And thta traditional application aSbrda a pro- 

bable interpretation of the amall bosh-Uke tntei 
which ore aeen tanidated In aome earlr bfcm 
with epiraa of Onr Lord and the ApoatW Tla 
iTmboliiiD of the Tine mnlted oatntaliy friM 
the words addrsnad lo Hie dlscipiea by OnrLoB 
("lamthBTmel y* an the branchee," Job. ir. 
5). The palm-tree, as the recognised lymbol el 
Tietory and of triumph, waa saggeatiTe of tlii 
aame Ihoughta si those indicated by the Tictoi'i 
chaplet (pimjm) which Apoatles often b«r is 
their hands, or have beitowed upon them bra 
hand Irom heaTeii. 

Yet one other lymbol may be reftmd le, 
nniquB of its kind, adopted, eo it baa been ia^ 
nionily suggeatod,' by soma poor man who eoold 
not by aoy other more elaborate means eiprm tht 
Chriatian bith and hope ia which he r«al«l. On 

the walls of the cemetery of St. Calliitua ia an 
'-- -•-■Ion, in 1 ■ ■ ■ • ■ 



The oantral letten of the inscription are belleTad 
to reprvarat the A and Q, which frequently occur 
In early monuments ai symbols of Oai Lord ; 
while the twelve letters on either side signify 
the tweire Apoatlea, who in early monuments, 
and especially on sarcophagi, are frtqaently re- 
presented, ail on either hand. 

% 9. Zaitr coatentimal dtsignatioru of tht 
different J/iostfes.— Christian art in the West 
for the last fire centuries, or rather more, haa 
assigned special attributes to each one of the 
Twelve, moat of them having reference to late 
traditiona omaerning them, unknown to the earlv 
Church. These traditions, by their late date, 
lie beyond the range properly embraced by the 
present work. But for the sake of comparison 
and contrast with the older representations alwTe 
described, it may be well very briefly to notice 
them. For fuller particulars, the reader shonld 
consult Didron's Manuel tTlconograpAie (see be- 
low S 12) and Jameson's Saertd and Ltgendaru 

% 10. Am AuOiort of Mparate ArticUi qf Vie 
Cried. — Probably the earliest of these later modes 

i after 1300 a.D.) of designating the several 
kpostles, is that of assigning to each (written on 
a scroll held in the hand) the particular article 
of the Creed of which each was, by tradition, the 
author. (For the tradition as to this autborahip, 
aee l>urand], Rationale, lib. iv. cap, xxr.) In the 
cathedral church of AIbi (DidroD, Manual iTIco- 
nograpMe, p. 3M) the Apoetloa are teptwented 
ID thii manner. 

S 11. DiitinsvwAed by tpeciai Iniignii.—it 
an eumpla of yet another mode of desigcathig 
the Apostles individoBllj, we may refer (with 

Limousin in the church of St. Peter at Cbartre, 
The Twelve are there represented with the fol- 
lowing insignia:— St. Peter with the Keys; St. 
Paul with a Sword ;i at. Andrew with a Cna, 
saltier-wise;' St. John with aChalicejf St. Jama 
theLaaawithaBookSandaClub;' St.Jamestht 
Elder with a Pilgrim's StaH;^ a broad Hat' witb 
acaUop-ahelta, and a Book ; I St. Thomaa with ai 
Architect's Square;' St. Philip with a smaU 

ample. In that of 

ird, «illi tiFD AposUe* on dllwr I 
IL AgiKS at Rome. AHngU, S. 


tc Fama. ITMi 

' As the tostnuoHit by wbLdi he waa belle vedlolitTt 
anf&red mar^rdoDi : or (so Dunndo^ Hai, \, 9p. 1U. It] 
aaa Kidler r>t Chrtil, ansed (sDbe probsblj would au(|"i) 

Hsnjniliigies (snd In one or two Western «SD|ln) 
CTudAcd on a cross of tbc cnll- 
Eee ibe JAiuhybw crasemt, VOL L p. HI 

srdiilecU sad buiUexa 



OsH, tb« ftaff of which is knotted like a reed ;^ 
Sl XattiMW with a Pike (or Spear);- St Ma- 
tUas with an Axe;" St. Bartholomew with a 
Book* and a Knife ;■ St. Simon with a Saw.* 

1 11 AuUkfniiet referred to.— In the fbllow- 
ii^ aection are enumerated the principal works 
ia wkidb the monuments aboye refernd to are 
fi^ared or described. For the Syriac MS. re- 
fend to in § 2, see the BMiotheca Medicea of 
& E. AaRmanns, Florentiae, fol. 1742. For the 
Greek Monomenta, see Texier and PuUan, Byzan^ 
tm Ard^iiectMre, Ibl. London, 1864. The MenO' 
kfiim Qraeeormm referred to in § 2 was published 
at Drbino, 3 Tola. fol. 1727. And on the subject 
«f the kter Greek Religious Art generallj, see Di- 
dxen, MoHmel ^loonograpkie CkiiUenM, Qrecqae, 
4 Laiiaej Flaris, 1845. (This is a French trans- 
ktioa of the 'Epfn|yc(a rqs (tfypo^iciyf, or 
'htater's Guide ' of Penselinoe, a monk of Mount 
Ithaa in the 1 1th century, and the recognised 
sithority in the achool of Greek Art which has 
its entre in the same ** holy mountain " to this 
day. It is enriched with very yaluable notes by 
tkc editor. For what relates to the Apostles, 
aee pi 299 sjg.) For early monuments at Bome 
sad Sayeana — Ciampini, Vetera Monumenta, 
Basne, f>L 1699 ; and for those of the Roman 
CHacnmba more particularly — Aringhi, JRoma 
SMerraneOy 2 rols. foL Romae, 1651, or Bottari, 
BaUture e Pitture eagre, etc, Romae, fol. 1737 ; 
Pienek, CataoonAee de Borne, 6 vols. fol. Paris, 
1S51 (not always to be depended on in matters 
af detail); Alemannas, de Parietinie Lateranen- 
ai&ai, R<Hiiae, 4* 1625 ; and for ancient ornaments 
ia Glass, chiefly from the Roman Catacombs, 
Gamed, Vetri omati, etc Roma, 1864. For 
■loauinenta at Verona, Maffei, Ver<ma Hhutrata, 
M. 1732 ; and at Milan, All^ranza (Giuseppe), 
Spkgazitme e Bifieseioni, etc, Milano, 4» 1757. 
For eariy sarcophagi at Aries, Marseilles, Aix, 
aad other towns in France, the chief authority 
is MtUin, Voyagea dans lea D^rtemena du Midi 
dt b France, 8* and 4* Paris, 1807-1811. One 
BMiament of special interest, that of the Sancta 
Padentiatta at Rome (the figures of the Twelve, 
tai only of which now remain, are believed with 
good reason to be of the 4th century, though 
the upper part of the mosaic is of the 8th) may 
best be studied in the coloured drawing and 
dcKription giren by Labarte, Histoire dea Aria 
IndairieU, etc, toL it. p. 166 eqq., and the 
AAoti of Platea, toL ii. pi. czxi. This mosaic 
is abo represented in Gaily Knight, 'EooUaiaa' 
tkai Architecture <f Italy (London, 1842), toI. i. 
pL xxfii. [W. B. M.] 

— L Feeticala. — 1. In the Apoatolical Conati- 
Mmb* (TiiL 33, § 3) we find abstinence from 
Uwor enjoined on certain " days of the Apostles ** 
(tAs \iUfn Tw kwocr6XMW iipytlrateav), but 

k * Fettle cnte do rooaanz.** So Dldnm. A reference 
S. and L,A.p. S42. aad to the drawing there 
the ezplaiiatlon above gfven. The shape 
is that of a trendUr'a ataff; and the emUnn 
the apDollo as a preodier of Christ crucified to 

* 8ae note ', peeoaAng page. 

* S« note f . preceding page. 

* AeoDRHag to Wntera tradition Be was sawn ascnder; 
tat la the Oraak repreaantatlon of his martyrdom he 
b aflxfld to a cnaa exactly Hke that of our Savloiir 

what these days were does not appear, though 
the injunction to abstain from labour betokena 
a great festival. 

2. As the aervices of Easter week, following 
the evangelic narrative of the events after the 
Resurrection, placed a commemoration of the 
aolemn aending and consecration of the Apostles 
(St. John xz. 21-23) on the first Sunday after 
Easter, this day appears to have been sometimes 
called <<the Sunday of the Apostles." This 
Sunday was one of the highest festivals in the 
Ethiopian Calendar (Alt, ChriaUiche Cultua. u. 
33, 184). 

3. In the West the oommemoiation of all the 
Apostles was anciently joined with that of the 
two great Apostles, St. Peter and St. Paul ; and 
this festival appears to have been, at the time of 
its first institution, the only ftstival in honour 
of the Apostles; for we find in the Missae for 
that festival in the Leonine Sacramentary 
(Migne's Patrol, vol. 55, p. 44) an ** oratio super 
oblata," which runs, **Omnipotens sempiteme 
Dens, qui nos omnium apostolorum merita sub 
una tribuisti cekbritate venerari." And this 
seems to have been the case also when the 
^Epistola ad Chromatium" quoted by Cas- 
siodorus (in Leonine Sacram, p. 44) was written ; 
for we there read that the Apostles were com- 
memorated on one day, '*ut dies varii non 
videantur dividere quos una dignitas Apostolatus 
in coelesti gloria fecit esse sublimes.** 

4. It was no doubt from this close connection 
with the Festival of SS. Peter and Paul (June 29) 
that the Festival of the Twelve Apostles (:S^va(if 
r&v SiiSeKa *K'Kwrr6\wv) came to be celebrated in 
the orthodox Gh*eek church on the morrow of 
that festival — June 30 — as it is to this day. 
This is a great festival, with abstinence from 
labour (^Apyla). 

5. In the Armenian calendar, the Satuoday of 
the sixth week after Pentecost is dedicated to the 
Twelve Holy Apostles, and their chiefr, Peter 
and Paul ; and the Tuesday in the fifth week 
after the elevation of the Cross is dedicated to 
Ananias of Damascus, Matthias, Barnabas, Philip, 
Stephen, Silas and Silvanus, and the Twelve 
Apostles. (Alt, ChriaUiche Cultua, ii. 242, 256.) 

6. The Micrologus tells us (c. 55) that on 
May 1, *Mnvenitur in Martyrologiis sive in 
Sac^ttmentariis festivitas SS. Philippi et Jacob. 
et omnium Apoatohntm," The existing Mar- 
tyrologies and Sacramentaries, however, men- 
tion no commemoration on May 1, beyond that 
of SS. Philip and James ; but the mention of a 
commemoration of all Apostles may have arisen 
from the *' Deposition*' of the bodies of SS. Philip 
and James in the ** Basilica omnium Apostolo- 
rum.** (Binterim*s DenkwHrdigkeiteny v. i. 365 ; 
Wetzer and Welte's Kirchenlexiconf xii. 57.) 

7. The 15th of July is in the Roman calendar 
the Feast of the ** Division of the Apostles,'* 
(Divisio SS. Apostolorum). This was probably 
intended to commemorate the traditional event 
related by Rufinus (^K E., 1. 9), that the Apostles, 
before leaving Jerusalem to begin their work of 
preaching the Gospel to all nations, determined 
by lot the portions of the world which each 
should evangelise. By others, however, the 
Feast ia supposed to commemorate the *' IMvisio 
oaaium Petri et PaulL** The legend to which 
this refers is as follows: — ^The remains of St. 

I Peter and St. Paul were placed together after their 



martyrdom, and when Po]te Sylvester, at the 
consecration of the great charch of St. Peter, 
desired to place the sacred remains of the patron 
«amt in an altar, it was found impossible to dis- 
tinguish them from those of St. Panl ; but after 
fiisting and prayer, a divine voice revealed that 
the larger bones were those of the Preacher, the 
amaller of the Fisherman; and they were con- 
sequently placed in the churches of St. Peter 
and St. Paul respectively. (Ciampini, de Sacris 
AedifciUy p. 53, quoting Beleth, Explicat. Divin, 
Offic. c. 138.) 

II. Fasts, — 1. As early as the ApostoliccU 
Constitutions (v. 20, § 7) we find the week fol- 
iowi^ig the octave of Pentecost marked as a fast. 
The intention of this probably was, as no fast 
was allowable in the joyful season between Pasch 
and Pentecost, that men should endeavour to 
render themselves fit recipients of the gifts of 
the Holy Spirit by subsequent mortification. 
This fiist was afterwards extended to the eve of 
the Festival of SS. Peter and Paul, and as it 
now filled the whole space between the ** Apostle 
Sunday" and the great commemorations of the 
Apostles on June 29 and June 30, it came to be 
called the <* Apostles' Fast," N97<rrcfa rwr ayiwp 
*Awoar6Kmv, (Augusti, BancRmch der Christl. 
Archaologiey iii. 481.) 

2. There is a collect for a Fast in the mass 
already referred to in the Leonine Sacramentary. 
This, perhaps, indicates that an extraordinary 
fast, instituted in the time of St. Leo for the 
relief of Rome, or for some other reason, con- 
curred with the Festival of All Apostles. (Note 
in the Leonine Saoram, Migne's Patrol. voL 55, 
p. 44.) 

IIL Dedications. — ^A church (Mapr^ptov), de- 
dicated to the Twelve Apostles, second in 
splendour only to that of St. Sophia, was built 
at Constantinople by Constantine the Great, who 
intended it for the place of his own sepulture 
(Eusebius, Vita Constantini, lib. iv., cc. 58-60). 
He also dedicated at Capua, in honour of the 
Apostles, a church to which he gave the name of 
Constantinian {Liber Fontif., under * Sylvester,' 
Muratori Scriptores, iii. 1). The ancient church 
at Rome dedicated to the Apostles, is said to have 
been begun by Pope Pelagius L (555-560), and 
completed by his successor John III. (560-573). 
(Ciampini, de Sacris Aedif. p. 137.) [C] 

APOSTOLUS, the formal missive of the judge 
of a lower court, whereby a cause was trans- 
ferred to a higher court to which appeal had 
been made from him. See Justinian, Cod. vii. , 
62, &c. &c., and under Appeals. [A. W. H.] 

A.D., Dionysius Exiguus, a Roman monk of great 
learning, at tlie request of Stephen, Bishop of 
Salona, made a collection of Greek canons, trans- 
lating them into Latin. At the head of this 
collection he placed 50 canons, with this title, 
'' Incipiunt Regulae Ecclesiasticae sanctorum 
Apostolorum, prolatae per Clementem Ecclesiae 
Romanae Pontificem." At the same time, how- 
ever, Dionysius says in the preface to his work, 
** In principio itaque canones, qui dicuntur Apos- 
tolorum, de Graeco transtulimus, qu^rus quia 
plurimi consensum non praebuere facilenij hoc 
ipsum vestram noluimus ignorare sanctitatem, 
quamvis postea quaedam constituta pontificum 
«x ipsis canonibus assumpta esse videantur.'* 

These words obviously point to a difimnoe of 
opinion prevailing in the Church, though it hu 
been doubted by some whether the dissentienti 
spoken of rejected the canons altogether, or 
merely denied that they were the work of the 
apostles. And with regard to the last claose, it 
is much disputed whether previous popes can be 
shown to have known and cited these canons." 
Hefele denies that ** Pontifices " means Popes, and 
would understand it of bishops in their synoidical 

The subsequent course taken by the Church of 
Rome in relation to these canons is not aitc^ther 
clear. In the last decade of the 5th century 
Pope Gelasius published a decree De LSbris non re- 
cipiendis, and in the text of this decree as it now 
stands in the Decretum Oratiani there appean^ 
amongst other rejected works, ' Liber canonmn 
Apostolorum apocryphus.' But it is said that 
these words are not found in the most andoit 
MSS. of the decree, and Hincmar of Rheims, in 
speaking of it, expressly says that Gelasius is 
silent as to the Apostolical Canons. Moreover, 
Dionysius, who was by birth a Scythian, does not 
seem to have come to Rome until after the death 
of Gelasius, and consequently his collection cannot 
have appeared at the time of the decree.*^ 

Hefele therefore thinks that the words inqQe»> 
tion were for the first time inserted by Pope Hor- 
misdas (514-523), when he republished the decree 
' De Libris non recipiendis ' {ConcUiengeschi^dej i. 
719).' If so, the point is not very material. It 
is clear that Dionysius, in setting forth a lata" 
collection during the popedom of Hormisdas (of 
which the preface alone is now extant) left out 
these canons. He says : '* Omones qui dicuntur 
Apostolorum et Sardicensis ooncilii atque Afri* 
canae provinciae quos non admisit universUaSj ego 
quoque in hoc opere praet^rmisi, &c" * 

• Bishop Pearaon conteDds that Leot Innocent, and Ge* 
laslos blnuelt refer to them (Ftndtc. Tgnatn part L ajk 
iv.) ; but this has been as stroogly denied. Bickell thinks 
Uiat DionyslTis may have had in view expresdaDi of 
Siricius (Sp. ad Div. Epiic., anno 386) and Innocent (Jl^ 
ad Yiclric., anno 404), which, however, he conceives him 
to have misunderstood (GeaA. det JTircAenreohis, p. T4). 
Von Drey seems to think the canons were not known at 
Rome till the version of Dionysius ; bnt Hefele dbaarm 
that they might have been known in their Greek &nik 
Dionysius in his preface aays that he had been exhorted 
to the work of translation by his friend Laurentius, who 
was " confuslone prlscae translationis ofiensos.'* Does thii 
point to an existing version of the canons, or Is it to te 
understood of the other matters contained in his col- 
lection f The latter seems moat ta accordance with the 
received theory. 

b See his CondUengesekichte, voL L pb 76t. Bat mdni 
it can be Ihnited to Eastern bishops, this view wwld 
equally admit that the canons so quoted or relied an nrait 
have been known in the Western Ghurdi. 

« Dionysius says in his prefinoe : " Noa qui earn (6«- 
laaium) praesentii corporali non vidimus." This in itself 
would not be conclusive as to the decree, thou^ the only 
alternative would be to admit that the canons were knofn 
at Rome beftHre Dionysins's translation. Bishc^ PBarBoo 
seeks to throw donbi on the decree ( Vindic, IgnaL, part L 
cap. iv.) ; but much of his reasoning is not la conrinlirt 
with the theory of Hefele. 

d So too, apparently, Bickell, vol. i. p. 74. 

* Cited in Bickell (i. lb), who also mentions that they 
were omitted fhnn the Spanish collection of canons in the 
7th century, with these words : ** Ouiones antem qui 
dicuntur Apostolorum. sed quia eoadem neo sedea apM* 
toUca redpil, nee S& patrea UUs oonseQsom praidmeni&i. 




At aD ercnts it must be taken that the Church 
•f SoBM U the precent day does not accept these 
ouMH at of apostolic authority. Though the 
dtatioas made by Qratian under the head ^ De 
aactoritate et numero Canonum Apcetolorum/' 
are not Tery consistent with each other, yet the 
latart caaonists speak more distinctly. 

*'CuoMS illi non sunt opus genuinum aposto- 
kmn, mc <A omni naevo immuna ; merito tamen 
RpaUntnr insigne monumentum disciplinae Ec- 
dense per priora secula," says M. Icard in his 
f^•m^0ctionel Jwis Cammici at St. Sulpice (pub- 
tiihed with the approbation of the anthorities of 
Ikf Charcfa) in 1862, and he then cites the Gela- 
dccree declaring them apocryphal. 

Nereitheless great attention has been paid to 
Extracts were admitted by Gratian into 
the Deeretnm, and, in the words of Phillips (' Du 
Droit eeclesiastique dans ses Sources,' Paris, 1852) 
*^iis oat pris rang dans la legislation canonique." 

But we must return to the 6th century, 
iboot fifty years after the work of Dionysius, 
Joka of Antioch, otherwise called Johannes Scho- 
lasticos, patriarch of Constantinople, set forth a 
wiwnjfim aor^rwr, which contained not 50 but 
8S GuKMB of the Apostles. And in the year 692 
tkee were expressly recognized in the decrees of 
tlw Qoinisextine Council, not only as binding 
cuoas, but (it would seem) as of apostolic ori- 
pnJ They are therefore in force in the Greek 

How it came to pass that Dionysius translated 
•alj 50 does not appear. Some writers hare 
supposed that he rejected what was not to be re- 
eoBoled with the Roman practice.* But, as 
Hcfele obsenres, this could hardly be his motive, 
inssmach as he retains a canon as to the nullity 
of heretical baptism, which is at variance with 
the view of the Western Church. Hence it has 
been suggested that the MS. used by Dionvsius 
vas of a different class from that of John o^ An- 
tioch (for they vary in some expressions, and 
hsre also a difference in the numbering of the 
eaaoBsX and that it may have had only the 50 
tmslated by the former. And an inference has 
also been drawn that the 35 latter canons are of 
later date.^ Indeed, according to some, they 
are obviously of a different type, and were pos- 
hUj added to the collection at the same time 

p(o eo qood ab haeretkls sab nomtne Apootoloram oom- 
PmM digBoeeQiitar, qoamTis in eladem quaedmm Inve- 
ntSlktL, soctorttate tamen csnoDlca et apostolica 

et inter apocrypha 

■M wwrntmadrta^ Mon /iCM&r aol ««o rov vw fitfiaiovt 
■H o»f^W *P^ ^x^ $«paania9 koa iaxfi^Cav waBmv 
Vivf vrt Mr «p^ iw^^ myium xal fuutafiUiv wariptov 

OuL IL. dted In Ultzen. Preil 

D eif iM ge sTfuca that the word MfiAri shewn that, 
vhde their valktity as canons of the Church was admitted, 
ttelr a|«stolicil origin wa^ not decided. Gontra Hefele, 
i^tiotaimffetek. L 7t8. 

The additioaal 35 csnons in the collection of Scho- 
hadcas have not been In any way recognised by the 
3Baf4 of SdoMu 

• Ax for lastanee; DeMarca; and aee Ayllffc's Partrgon, 
banU p,iw. 

^ See oa this mbject, Hefele, L T68. SchoUsUcos sstb 
I piev hiu s oottectkna oontainlng 85. 

that the canons were appended to the Constitu* 

It is time to come to the Canons themselves. 
Both in the collection of John of Antioch and in 
that of Dionysius they are alleged to have been 
drawn up by Clement from the directions of the 
Apostles. In several places the Apostles speak in 
the first person,*' and in the 85th canon Clement 
uses the first person singular of himself.' 

Their subjects are briefly as follow : — i 

I & 2 (I. & II.). Bishop to be ordained by two 
or three bishops ; presbyters and deacons, and the 
rest of the cleri(^ body by one. 

3 & 4 (III.) relate to what is proper to be of- 
fered at the altar ; mentioning new com, grapes, 
and oil, and incense at the time of the holy ob- 

5 (IV.). First-fruits of other things are to be 
sent to the clergy at their home, not brought to 
the altar. 

6 (V.). Bishop or presbyter or deacon not to 
put away his wife under pretence of piety. 

7 (VI.). Clergy not to take secular cares on 

8 (VII.). Nor to keep Easter before the vernal 
equinox, according to the Jewish system. 

9 (VIII.). Nor to fail to communicate without 
some good reason. 

10 (IX.). Laity not to be present at the read- 
ing of the Scriptures without remaining for 
prayer and the Communion. 

II (X.). None to join in prayer, even in a 
house, with an excommunicate person. 

12 (XI.). Clergy not to join in prayer with a 
deposed man as if he were still a cleric. 

13 (XII. & XIII.). Clergy or lay persons, being 
under excommunication or not admitted to Com- 
munion, going to another city not to be received 
without letters. 

14 (XIV.). Bishop not to leave his own diocese 
and invade another, even on request, except for 
good reasons, as in case he can confer spiritual 
benefit ; nor even then except by the judgment of 
many other bishops, and at pressing request. 

15 (XV.). If clergy leave their own diocese, 
and take up their abode in another without con- 
sent of their own bishop, they are not to perform 
clerical functions there. 

16 (XVI.). Bishop of such diocese not to treat 
them as clergy. 

17 (XVII.). One twice married after baptism, 
or who has taken a concubine, not to be a cleric. 

18 (XVIII.). One who has married a widow or 
divorced woman, or a courtesan or a slave, or 
an actress, not to be admitted into the clerical 

t So Bickell. i. 86 and 235. For the CoDsUtntions, see 
the next article. 

^ Beveridge however contenda, from the variations and 
omittlons in MSS. and versions, that the introduction of 
the first person is a mere interpolation of late date, in 
order to promote the fiction of apostolic origin (Cod. Can. 
in Ootel., vol. iL p. 73, Appendix). See instances in 
Canons XXIX., L., LXXXIU LXXX V. The various read- 
ings may bo seen in LHtxen's edition, afad in Lagarde's 
Iteliq. Jur. Eoda. Anliquitt, 

1 The numbering varies. Thus Canon III. of the Greek 
text Is divided into two by Dionydns. The Arabic nu- 
merals represent the order in Dionysius ; the Roman that 
in the Greek of Johannes Scholasticus. Coielerius, again, 
gives a dlffenait nnmbexing, making the canons only It 



19 (XEL). Nor one who has married two sis- 
ters or his niece. 

20 (XX.). Clergy not to become sureties. 

21 (XXI.). One who has been made a eonnch 
by violence, or in a persecution, or was so born, 
may be a bishop. 

22 (XXII.). But if made so by his own act, 
cannot be cleric 

23 (XXIII.> A cleric making himself so, to be 

24 (XXrV.). A layman making himself a 
eonnch to be shut out m>m Commnnion for three 

25 & 26 (XXV.). Clerics guilty of inconti- 
nence, perjory, or theft, to be deposed, but not 
excommunicated (citing Nah, 1, 9 ovit Muc^trtis 
ais M rh abrhy 

27 (XXVI.). None to marry after entering the 
clerical body, except readers and singers. 

28 (XXvIIA Clergy not to strike offenders. 

29 (XXVIU.). Clergy deposed not to presume 
to act, on pain of being wholly cut off from the 

30 (XXIX.). Bishop, &c. obtaining ordination 
by money to be deposed, and, together with him 
who ordained him, cut off from communion, as 
was Simon Magus by me, Peter. 

31 (XXX.). Bishop obtaining a church by 
means of secidar rulers to be deposed, &c 

32 (XXXI.). Presbyters not to set up a sepa- 
rate congregation and altar in contempt of his 
bishop, when the bishop is just and godly, 

33 (XXXII.). Presbyter or deacon nnider sen- 
tence of his own bishop not to be receiyed else- 

34 (XXXIII.\ Clergy from a distance not to 
be received without letters of commendation, nor 
unless they be preachers of godliness are they 
to have anything beyond the supply of their 

35 (XXXIV.). The bishops of every nation are 
to know who is chief among them, and to consi- 
der him their head, and do nothing without his 
judgment, except the affairs of their own dio- 
ceses, nor must he do anything without their 

36 (XXXV.). Bishop not to ordain out of his 

37 (XXXVI.). Clergy not to neglect to enter 
on the charge to which they are appointed, nor 
the people to refbse to receive them. 

38 (XXXVIL). Synod of bishops to be held 
twice a year to settle controversies. 

39 (XXXVIIL). Bishop to have care of all ec- 
clesiastical affurs, but not to appropriate any- 
thing for his own family, except to grant them 
relief if in poverty. 

40 (XXXIX. & XL.). Clergy to do nothing 
without bishop. Bishop to keep his own affairs 
separate from those of tne Churdi, and to provide 
for his family out of his own property. 

41 (XLI.). Bishop to have power over all eccle- 
siastical affairs, and to distribute through the 
presbyters and deacons, and to have a share him- 
self if required. 

42 (XLII.). Cleric not to play dice or take to 

43 (XLIII.). Same as to subdeacon, reader, 
singer, or layman. 

44 (XLIV.). Clergy not to take usury. 

45 (XL v.). Clergy not to pray with heretics, 
itill less to allow them to act as clergy. 


46 (XLVI.). Clergy not to recognise herttied 
baptism or sacrifice. 

47 (XLVII.). Clergy not to rebaptize one trvly 
baptized, nor to omit to baptize one polluted by 
the ungodly,* otherwise he contemns the croa 
and death of the Lord, and does not distingokh 
true priests from false. 

48 (XLVIII.). Laynum who has put away his 
wife not to take another, nor to take a divorced 

49 (XUX.). Baptism to be in name of Father, 
Son, and Holy Ghost, not of three eternals, or 
three sons, or three paracletes. 

50 (L). Baptism to be performed by three im- 
mersions, making one initiation — not one single 
immersion into &e Lord's death. 

LI. Clergy not to hold marriage or the use of 
meat and wine things evil in themselves, or to 
abstain on any other than ascetic grounds. 

LII. Bishop or presbyter to receive, not to re- 
ject penitents. 

LIU. Clergy not to reftise to partake of meat 
and wine on feast days [as if evil, or on other 
than ascetic grounds3. 

LIV. Clerics not to eat in taverns except on a 

LV. Clerics not to insult bishop. 

LVL Nor presbyter or deacon. 

LVII. Nor to mock the maimed, dea^ dumb, 
blind, or lame, nor must a layman do so. 

LVIII. Bishops and presbyters not to n^lee; 
their clergy or people. 

LIX. Nor to refuse succour to the needy 

U. Nor to publish in the church as sacred 
works forged by the ungodly in false names. 

LXI. Those convicted of incontinence or other 
forbidden practices not to be admitted into the 
clerical body. 

LXII. Clerics from fear of Jew or Gentile or 
heretic denying Christ to be excommunicated, or 
if only denying that they are clerics, to be de- 
posed. On repentance, to be admitted as laymen. 

LXIII. Cleric eating blood, or things torn by 
beasts, or dying of themselves, to be deposed, ob 
account of the prohibition in the law. Layma 
doing so to be excommunicated. 

LXIV. Cleric or layman entering synagogue of 
Jews or heretics to pray, to be deposed and ex- 

LXV. Cleric in a struggle striking a single 
blow that proves mortal to be deposed for his 
precipitancy. Laymen to be excommunicated. 

LXVI. Neither cleric nor laym'an to fiwt on 
Sunday or on any Saturday but one.* 

LXVII. Any one doing violence to an unbe- 
trothed virgin to be excommunicated. He msv 
not take another, but must keep her, though 

LXVin. Clergy not to be ordained a second 
time, unless when ordained by heretics, for those 
baptized or ordained by heretics have not really 
been brought into the number of the faithful or 
of the clergy. 

LXIX. Bishop, presbyter, deacon, reader, or 
singer, not fasting in the holy forty days, or on 
the fourth and sixth days, to be deposed, unless 

* I.e. bapUscd by hereUca. HereOosl bapUon to 
styled not an InltiatloD, bat a poUntlon. See Jftd, 
Cond. vL 15. 

• Namely, that before Easter day. AfttL Omd, % 
18 and 30. 




fnm bodily weftkiiMi. Laymen to be 

IXX. None to keep fut or feast with the 
Jew, or reedre their feast-gifts, as unleavened 
hw sdaa d so forth. 

LXXL No Chrktiaa to give oil for a heathen 
tenple or Jewish synagogue, or to light lamps at 
their feast times. 

1.1X11. Nor to purloin wax or oil from the 

LXXin. Nor to convert to his own use any 
esBsecnted gold or silver vessel or linen. 

LXXIY. Kshop accused by credible men, to be 
~ by the bishops ; and if he appear and 
the charge, or be proved guilty, to have 
spprapriate sentence ; but if he do not obey the 
iiumflns, then to be summoned a second and 
tkird time by two bishops personally ; and if he 
itill be ooatumacioaa, then the Synod is to make 
tke fit decree against him, that he may not ap- 
pstf to gain anvthing by evading justice. 

LXXY. No heretic, nor less than two wit- 
MBH, even of the fiuthful, to be received against 
sbiikop(Dent. 19, 15). 

LXXYL Kshop not to ordain relatives bishops 
set of&vonr or afiection. 

LXXVIL One having an eye injured or lame 
■ay still be a bishop, if worthy. 

LXXVIII. But not one deaf^ dumb, or blind, as 
bdi^ practical hindrances. 

LXilX. One that has a devil not to be a cleric, 
DOT even to pray with the faithAil, but when 
deaascd he may, if worthy. 

LXXX. A convert from the heathen or ftx>m a 
Tidoas life not forthwith to be made a bishop ; 
lor it is not right that while yet untried he 
ihottki be a teacher of .others, unless this come 
abMt in some way by the grace of God.® 

LXXXL We declare that a bishop or presbyter 
ii oat to stoop to public [secular] offices, but to 
give hiauelf to the wants of the Church (Matt. 

LXXXn. We do not allow slaves to be chosen 
isto the clerical body without consent of their 
Bsateis, to the injury of those who possess them, 
&r this would subvert households. But if a slave 
Mem worthy of ordination, as did our Onesimus, 
■ad the masters consent and set him free, let him 

LXXXIII. Clergy not to serve in the army, and 
aeck to hold both Roman command and priestly 
teietOlatt 22, 21). 

LXXXIY. Those who unjustly insult a king or 
filer to be punished. 

LXXXY. For you, both clergy and laity, let 
tbert be, as books to be reverenced and held holy, 
iitbc Old Testament — ^five of Moses, Genesis, Exo- 
^ levtticus. Numbers, Deuteronomy-M>f Jesus 
tbe MB of Nun, one ; of Judges, one ; Ruth, one ; of 
Cap, four ; of Panleipomena the book of days, 
two ; of Esd^aa, two ; of Esther, one ; of Macca- 
^ three ; of Job, one ; of the Psalter, one ; of 
Sobmoa, thr o e P roverbs, Eodesiastes, Song of 
SosfB ; of the Prophets, thirteen ; of Isaiah, one ; 
•f Jeremiah, one ; of Ezekiel, one ; of Daniel, one. 
Orer and above b to be mentioned to you that 
yrar TOQBg men study the Wisdom of the learned 
Sirach. But of ours, that is of the New Testa- 
■tat, let there ba four gospels, Matthew's, 

*X.c.«BksBhsbedei|gnatedas such in some apedsl 
*V ^ lbs hand «f God. Befsridn refers to the esse 

Mark's, Luke's, John's; fourteen epistles of 
Paul ; two epistles of Peter ; three of John ; one 
of James ; one of Jude ; two epistles of Clement ; 
and the regulations addressed to you bishops 
through me, Clement, in eight books,' which it is 
not right to publish before all, on account of the 
mysteries in them; and the Acts of us, the 

The above is merely the substance of the 
canons in an abridged form. It will not of course 
supersede the necessity of referring to the origi- 
nal in order to form an exact judgment. For tiie 
sake of brevity the penalties have been in most 
cases omitted. They are usually deposition for 
the clergy, excommunication for laymen. 

Turrianus attempted to maintain that these 
canons really are what they proftss to be, the 
genuine work of the apostles. Daill^ on the 
other hand, contended that they were a produc- 
tion of the middle or end of the 5th centurv. 
Against him Bishop Beveridge entered the fielcl ; 
and in two treatises of great learning, acuteness, 
and vigour, 4 sought to show that though not the 
work of the apostles themselves, they were yet 
of great antiquity, being in substance the decrees 
of primitive Synods convened in different places 
and at different times during the latter part of the 
2nd, or at latest the earlier part of the Srd cen- 
tury. And he frirther thinks that during the 
Srd century they were brought together and 
formed into a collection or Codex Canonum, 
which was recognized, and cited as of authority 
in the Church. ' 

Bishop Pearson also holds the canons in a col- 
lected form to have been in existence prior to the 
Council of Nice {Vindic, Ignat, part L cap. iv. 
in Cotel., vol. ii., append, p. 295). ■ 

It will be well to endeavour to give some 
samples of the evidence which Beveridge adduces 
to show that the canons are quoted at all events 
from the first part of the 4th century down- 

George of Cappadocia buys the favour of the 
Praefect of Egypt, and is thrust into the bishopric 
of Alexandria. Athanasius thereupon says, 'nnh- 
TO robs iKKKiiiriaffriKohs Kc»6vas irapaXwrw (ad 
ubique orthod. c. 1, p. 945). The reference, it is 
alleged, is to Apost. Can. 30 (xxix.) and 31 (xxx.) 

» Yis. the ApotL CoiuHtettma See next article 

4 * Jodldom de GanoDibos ApostoUds,' to be fonnd in 
Ootel. rotret Apott, voL L p. 433. edit 1Y34 ; snd * Codex 
Qmonnm Eodeslae Primitfvaa illosnwtaib Ibid. vol. it 
Appendix, p. L 

' * Jndlc' in OoteL voL 1. pp. 43M41 ; and see Cod. 
Can. In OoteL voL iL Append, pp. S-IO, et allU. He 
appears to think that in manj cases they maj represent 
apostoUcal traditioos. They wen csUed "apostoUcal" 
tarn, this feeling, and also hecanss fhuned by apoatoUcal 
men. He allows, however, that they were probably col- 
lected by dirers peracma aome of whom pot together 
more, aome fbwer. Henoe Dknyrtns firand only 60 in 
theOodex flnom wbidi he translatwi. while Scolaaticas 
foand 8S. Hlncmar of Rheims is cited hj BeTerldge as 
on his aide ; bat it woold aeem that he looked on the 
Apostolical OBaons ss ooUectkns of apostolical tradi- 
tknis made by pioos persons, rather than ss decrees off 
fjDods. He speaks of them as "anteqoameplsoopicunctUa 
llbeie indperent oclebrare^ a devotls qnibnaqne collectos." 
See Clod. 0cm. in OoteL voL li. App. p. IX 

• The qnesUoD of the collection, however, stands on 
very dlibrent groonds from that of tlie antlqailj of par- 
ticular canons, and the twopdnts ahoold be kept sepinM 
in investigating the snltfect 


"BtBiif in his letters to Amphilochins (which 
Live themselves obtained the authoritj of 
Canons in the Greek CShnrch) says a deposed 
deacon is not to be oxoommonicated, ii6Ti 
apxcuSf ieri Kta^ robs iwh fioBfiov TewTMK^ 
TOT, ro^T^ fiSy^ r^ rpifwtf r%i KoXJurtws hro- 
fid\\€<rBM, Reference alleged to be to Apost. 
Can. 25.« 

Again he sajs, robs Htyd/jLovs inanr§\&s 6 
Kav«^y rqs dirrypt Was owiKXtio'e. Comp. Can. 17. 

Once more he says, the Church must SovXc^ciy 
iucptfitiif Koaflvwf^ and reject heretical baptism. 
See ApMt. Can. 46. 

The Council of Nice, Can. 1, while treating 
self-inflicted mutilation as a bar to orders, says : 
— Amrep 9^ tovto irp69fri\ow, 8ri ir€(A r&w hnnn- 
Zw6inw¥ rh wpSyfAa kcU roK/t^rrt^y hunobt 
iicT4fi3f€t9 dfnrraC o9tws «f rircs hrh fiapfidpcty 
9ili§<nror&v c^ovx/<r09}<ray, §^pUrKoufro ih &AA«s 
A^toi, robs roio^ovs tis lAiipoy irpovtertu 6 
KwAv, Reference alleged to Can. Apost. 21 
and 22. 

Again Can. 2 says, that things had lately been 
done tcapk rhp K€»6pa rbr iKKhticuurriKoy, to 
correct which it enacts that no neophyte is to be 
made a presbyter. The reference is alleged to 
be to Apost. Can. Izzx. 

Can. 5 says : — Kpvr^lrm ^ yvAfiii kotA rhv 
Kap6ya rhv hiceyopt^ovra robs hf>* kripoiv &xo- 
0\flB4rras^ 6<p* irtpctv fi^ wpoffUcBau,, Comp. 
Can. Apost. 13 (xii. and xiii.) and 33 (xxxii.) 

Again, Can. 9, concerning the ordination of 
known sinners, treats it as iraoh KoySvoi, and 
says, To^ovs 6 Kcufity ob wpoaitrai. See Can. 
Apost. Ixi. 

Can. 10, concerning such as are ordained in 
ignorance of their having lapsed, says : — rouro ob 
wpoKplytt r^ Kav6yi r^ iKKKiiaruurriK^' yp^c- 
Bivrts y^ KoBeupowreu. Bev. thinks the re- 
ference is to Can. Apost. Ixii., and that the 
Council of Nice found it needful to extend the 
rule to those who had lapsed before ordination. 

Can. 15 and 16 restrain the clergy from 
moving from city to city, a practice which it 
calls aw^B^ia inpii rhp kopSpo, and speaks of 
such persons ss fifyrt rhp 4KKkii<ruurrtKbp KCBp6pa 
€l96r€s, Comp. Can. Apost. 14 and 15. 

The Synod of Gangra, held in the middle 
of the 4th century against the Eostathians, after 
passing several canons on matters more or less 
similar to those treated in some of the Apost. 
Canons, declares that its object hss been to con- 
demn those who bring in novelties, — rapit rcks 
7pa<^&9 KoL robs iKKKfiffuurrucobs kopSvos. 

The Council of Constantinople, A.D. 381, speaks 
of a woXaios BtiTfihs, as well as the Nicene 
Canon, for bishops to ordain in the ^iropx^^ or 
ecclesiastical province to which they belong. 
Bev. finds in the mention of *' provinces," a re- 
ference to the authority of Metropolitans, Can. 
Apost. 35 (xxxiv.). 

Not long afterwards a synod at Carthage says : 
-^6 hpxiuos r^os ^uXax^<reT«, fpa fiij ^^rropts 
rpiAp r&p 6purB4prt9P tls xc'P<'TO''^av 'Eirio-ic^ 
vuv kpK4in»mp, Comp. Can. Apost. i. 

« Dalll6, ud his ally, « Obeervator" (who seems to have 
been Matt, de la Roque) cooiend that the oontezt shews 
that Basil cannot have meant to allude to the Apostolical 
Canons. Beveridge repUee at length {CodL Osn. 88, 39X 
BickeU takes the same vinw as DailU (Oeieh. detiTtirvftai-. 
rseUt. I. aa; noteX but wlthonk notlcinf tlw aisnmaatsor 


The Council of Ephesus, 431 A.D., sent thtcc 
times to summon the accused bishop, Nestoriu, 
to appear, saying, that it did so in obedience t^ 
Kopopiy and afterwards informed the Emperor of 
the course taken,— rSr K«p6ptp vapcureXevo* 
lihmp rp rplrjf leK-fiiru vapoKoKuffBai rhp &vci- 

And in like manner at Chalcedon, 451 a.d., 
upon the third summons sent to Dioscorus, the 
bishops who were the bearers of it say that 
the Council sent them to him: — rpinip 1^ 
KXijinp rmn^p wotovfiipTi Karii ri/p tucoKw 
Biop r£y kyi^p KOpSpmp, Compare Can. Apost. 

At Ephesus a complaint was made against the 
Bishop of Antioch for trying to subject to him- 
self the island of Cyprus : — ^ Contrarj to the 
Apostolic canons and the decrees of the most 
holy Nicene Synod." Comp. Can. Apost 36 

We may now perhaps pause in our extracts 
fh>m Councils and Svnods, as we are approaching 
a period about which there is less dispute : but 
we must go back to the Nicene times in order to 
cite one or two individual testimonies. Alex- 
ander, bishop of Alexandria, writes that Anns, 
though excommunicated there, was received by 
other bishops, which he blames, — r^ ^^« r^p 
* KftoffroKuc^p KCLpSpa rovro avyx^P^iP (apod 
Theodoret, Hisi. Eod, i. c iv.). See Can. kpo^ 

About the same time Eusebius, declining to be 
translated from Caesarea to Antioch, Constaniine 
the Great writes to praise him for observing rds tc 
iproXjks rov Osov icol rhp *A'woaroKucdp kop^po, 
KoL r^s 4ieKKyi<rias (Euseb. Vita Oond. iil 61). 
The reference is alleged to be to Osn. Apost. 14, 
while iicKXiio'las is said to allude to Uie loth 
Canon of Nice. 

Again, during the reign of Constantine, Pope 
Julius, writing of the deposition of Athanasins 
and the intrusion of Gregory into his see, declares 
it to have been done in violation of the Canons 
of the Apostles. See 2nd Apol. of Athanasins. 
The reference is asserted to be to Can. 36 (xxxv.) 
and Ixxiv. (Gregory being an untried laj- 

Once more, in a provincial synod at Con- 
stantinople, 394 A.D., it was determined that the 
deposition of a bishop most not be merely 1^ two 
or threo bishops, — &XA& TKtiopos trvp^ov ^|r^^. 
iccU rup rris 4irapxias, KaB^s fcol ol 'AwwrroKutoi 
Ka»6p§s impio-arro. The allusion is said to be 
to Can. Apost. Ixxiv. 

Of late years not much has been done by 
English scholars in the way of original inrestigar 
tion into the subject, but German writers have 
given a good deal of attention to it during the 
present century, and have arrived at rwolts 
widely different from those we have just been 
considering. Among these Von Drey and Bickell 
stand conspicuous. The former seems to con- 
sider that the first 50 canons were collected in 
the early part of the 5th century, partly out of 
decrees of post-Nicene Councils, partly cot of 
the so-called apostolical constitutions ; and that 
the other 35 were added subsequently, probably 

« If this oonld be consldaed to be proved. It wobM 
settle Uie point that the Canons were known at BoDSb 
and referred to hf popes beAm Dl unyslus l s venlon of 
them. AndiftheLXXiythbenaUjlDteBde4tt««all 
•bow that more than 60 wece then rs f wan lsf d 


rt ik begbiuBg of the 6t2i oenturji when the 
vMt B5 were appended to the constitiitioiit.* 

KMd wkile adoptiiig a similar theory does 
Ml pen it BO fiur. He believes the ooUection to 
hsff becB Bade out of like materials to those 
tftd&ti by Drej, but to be not later than the 
«1 of the 4th century ; and holds that the apos- 
tslicil esaoBs were qnoted at Chalcedon instead of 
ksif iapaitderired fromthedecreesof ^t Coun- 
cil H Drey would maintain), and possibly aUo at 
IfAifai and CoMtantinople, 448 (Oe$ck, dea Kir- 
dimnekt$f toI. L p. 83 ; see also Hefele Oond- 
iJei^MBL, ToL L p. 771)1 Both Von Drey and 
Biekell sgree in denyii^^ the position of BevO' 
ridge thst the collection was made not later 
Ihn the 3rd century, and was composed out of 
M fd$ prerious canons then existing. And 
tkr meet his citations by denying that Kotfifv, 
hrph sad such like words always imply what 
ve tail a eanon, and by alleging that they are 
sfed ia esrly Unttm of any generally receiyed 
rak ia the Oiurch. Thus K€t»Ay kwocroXuchs 
■ight either refer to some direction of the Apos- 
tki caatsined in the New Testament, or to some 
eockdastiGal practice supposed to have been 
•rigiBated by them, and to have their authority. 

nos €3enL Rom. speaks of r^y itpurfUvop t^s 
kmmffUa ovreS K€af6m {Ep, L 41), and it is 
Mt to be supposed that he can here allude to 
ay sjBsdieal decree. Gomp. Iren. Ad, Hfur, i. 9 ; 
PtalTcntei, apud Euseb. Hut. EocL y. 24 ; aem. 
AL a^mL i. 350, yt 676, yii. 753, 756, 764 (see 
alw the iMtaiices in De Lagarde i?«/. Jvnr, EccL 
iit. pnt p. yL). Accordingly Bickell would 
thai iateqnet (as Dailltf had done before him) 
the OK of the words tcaifiaf and irairowac^s y6fios, 
m caaott 15 of NeocaMsrea, and in canons 13, 15, 
U, of KiceJ So also Cornelius Ad Itibiwn 

■ lbs tJDowIng table gives iriiBt be sopposes to be the 
•t^ of ite varioos GsnoDt>- 

1, n, VI, vn, xviL. xvm, xx, xxvl. xxxiil, 

al tikm torn the Aposlolkaa OoDstitations ; the first 
it tooki of whkh be cooriders as of letter half of 3rd 

LXm. h from the 8th book, which Is later, bat 
XXUXXIY^ and LXXX^ are token ihnn the Nioeoe 

TUL-XYL. sBd XXVni, sad XXXL-XLI^ Dram 

XLT. LUL. LXXL. fhn those efLeodicea. 
LIIY. bam those of Cbnslaotiiiopie, ajpi 881. 
XXTILfrm those of GoostantiDopleb aj>. 3M. 
XXY. ftom a csaookal letter of BesO. 
mx sad LXX^ oat of tiw supposed BplsUe of 
"^T"^ id PWIikWjA 

Dhntt a thM of tlM OuoDS Drey treats OS of unknown 
■%tfc Tbi 9w »J m .t aioaer off many of them he conridoro 
■V te amo aadcBt, but not in tte/orsi ^ omons. 

As to tte dMoeilaa seid to be appsront between the 

Intfe QtaHnseiHl the residoe, see Bkkell, 1. 86 sod 230. 

' Sor aa euaiiBation of these Initanoes fttan a oon- 

^petat of viBw, aee Beverldge (CML Oim. lib. 1. cap. 

iLX Bit the leader aboold nothse that in NicL C^ 18, 

^ fcH * rt | y t wnslel ee uowp ovr« e lutmw ovrc ^ <rvi^ 

by ** nee ceoooem nee ooDsoetDdfaem 

he worie ««pA M»<jm ma npA Td[|«F 

oftheOsaon. He ooderotands the Osnon of 

ilbeiemaflt be seven deaoons, unA yhv 

teaUiiitajUlivL (ths writtm tow of At4»- 

AP06T0UGAL 0AN0N8 115 

(Euseb. yi 43) ttark r^ r^s UnKiivlaa KW^^tm, 
and Firmilian Ad Cfyprian.(iBp, 75) and Cone Are- 
lat. canon 13, ''eoclesiastica regula," and comp. 
Euseb. yi. 24. Bickell also thus interprets the 
letter of Alexander to Meletius, and that of 
Constantine, which as we haye seen (an<«, p. 114) 
Beyeridge takee as allusions to the apostolical 

In short Von Drey and Bickell maintain that 
the instances brought forward by Beyeridge are 
not really proofk that the set of canons called 
apostolical are there quoted or referred to, but 
rather that allusion is made to broad and gene- 
rally acknowledged principles of ecclesiastical 
action and practice, whether written or un- 
written (see Bickell, L p. 2, and p. 81, 82, and 
the notes)." But they go fturther and proceed 
to adduce on their side what they consider to be 
a positiye and decisiye argument. Many canons 
of the Council of Antioch, a.d. 341, correspond 
not only in subject but to a yery remarkable 
degree in actual phraseology with the apostolical 
canons. Yet they never quote them, at least so 
The following table gives the parallel cases i~^ 
Antioch L compared with Oan. Apost YIL 

XT iVra, IX, X, 

"- " •• " lXL,XIL.Xin. 

ni. ,, ,, ., XY..XYL 

lY. ,, ,, ,, XXYin. 

» ' ( t 1 » f • XXXT . 

VX M ,« ,, XXXIL 

Yn..YiiL „ », ,, xnuxxxm 
xni. ,, ,, ., xxxY. 


ZXI. ,, ,, ,, XIY. 

XXIL ., ,, „ XXXV. 

XXni. ,, ,, p, LXXYL 

XXI Y. ,, ,y ,, XIl. 

XX Y. • I IS « ■ Xlil*. 



On this state of facts Von Drey and Bickell 
maintain that the apoetolical canons are ob- 
yiously borrowed from those of Antioch, while 
Beyeridge argues that the converse is thtf case. 
The argument turns too much on a dose com- 
parison of phrases, and of the respectiye omis- 
sions, additions, and modifications, to admit of 
being presented in an abridged form. It will be 
found on one side to some extent in Bickell, yol. 
i. p. 79, et 89q.j and p. 230, et wq. (who gives 

twre). Some mieht possibly contend that the words of 
the E|rfBtl6 of AlftxandPT (M4Mna» p. 1 14) refer io 2nd Epist 
John 10. He also deals with a Canon of Anpyra (Can. 
%l\ which mentkAs that h wpwnfUK Spec refased com- 
mmiion, except on the death-bed. to nnchaste women 
gnllty of abortion. This Beveridgeevgaos does not mean a 
"CsDon" at alU bat rstber adedsion of Church disdpUne. 
Hefel^ on the other hand, thinks it sUodes to a Ouoa 
of ElTba, reftafaig the sacnuaent to sacb seen at death 
(CtonoUofi^eMlk. L 208). 

• To a certain extent, Beveridge discoases this theory 
when put figrwaxd by '•Obeerrator" (eoe (M. C4m. lib. L 
e. 11, p. 44), and appears to contend tlttt «ai^ la not need 
for unwritten law, at all eventa hj OoanoHs in their de- 
crees. There certainly seems some apparent di a tinctto n 
drawn in Nic Oaa 18» o6t« & inamif ovrt ^ gyn j^ i a 

• It wni be obaerved that aU the ApostoUeal OuHns 
except one, for which parallels are hoe fonnd hi the 
Antkwh decree^ foU within theflrstSO: and the panOlel 
to the LXXYIth Oinon ia teiy (ar-fetebed. 

I 2 


the references to the corresponding parts of Von 
Drej's work) ; and on the other, in fieveridge's 
Codex CmMonvm^ lib. i. cap. iy. aiid cap. xi^ and 
elsewhere in that treatise.* 

As a general mle the apostolical canons are 
shorter, the Antioch canons ftiller and more ex- 
press : a circumstanoe which leads Bickell to see 
in the former .a compendium or abridgment of 
the latter, bat which, according to Beyeridge, 
proyes the former to be the brief originals, of 
which the latter are the subsequent expansion. 

Beyeridge obeeryes with some force that 
though the apostolical canons are not quoted by 
name, the canons of Antioch repeatedly profess 
to be in accordance with preyious ecclesiastical 
rales, whereas the apostolical canons neyer men- 
tion any rules previously existing.^ Still the 
same question most arise here as in relation to 
the canons of Nice, yix., whether the allosion 
really is to pre-existing canons of councils, or 
whether the terms used are to be otherwise ex- 
plained. And as regards the silence of the apos- 
tolical canons as to anything older than them- 
selyes, it must be recollected that any other 
course would haye been self-contradictory. They 
coald not pretend to be apostolic and yet rely on 
older authorities. Hence eyen had such refer- 
ences been found in the materials of which they 
were composed, these must haye been struck out 
when they were put together in their present 

The synod of Antioch lying under the re- 
proach of Arianism, it may seem improbable that 
any decrees should haye been borrowed from it. 
To meet this objection Bickell urges that though 
the Antioch clergy were Arian, the Bishop Me- 
letios was not un-orthodox, and was much re- 
spected by the Catholics. And he throws out 
the theory that the apostolical canons, which 
shew traces of Syrian phraseology, may be a 
sort of corpus canonum made at that period in 
Syria, and drawn up in part from the Antioch 
decrees, in part from the apostolical constitutions 
(which shew like marks of Syrian origin), and 
in pirt from other sources.' This work, it is 
coDjeetured, Meletins brought with him when 
he came to the Council of Constantinople (where 
he died) in 381 A.D., and introduced it to the 
favourable notice of the clergy: a hypothesis 
which is thought to account ^r the apostolical 
canons being cited (as Bickell thinks for the first 
time) at the Proyincial Synod of Constantinople, 
A.D. 394. 

The opinion of Hefele may be worth stating. 
He thinks that though there is a good deal to be 
said for the theory that many of the apostolical 
canons were borrowed from those of Antioch, 

b The saggoitlon is there made that the Ooancil stn- 
diooflly re-enacted certain orthodox canons, in order to 
gain a good reputation, while they tbmst in here and 
there a canon dT their own so ftwiied as to tell against 
Athanaaias and the Cathollos. See CtA, Cosi. lib. L oq>. iv. 

• However, it is to be observed that the ST-39 CJanons 
of Laodlcea, wUdi cloaBly resemble the LXX. and LXXI. 
Apostolical OanoD^ do not in any way refer to them, 
though on Beveridge^s theory the A post CSanons most 
have been in the bands of the Fathers of Laodlcea. 

« In Gan. XXXYII. the Syro-Maoedonlan name of a 
month, Hyperberetaens, occnrs In oonnexlon with the 
time for the autmnnal synod. Similar names of months 
oocor in Ap, Ctmd, v. if, 20, and at viii. 10. Evadlns, 
Bishop of Antioch. is prayed fiir aa ** oar bishop." 


the oonyerse is quite possible, and the ^Hnnt bjr 
no means settled. In regard to the Cc uieil of 
Nice, it would appear, he thinks, that it refen 
to older canons on the like subjects with those 
which it was enacting. And it is by no means 
impossible tiutt the allusion may be to those 
which are now foimd among the apostolic caaou. 
and which might haye existed in the Cbnrch 
before they were incorporated in that collectioa. 
This yiew he thinks is supported by a letter from 
certain Egyptian bishops to Meletius at the com- 
mencement of the 4th century,* in which thev 
complain of his haying ordained beyond the 
limits of his diocese, which they allege is con- 
trary to ** mos divinus " and to *' regula eccle- 
siastica;" and remind him that it is the ^lex 
patrum et propatrum. ... in alienis paroedis 
non licere alicui episcopornm ordinataones celt- 
brare." The inference, Htfele thinks, is almost 
irresistible that this refers to what is now the 
36th (xxxy.) Apostolical Canon. And at all 
eyents he appears to hold with Bickell that the 
wostolical canons are referred to at Ephesoa^ 
Constantinople (A.D. 448), and Chaloedon. Bat 
such a view falls short of that of Beyeridge. 

Coming to the internal eyidence, we find great 
stress to haye been laid by Daill^ Von Drer, 
Bickell, and others on the contents of the canons, as 
distinctly marking their late date. Thus the 8th 
(yii.) (as to Easter) is in harmony with the pre- 
sent interpolated text of the apostolical consti- 
tutions, but is at yariance with what EpijAaains 
read there, and with the Syriac didascalia (see 
infra, pp. 122, 123). It relates to the settlement of 
a particular phase of the Easter controversy which 
did not, according to Hefele, spring up ontil 
the 3rd century (JjonciHengnch, i. 303 and 776^ 
Moreover, if known and recognized preyioos te 
the Council of Nice, it seems extraordinary that 
this canon should not have been mentioned in 
Constantino's famous letter to the Kioene Fathers 
on the Easter Controyersy (Euseb. Vita ConuL iii. 

Canon 27 (xxyi.) hardly sayours of a yerr 
early time. On this canon Beyeridge (^AkmL w 
Can, Apoat, sub Can/one xxyi.) cites the Conncil 
of Chalcedon (a.d. 451), as saying that in manj 
proyinces it was permitted to readers and singers 
to marry ; and anderstands it of those proyinces 
in which the apostolical canons had b^ put in 
force, they having been, he says, originally passed 
in different localities by proyincial synods. (See 
also his Jvd, de Can, Apod, § xil. in CoteL yoL i. 
p. 436.) This seems to derogate somewhat from 
the general reception which he elsewhere appeals 
disposed to claim for them. So limited an opera- 
tion eyen in the 5th century is scarcely what was 
to be expected if the whole collection had been 
made, and promulgated a century and a half be- 

The 31st (xxx.), the Ixxxi., and Ixxnil, all 
appear to sprak of a time when the onpire was 
Christian (see Hefele, yol. i. p. 783, 789 ; Bio 
kell, i. 80.).v 

• Given in EUmth, ReL Soar, vol. ilL pp. 381, 38S. 
r If Hefele's view on this sal^ect be accepted, Beveridp 
most be held to have conftised the special point here rded 

with other qneationB in dlspate in the fiaster vuuuuvaij 
(^Cod. Can. lib. 2, c. liL). 

f Von Drey, however, points ont that It la difflcolt to 
snppoee a ooancil nnder the empire would si* iCRif m 
openly agsinst the emperor's intsitteenoe. If m «■■ 


IW 35tk (zxxiv.), recognicing a kind X}f metro- 
fiiSUm wUhmiij, has also been much insisted 
m bj Vot I>Rj and Bickell, as well as hj Daille, 
m pRwf of an origin not earlier than the 4th 
ccatvj («e eont^^ Bey. CotL Ccm, lib. 2, cap. t.).^ 

Tht Mkh iQggests the remark that if it were in 
cxistcice at the timo of Cjprian, it would snrely 
iHTe becB cited in the controversy as to heretictU 
bpciflD. It agrees with the doctrine of the apoa- 
toJkal eoBstltntions vL 15, and according to some 
b> protebl J been taken thence. Beveridge indeed 
th gr re i that Cjprian {Epitt, to Jubajanus) does 
idj «n the decree of a synod held under the 
prmdcacj of Agrippinus (see Jud. de Can. Ap. 
$ iL sad Cod, Can. lib. 3, cap. xii.). This de- 
em be Mems to think may be the original of 
CUM 46. If 80) however, it would seem to shew 
tiw locsl and partial character of the apostolical 
moot, ftr we know that the Roman Church 
kdd st this very time a contrary view (Comp. 
the siimisKiaBs of Bev. in Jud. de Can, § xii.). 

igsii, other orders besides bishop, priest, and 
imeok appear in the clerical body. We have sub- 
teooBi, readers, and singers (canon 43).* Though 
tht second of these is found in Tertullian, the 
int sad last are not to be traced further back 
thu the middle of the third century. 

Sot to mention other instances, it may in con- 
doBoa be obserred that much contest has taken 
fket OTcr the list of canonical books in the last 
cuot, aad as to the reference therein to the con- 
ititakioBL Beveridge thinks that the variation 
ia that list from the canon of Scripture as eventu- 
slir settled, is a proof that it was drawn up at 
aa early date aiid before the final settlement 
•ai nadow But at the same time he (somewhat 
■Maasteatly) is inclined to take refuge in the 
tbeary that this last canon has been interpolated. 
Here again it would be vain to attempt an 
•WidioMttt of the argument (see Cod. Canon, 
Uh. 2, e. ix. and Jud, de Cttn, Apod. § xvi. et aeq.) 

Beftre omclading, the opinions of one or two 
other vritera most be mentioned. Erabbe think s 
that at the end of the 4th or early in the 5th 
ccitvry, a writer of Arian or Macedonian teu- 
^caciss drew up both the 8th book of the consti- 
tnti oa i aad the collection of canons, the former 
htiif composed out of precepts then in circulation 
■■der the Apostles' names, with many additions of 
hii own, the latter out of canons made in different 
piooes during the 2Dd and 3rd centuries, with 

^Tiit al^l be henoe gained for the theory that these 
eaiai(ia the pitint fomi, at aU eTCDts)did not really 
^Hsli fiQii any oooscU. 
* Beveridge obaervca thai the Apostolical Canon merely 
of fW vpHTor imivmww, whereas the corre* 
Obmo of Andodi has tW ev rg i n frpowokti 
wLntomotf\ the latter betog in coofonnlty 
vtfh (be Bime metropolitan. This name did not arise till 
fti4fteatai7; and he therefore thinks the Apostolical 
Gtea h prand to be the older of the two, and to be 
Mn IhM oia. Moreover the Canon of Antioeh pro- 
^MS te enactawnt to be mar^ vor opj^otonpor jcpor 
Mr wBT^pMr i^twv KOj^JMu It may be worth 
thai thoe Is no traoe of a primacy among 
h the Apoatolieal Conatltotiona, even in their 

* fcaaHBHa we Had only a general etp r e a al on, as In 
^^ (vfl.)« wfakfa nma «S rcc htinunnt ^ wptapSrtpot 
WiWec ^hi Ttm HrnnXtrgoit tw Mparucev; the latter 
**di o— ythendtBg the other orders, and being appa- 
^'■^AtBl^ eqnfvalcDt to the phraae ^ ikmt rov xara- 
A^ia oSr cAmmt hi Osa. 1ft. 


the mterpolation of the 7th and 85th canons 
forged by himself (see (Jltzen, p. xvi. pref.). 

Bunsen attaches much importance to the apos- 
tolical canons. He regards them as belonging 
to a class of ordinances which were '^ the local 
coutumes of the apostolical Church," i. e. if not 
of the Johannean age, at all events of that imme- 
diately succeeding. Yet such "never formed 
any real code of law, much less were they the 
decrees of synods or councils. Their collections 
nowhere had the force of law. Every ancient 
and great church presented modifications of the 
outlines and traditions here put together; but 
the constitutions and practices of all churches 
were built upon this groundwork " (Christ, and 
Mankind, vol. ii. 421). Our apostolical canons 
served this purpose in the Greek Church. The 
fiction which attributes them to the Apostles is 
probably ante-Nicene (vol. vii. p. 373) ; but they 
are now in an interpolated state. 

Internal evidence shews, he thinks, that the 
original collection consisted of three chapters : — 
I. On ordination. 
II. On the oblation and communion. 

III. On acts which deprive of ofiScial rights 
or offices. 

These comprise, with some exceptions, rather 
more than a third of the whole. To these, he 
says, were appended, but at an early date — 

IV. On the rights and duties of the bishop ; 
and subsequently when the collection thus ex- 
tended had been formed — 

V. Other grounds of deprivation. 

Canons 6 (v.), 27 (xxvi.), he considers from 
internal evidence to be interpolations. Relying 
on the fiict that the Coptic version (to which he 
attaches much weight, calling it "The Apos- 
tolical Constitutions of Alexandria") omits 
canons xlvii., xlviii., xlix., 1., he treats these 
also as of later date. Canon 35 (xxxiv.) ho 
appears to consider as a genuine early foim of 
what subsequently became the system of metro- 
politan authority. 

Coming then to what he styles " The Second 
Collection, which is not recognized by the Roman 
Church," •*. e. to the canons not translated by 
Dionysius, he says they "bear a more decided 
character of a law book for the internal dis- 
cipline of the clergy, with penal enactments." 

Canon Ixxxi. is a repetition and confirmation 
of one in the first collection, viz., xx. compared 
with 31 (xxx.). This and canons Ixxxiii., Ixxxiv., 
are post-Nicene. The canon of Scripture also is 
spurious, as contradicting in many points the 
authentic traditions and assumptions of the eariy 
Church. It is wanting in the oldest MS., the 
Codex Barberinus {Christianity and Maniind, 
vol. ii. p. 227). 

Oltzen, though modestly declining to express 
a positive judgment, evidently leans to the view 
of Bickell that the Antiochene decrees were 
the foundation of manv of the canons, and re- 
grets that Bunsen should have brought up again 
the theory of Beveridge, which, he considers, 
"recentiores omnes hujus rei judices refuta- 
verant " (Pref. p. xvi. note, and p. xxi.). 

There are Oriental versions of the apostolical 
canons. As Bunsen has observed, the Coptic and 
Aethiopic (the former being a very late but 
faithful translation from an old Sahidio version, 
see Tattam's Edition, 1848) omit certain of the 
canons relating to heretical baptism. Except in 



thif and in Oan. Ixxxt. they do not differ in any 
important degree ^ Some acooont of these yer- 
aions, and alto of the STriao,may be leen in Bickell, 
ToL L append* iv. He ooneiden OTen the last- 
named to be later than oar Qreek text, and that 
little ajnistance is to be derived from them (tee 
p. 215) ; others, howerer, as Bonsen, rate them 
Highly. The subject deserves further inquiry. 

To attempt to decide, or eyen to sum up so 
large a oontroyersy, and one on which scholars 
have differed so widely, would sayoor of pre- 
sumption. It most suffice to indicate a few 
pomts on which the decision seems principally 
to turn. The first question is, Can we come to 
Beyeridge's conclusion that a corpus canonum 
corresponding to our present collection, and pos- 
sessing a generally recognised authority, really 
existed in the 3rd century ? If so, much weight 
would deservedly belong to it. 

But if an impartial view of Beveridge's argu- 
ments should be thought to lead merely to the 
conclusion, that a number of canons substanti- 
ally agreeing with certain of those now in our 
collection, are quoted in the 4th century, and 
presumably existed some considerable time pre- 
viously, we find ourselves in a different position. 

In this case the contents of our present col- 
lection may possibly be nothing more than de- 
crees of synods held at different and unknown 
times,^ and in different and uncertain places, not 
necessarily agreeing with each other, and not 
necessarily acknowledged by the Church at large, 
at all events till a later period."* 

Again, if our present collection as a whole be 
not shewn to be of the 3rd century, the question 
at once ariMs when and how it was made, and 
whether any modification or interpolation took 
place in the component materials when they were 
so collected together." 

If it be to be looked upon as a digest of pre- 
existing canons brought together from various 
sources, it is necessary to consider how far the 
fact that any particular canon is authenticated 

k In Can. LXXXY. the C!optlc omits Esther from the 
0. T. end pnts Judith and ToUt tn pUoe of Maccabees, 
and after mentioning the 16 Prophets, it goes on : *■ These 
also let 7oar yoong persons learn. And ont of the Wis- 
dom of Solonion and Esther, the three Books of Maccabees, 
and the Wisdo|n of the Son of Slrach, there is mncfa In- 
straetioQ." In N. T. it adds the Apocalypse^ between 
Jode sod the Epistles of Clement, and says nothing tohot- 
aer about tki €iglU bookt <^ rtgultttioiu. •'The Acta" 
are merely mcntlooed by that name^ and Mlow the 
Gospela in the list. 

1 Some may, no doubt, be of an early date : thus Von 
Drey admits the probable antiquity of Can. 1, Oan. 10 (iz.). 
Can. 11 (z.), and others. See notes to the Canons in 
Hefele's OoneiUengeockidUe, voL 1. Append. ; end comp. 
Bickell, vol. 1. pp. 80, 81. 

■ Beverldge speaks of the Apostolical Ouions as the 
work * not of one bat of many synods, and those held in 
divers plaoes" (Ood. Oatn. lib. 1, cap. U.). He thinks 
that the name of the month Hyperberetaeos in Can. 
ZXXVIL shews that Csnon to be of JSaatem origin; 
while he argnes that the rule as to Easter in Can. VII. 
proves that Canon to belong to the WuUm Church, 
inosmndi as the rule in question doa not agrot viik the 
Oriental praeKoe (/ud. de Can. s. 12; and see a 27). 

> As to admiasions of Interpolations, see Bev. JiuL de 
Octn. ad finemt and Cod, Can. in CoteL vol. IL Append. 
pp. 10, T3, 114. Nor can It be (brgotten that, in the only 
shapes in which ve know of their having been cdlected, 
thij are introduced by the untrue pretext of being the 
welds of the Apoitks dictated lo dement. 


by being dted at Nice or elsewhere, in aaj 
degree authenticates any other canon not ss 
cited. For unless some bond of connexion cu 
be shewn, two canons standing in juztapositiflB, 
may be of quite different age ud origin. 

These considerations have been principally 
framed with reference to the arguments of Beve- 
ridge. Of course if the views of Yon Drey be 
adopted, any im|>ortance to be attadied to the 
canons is materially diminished. Up to a certain 
point Beveridge certainly argues not only with 
ingenuity but force, and his reasoning does not 
seem to have received its fair share of attention 
from Von Drey and Bickell.* Still, after allow- 
ing all just weight to what he advances, a careful 
consideration of the points just suggested, may 
perhaps tend to shew that it is not difficult to 
see why controversialists of modem times have 
not ventured to lay much stress on the apos- 
tolical canons. 

But there is another reason for this. Ne 
Western church can consistently prodaim their 
authority as they now stand. Protestant chnrcfaes 
will hardly agree, for instance, to the rule that 
one who was ordained unmarried, may not after- 
wards marry, nor will they recognize the Mac- 
cabees as a canonical book ; while the csnoas 
which require a trine immersion in baptism, and 
the repetition of baptism when performed by 
heretics, will not be accepted by either Protest 
ant or Roman Catholic.' 

It may be proper to add that the canons here 
discussed are not the only series extant which 
claim apostolical authority. 

ThuB, for instance, besides the Atard^tis rir 
kyicev kiroor6Kttv v^pl x^^porovt&Vt 9tit 'lv» 
a-oAirrov and Al iutrayai ed M KXif/tlrrof sal 
ieear6yts ^KieKfia'uurracol r&v kyUav dtMoarihmw 
(both of which will be treated of in oonnexioB 
with the Apost. Constitutions), we have certain 
pretended canons of an apostolic council at An- 
tioch (the title being rov iiylov Upo/idprvpo$ 
Rofi^Xov iie T^s 4v *AyTiox«tf tAv iarwrT6km^ 
tnnf^av, tovt* iirriw 4ir rw avpoiuc&v wbrwt 
KOMivotv lUpos r&v ^ oAtov t^ptidrreev €ls vV 
'dptydwovs fiifiXioHiniw). They are in Bickell, 
i. 138, and Lagarde, Belig. Jvria Eocles. p. 18. 

We also find another set of apostolic canons 
(Bpos Koifoyuchs r&v itffiwv iarotrriXoni) also 
published by Bickell, i. 133, and Lagarde, p. 36 
(and of which the latter critic says that it is 
*<nondum theologis satis oonsideratum ") ; and 
yet again a curious series of alleged apoetolie 
ordinances (many of which resemble parts of 
the apostolical constitutions), in three ancient 
Syriac MSS., one translated into Greek by Lagarde 
(Rd. Jw. Eccl. p. 89), and two into English, with 
notes, by Cureton, in * Ancient Syriac Documents, 

• Tet it is oertainly remarkable tbatt when we flrtt 
hear of theee Quions, the questioD seems to be whether 
thej are apostolic or apocryphaL The view that they 
are an authentic coUectiou of post^Hpoeiolie sjuodial 
decrees does not seem to have then suggested IteeUl 

p Refined distinctions have indeed been drawn to qua- 
lify the an;MUPent sense of some of these Oanoos (see Ber. 
Cod. Can. in CoteL voL iL Append, p. 100, and p, 130); 
but the difllcnlty attending them has pnAaUy had its 
share in preventing their full recognition. Hefele qteaks 
of the Canon on Heretical BoptiMOi as contraiy to the 
Booian rule. Gul LXVl. i^ also contraiy U> the dlKH 
pltaie of Rome; but not being in the first M^ It Is hiU 



nbliif totlMMrlkst 6ftabliaiim«nt of CSiruti- 
iBftjitldMH,' iK^witb prefiMebj W.Wright, 
lmLl96i, It appetn that in God. Add. 14,173, 
fcL 37, a Brit. Miu. this document is quoted as 
•*CuaM of the .^postles." 

It is not ptfhapo a wholly unreasonable hope 
tkst farther researches into the ecclesiastical 
less, of Syria may he the means of throwing 
■sie li^t on the perpleung questions which 
Mirouid alike the apostolic canons and the apos- 
telk eoBstitutaons, both of them, in all proba- 
liliij,eIoEel7 connected in their origin with that 
Ghnick sad oountry.4 

jMaftritia.--^Ctniwriatore8 MagMurg. il c. 7, 
f. 5H ^ f r. Turrianus, Pro Canon. Apost. et 
^JkateL Poktif. Apost, Adterwa Magd, (ktdur. 
/i^MM>(Flor. 1572, Lutetiae 1573), Ub. L P. de 
]iitci,0Mic&ic«r<i^iii2. J.I>allaeus,i>ePs«u<i- 
tfigrofka Apod^ lib. iii. Pearsoni VincUc, 
Igid. Qm Cotelerius, Pair, Apoat^^ toL ii. app. 
f. 251X part L cap. 4. Hatt. Larroquanus in 
Jfp. (H», ad P§ar9omaaa$ Tgnatu Vtndic. (Rotho- 
m^. 1674). Beveregii Judicium de Can, Apost, 
CnCoteL, Po^r. Apost,, edit. 1724, yoL I p. 432). 
Bcreregii Aiaototalones ad Can, Apost. (Ibid. p. 
455> Codsx CammumEocIesiae Umversalis Vin- 
ioatu a GuL Beyeregio (Ibid. yol. ii. app. p. 1, 
aad Oxfoid 1848.) BrJUkatoM Judicium da Auctore 
Caomm st Consktutiomim ApostoUcorum (Cotel. 
wL ii app. pw 177). Prokg, in Ignatium Jac, 
UstfH (Ibid. ToL u, app. p. 199), see cap. yi. 
KegobKcht, Diss, de Can. Ap, et Cod, Ecc, 
Bkfi,, fiatiftb. 1828. Eiabbe, De Cod, Can, qui 
Apod, (ficiutfur, Eitt. 1829. Von Drey, Neue 
Uderssck. Hber die Konstit, und Kanones der 
ifMt., Tiibingen 1832. Bickell, Geschichte des 
KtrekesredUs, Giessen 1843, yoL i. Hefele, Cor^ 
eikagesddekte, Freiburg 1855, yol. i. append. 
BuMD, Cbistiamty and Mankind, London 1854. 
ClticB, Oonstitutiones Apod,, Suerini 1853, pre- 
set § 2. De Lagarde, SeHguiae Juris Eccleai- 
adidAidiqeiMaunaSy 1856. [B. S.] 

apoitoUcal constitutions consist of eight books. 
Taeir general scope is the discussion and regnla- 
tMB (Dot in the way of concise rules, but in 
difiiae and hortatory language) of ecclesiastical 
sfiirL la some places they enter upon the 
private behayiour proper for Christians; in 
ctltfr parts, in connexion with the services of 
tb« Cknrch, they furnish liturgical forms at 
nanderable length.* A large share of the 
vbele is taken up with the subjects of the sac- 
maents, and of the powers and duties of the 

M the end of the eighth book, as now com- 
■oalr edited, are to be foond the apostolical 
caaoiB. These we haye already treated of in the 
ptriooi article. 

The constitutions, extant in HSS. in yarious 
•ibuies,^ appear during the middle ages to haye 
beei practically unknown. When in 1546, 

^ Bfckd], ho we f s f , warns us thai the fruits of such 
nnntei amsl be wd with csnttoo. on aoooont of the 
avritial wqr in wbkh ysiioas pieces are pai to> 
ynte la these MBS. (voL L p. 318). 

* Tbeie belang eapvdsUy to the question of Litoigles, 
«< «1tt not ttaerefcre be ooostdered St length here. 

^ la eooogat of ttw IfiflL Is given in UlCsen's ediUon. 
■d ly Ugnde !n BoMea's CMd, ond JKm., yol. ri. 

Carolus Capellns, a Venetian, printed an epitome 
of them in Latin translated from a MS. foand in 
Crete, Bishop Jewell spoke of it as a worlc ** in 
these countries neyer heard of nor seen beture.*' 
(Park. Soc, Jew,, i. 111.) In 1563 Boviua pub- 
lished a complete Latin yersion, and in the same 
year Turrianus edited the Greek text. It is not 
expedient here to pursue at any length the 
question of subsequent editions, but it may be 
as well . to mention the standard one of Cote- 
lerius in the Patres Apostolici and the usefal and 
portable modern one of tJ'ltzen (Suerin, 1853). 
There is also one by Lagarde, Lipsiae, 1862. 

The constitutions profess on the face of them 
to be the words of the Apostles themselves 
written down by the hand of Clement of Remi:, 

Book 1 prescribes in great detail the mannars 
and liabits of the faithfiU laity« 

Book 2 is concerned chiefly with the duties of 
the episcopal office, and with assemblies for 
divine worship. 

Book 3 relates partly to widows, partly to the 
clergy, and to the administration of baptism. 

Book 4 treats of sustentation of the poor, of 
domestic life, and of virgins. 

Book 5 has mainly to do with the subjects of 
martyrs and martyrdom, and with the rules for 
feasts and fasts. 

Book 6 speaks of schismatics and heretics, and 
enters upon the question of the Jewish law, and 
of the apostolic discipline substituted for it, and 
refers incidentally to certain customs and tradi- 
tions both Jewish and Gentile. 

Book 7 describes the two paths, the one of 
life, the other of spiritual death, and follows out 
this idea into several points of daily Christian 
life. Then follow rules for the teaching and 
baptism of catechumens, and liturgical pre- 
cedents of prayer and praise, together with a list 
of bishops said to have been appointed by the 
Apostles themselves. 

Book 8 discusses the diversity of spiritual 
gifts, and giv» the forms of public prayer and 
administration of the communion, the election 
and ordinations of bishops, and other orders in 
the Church, and adds various ecclesiastical regu- 

This enumeration of the contents of the books 
is by no means exhaustive — ^the style being 
diffuse, and many other matters being incident- 
ally touched upon — ^but is merely intended to give 
the reader some general notion of the nature of 
the work. 

From the time when they were brought again 
to light down to the present moment, great 
differences of opinion have existed as to the date 
and authorship of the constitutions. 

Turrianus and Bovius held them to be a 
genuine apostolical work, and were followed in 
this opinion by some subsequent theologians, and 
notably by the learned and eccentric Whiston, 
who maintained that (with the exception of a 
few gross interpolations) they were a record of 
what our Saviour himself delivered to hia 
Apostles in the forty days after his resurrection, 
and that they were committed to writing and 
were sent to the churches by two apostolic 
councils held at Jerusalem, a.d. 64 and a.d. 67, 
and by a third held soon afler the destruction 
of the city. 

On the other hand Baronius, Bellarmine and 
Petavius declined to attach weight to the Cob- 



ttitationa, while DailM and Blondel fiercely at- 
tacked their^enuineness and authority. 

Whiston's main argument was that the early 
Fathers constantly speak of SiScuncaX^a ixo- 
croKuc^t ttard^fis, iiarayal, Hiardy/wra rwy 
iaroer^MV, Kiufi»¥ t^» Kttrovfryiasy tcwitv -nj* 
kKifi^las, and so forth, which is tnie ; bu4 he 
has not proyed that these expressions are neces- 
sarily oMd of a definite book or books, and far 
less, that they relate to what we now have as 
the so-called Apostolical Constitutions. 

It will be well to look at some of the chief of 
these passages fxt>m the Fathers. 

We may begin with the words of Irenaeus in 
the fragment first printed by Pfaff in 1715. al 
Tcuf 8(vr^pcuf r&v inro<rT6\MV Ziard^tct vafnt- 
Ko\ovBiHKvr€s iffwri t6v K^piov viiuf wpoir^opiuf 
4y Tp Kcuyf HMd-fiicp maBfoniKiycu tearit t6 
MaXaxiov k, r. \. 

Professor Lightfoot is disposed to see here a 
reference to £e apostolical constitutions, bat 
does not recognise the Pfiiffian fragments as 
genuine.* (Lightfoot On Epist, to PfulippianB, 
London, 1868, pp. 201, 202.) But if the genu- 
ineness be admitted, the reference is surely in 
th« highest degree vague and uncertain. There 
is nc eyidence that the ordinances spoken of 
(whAeyer they were) were to be found in any 
one particular book — still less is there anything 
to identify what is spoken of with the apostoliou 
constitutions either as we now haye them, or 
under any earlier and simpler form. Moreoyer, 
it appears singular that if the Constitutions were 
really what the writer was relying on, he should 
not quote some passage from them. Instead of 
this, he goes on to cite the Reyelation, the Epistle 
to the Romans, and the Epistle to the Hebrews, 
almost as if these contained the Utard^cts in 
question. What is meant by the word 8c^«pai 
it seems yery difficult to say with certainty. 

Origen speaking of fasting (in his 10th Homily 
on Leyiticus) says, '* Sed est et alia adhuc re- 
ligiosa [jejunandi ratio], cujus laus qrtorundam 
apostolontm Uteris praedicatur. Inyenimus enim 
iu quodam libeUo ab apostolis dictum, Beatus 
est qui etiam jejunat prae eo ut alat pauperem. 
Hujus jejunium yalde acceptum est apud Deum 
et reyera digne satis : imitatur enim Ilium qui 
animam suam posuit pro fratribus suis." 

The terms in which Origen intixKluccs this 
citation do not seem yery appropiiate to such a 
work as the Constitutions, nor in point of fact 
do the words (which seem meant as an exact 
quotation) occur in it. There is indeed (Book 
T. 1) a general exhortation to fast in order to 
giye the food to the saints, but the passage has a 
primary reference (at all eyents) to saints im- 
prisoQMl on account of the fitith. There Is, there- 
fore, a considerable diyergenoe between the words 
in Origen and those in the Constitutions; and 
we are hardly justified in seeing any reference to 
the latter in the former.^ 

« Hilgenfeld eppesrs to take a like vipw, both as to the 
Apostolical Constttatlons bdng intendeii, and as to the 
passage not being genuine. {Nov.TaLmtraCamon,recepL 
Faadc iy. pp. 83, 84.) Bunsen thinks the Fragment ge- 
naloe. and |hat it refers to some early " Ordinanoes," oot 
neoesstfily the lame as we now have : CkritL and Jfoik, 
voL It p. 398, et aeq. 

d Primft fade, too^ " Uterae quorvmdaM apostoloram " is 
not an apt designatiaa of a work professing to represent 
tha joint decrees of oK. 

A later treatise entitled < De Aleatoribos,' ef 
unknown date and authorship, erroneously as- 
cribed to Cyprian, refers to a passage ** in doe- 
trinis apostolorum," relating to Church discipline 
upon offenders. Here again no effort has suc- 
ceeded in tracing the words of the citation either 
in the constitutions or in any known work. 
There is, indeed, a passage of a similar effect 
(Book ii. c. 39), bvt the actual langua^ is not 
the same ; and a similarity of general tenor v 
not much to be relied upon, inasmuch as th« 
subject in hand is a very common one. 

We come now to Eosebius. In his list of 
books, afler naming those generally allowed, and 
those which are hvriX^iii^poi, he goes on, — " We 
roust rank as spurious (v6Boi) the account of the 
* Acts of Paul,' the book called < The Shepbeid/ 
and the ' Revelation of Peter,' and besides these, 
the epistle circulated under the name of 'Bar- 
nabas,' and what are called the 'Teadiings of 
the Apostles ' (Twk iiToarT6\»y at \ty6ti€imi 8i- 
SayaC), and moreover, as I said, the ' Apocalypse 
of John,' if such an opinion seem correct, whidi 
some as I said reject, while others reckon it 
among the books generally received. We may 
add that some have reckoned in this division the 
Gospel according to the Hebrews, to which those 
Hebrews who have received [Jesus as] the Christ 
are especially attached. All these then will be- 
long to the class of controverted books." (Ensebu 
Hist. JSccl iii. 25.) 

The place here given to the ZiZaxai (even 
supposing them to be the constitutions) is in- 
consistent with their being held a genuine work 
of the Apostles. It speaks of them, however, as 
forming a well-known book, and from the cos- 
text of the passage, they seem to be recognised 
as orthodox ; but there is nothing to identify 
them directly with our present collection. 

Athanasius, among books not canonical, but 
directed to be read by proselytes for instmctiim 
in godliness, enumerates the Wisdom of Solomon, 
the Wisdom of Sirach, Esther, Judith, Tobias, 
and what he styles 8<Sax^ KoXovfieyri rw &yo- 
0-TuXwK. The same remarks obviously apply to 
this Father as to Eusebius (Op, S, Athan. I 963, 
Ed. Bened.). 

The language of neither of them indicates that 
the work in question was looked upon as an au- 
thoritative collection of Church laws. Lagarde 
denies that either of them is to be considered 
as quoting any book of our constitutions, laying 
much stress on the distinction between Si^axsi 
and Siorr^eis or Siorayol dTooroAw. (Bunsen. 
Christ, and Man,, vol. vi. p. 41.") Bunsen, how- 
ever, himself is inclined to see here a real refer- 
ence to a primitive form of the constitutions. 
(Ibid, vol. ii. p. 405.) 

We now come to Epiphanius, who, writing at 
the close of the 4th century, has nnmerous 
explicit references to the Hidra^ts of the Apostles, 
meaning thereby apparently some book of s 
similar kind to that which we now have. His 
view of its character and authority is to be found 
in the following passage : — 

^For this purpose the Audiani themselves 
[a body of heretics] allege the Constitution of 
the Apostles, a work disputed indeed with the 

• In this work Lagarde writes under the 
Boettlcher. which he has since changed for family 
to Ijsgarde. 




Mjwttf Ud Ghrktiaiia] jet not worthy of re- 
' For all ea&onical order b contained 
wad DO point of the fiuth is falsified, nor 
jit rf the caBnoBon, nor yet of the adminis- 
tiatifi syrtem and rule and faith of the Chnrch." 
{Him'. 7Q| No. 10 ; oomp. also Ibid. No. 11, 12 ; 
7d,Ko.6; 80,No.7.) 

Bofc wha we examine his citations, we find 
that none of them agree exactly with our present 
tot, while some of them rary from it so widely, 
that they can be connected with it only by the 
fappodtion that they were meant to be made ad 
seasom not ad literam. Even this resource fails 
n a fiuiKMis passage, immediately following that 
jot dted, where Epiphanius quotes the coosti- 
tstaoas ss directing Easter to be observed ac- 
ondiog to the Jewish reckoning,f whereas in our 
praeat ot^ues they expressly enjoin the other 
sTBtem. ^ee Book y. 17.) 

Ia a wwk known as the ' opns imperfectum in 
Mstthseom,' once ascribed to Chrysostom, but 
Mv eoosidered to hare been the production of 
u uknown writer in the 5th century, there is 
a dirtiact reference to *' the 8th book of the 
apostolic caBcntB." And words to the effect of 
ti«ae quoted are found in the second chapter. 
Aaother citation, however, in the same writer 
cunoC be rerified at all. 

it is not neceaaary to pursue the list further. 
Fna this time forwards references are found 
Thick can be verified with more or less exactness, 
and ia the year 692 the council of Constantinople, 
kaovi as Qnlnisextum, or the TruUan council, 
W the work under their consideration, bat came 
10 « (ormal decision, refusing to acknowledge it 
as aathoritative on account of the extent to which 
it had been interpolated by the heterodox. 

It appears then that we must conclude that 
there is no sufficient evidence that the Church 
geaerally reoeired as of undoubted authority any 
coUcctioB of constitutions professing to have 
raae from the Apostles themselves, or at least 
to be a trostwoilhy primitive record of their 
4edBocia. Even Epiphanius bases his approbation 
•f the work of which he speaks on subjective 
gienods. He refers to it, because he thinks it 
d^hodox, but admits that it was not received as 
a biaiiag authority. Yet had such a work 
ezirted, it should seem that from its practical 
charscter it most have been widely known, per- 
pctaaliy dted, and generally acted upon. 

Indeed that the so-called apostolic constitu- 
tMos, as they now stand, are not the production 
•f the Apostles or of apostolical men, will be 
dear to most readers from their scheme and con- 
tmta. ** Apostles," says the author of an article 
a the subject in the * Christian Itemembranoer ' 
ia 18S4y *^ are brought together who never could 
hav« been together in this life : St. James, the 
ireater (after he was beheaded), is made to sit 
in eooBcil with St. Paul (Lib. vi. c. 14), though 
elaewhere he is spoken of as dead (Lib. v. c. 7). 
Thus aawmbled, they condemn heresies and 
hoeties by name who did not arise till a.fter 

' IV wv «n«T6AMF 3cara(ir, o9<ray ftir roic «oA- 

MK «r a^iiyiAMiry, «AA ovc MMifAOr. 

* "Op iQtwn yap cr rg mtrS itard$^ oi iar69ro\M 5ri< 

tfuii pji ^n f^ i^ ifTw, iJkXk vouZtc irar ot a5«A^0i vi»mv oi 

unpiqv* fMT^ avTwv iita voiciTe. And he adds : 

. Xdyotrrtt or* K£y n srAomitfiMri) fufi* 

their death (Lib. vi. c. 8); they appoint the 
observance of the days of their death (Lib. viii. 
c. 33), nay, once they are even made to say 
* These are the names of the bishope whom we 
ordained in our lifetime ' (Lib. viii. c 47)." 

Most persons will also be of opinion that there 
is a tone about the constitutions themselves 
which is by no means in harmony with what we 
know of apostolic times. Thus for instance, the 
honour given to the episcopate is excessive and 

ohros [i. e. 6 Mckowos] ^fMor 0affi\€bs icol 
Zvvdffrris' obros ^fi&v iiriydos ©e^s fieri Oc^v, 
6s 64>c(Aet rqr wap* hfiSty rtfi^s &iroXa^«v (citing 
Ps. Ixxxii. 6 and Exod. xxiL-xxvili. in LXX.). 
*0 7&P MffKtnros xpoKa0€(M» bfiMv its OeoS 
&|f9 T9rifiiift4yos, f leparu rov KX^pov icol rov 
Xaov vayrds &px<* (Book ii. 26; comp. alsQ 
Book ii. 33). 

And in Book vi. 2 we read : — 
c2 ykp 6 $a<nX,tv<riv hrfy€ip6fJityos KoXdfftus 
ll^ioSj khy vl6s fi khtf ^l\ov w6ir<f fuiXXoy 6 
Uptvtrtv iTrayurrdfttvos ; *Oa'(p yip Upwr6vri 
fieuriKelas hin^lvwy, wepl tfrvx^f (fx^^^** "^^^ 
hrfwckj ro<ro{n(p ical $apvT4pap Ix*' ''^'^ rifiw- 
ptcof 6 ra^rp roXfififfas kmofipMrtlVf ^ircp 6 r^ 

A system, too, of orders and classes in the 
Church stands out prominently, especially in the 
8th book, of which there is no trace in the ear- 
liest days (see Bickell, vol. i. p. 62). Thus we 
have subdeaoons, readers, &c., with minute direc- 
tions for their appointment. Ceremonies also are 
multiplied. The use of oil and myrrh in baptism 
is enjoined (Book vli. 22), and the marriage of 
the clergy after ordination is forbidden (vi. 17). 
We must therefore feel at once that we have 
passed into a different atmosphere from that oi 
Clement's Epistle to the Corinthians, and that 
the connection of Clement's name with the work 
must be a fiction, no less than the assertion that 
he wrote its contents at the mouth of the apos- 
tles. Even those who think that they trace 
something like the origin of such a system in the 
letters of Ignatius must allow that it is here 
represented in a state of development which 
must have required a considerable period of time 
to bring about. 

The questions, however, still remain : — 
To what date are we to assign the work in the 
form in which it now exists ? 

Can we show that it was in any degree formed 
out of pre-existing materials ? 

Bishop Pearson > and Archbishop Usher regai*d 
the variations between the citations of Epipha- 
nius, and what we read in our present copies of 
the constitutions, as conclusive evidence that 
there have been alterations and interpolations on 
a large scale since the time of that Father, and 
the latter of these writers thinks' that the same 
falsifier has been at work here, who expanded the 
shorter epistles of Ignatius into the so-called 
longer epistles.) 

k Oomp. Usber, In CoteL Patr, Apo$U voL 11. p. 230, 
edit 1734. 

I Vind. IgnaL Part i. c. 4 prope fin. And see the 
opinion of Deveridge. Cod. Can. lib. 2, cap. Ix. 

j CoteL Patr. Ap. voL IL Append, p. 228. Bickell hss 
coUecifid some instanoes of oorrespoDdence in phraseology 
between the IgnatJan Epistles and the OoDStitudons as 
they stand, which the reader may refer to in order to 
examine the probablUty of the latter theory {Gueh dm 



Aooording to Pearson, we should probably 
attribute the work in its existing form to about 
the middle of the 5th oenturj, while Usher re- 
fuses to place it higher than the 6th century. If^ 
on the other hand, we could suppose that Epipha- 
nius quoted loosely, and that tne book which he 
had may, with occasional exceptions, hare re- 
sembled in substance what we now hare, ^ we 
should be able to put its antiquity somewhat 
higher. But whateyer conclusion may be come 
to on this point, there is no satisfactory evidence 
to warrant its being assigned to any period suffi- 
ciently early to make it, as it stands, an authority 
as to apostolic usage. 

But the question still remains. Can we trace 
its composition, and in any degree identify the 
materials out of which it has been put together ? 

That the work was a pure and simple forgerr 
is improbable. Such was not the course which 
matters took in early days ; nor would the mea- 
sure of acceptance which it obtained be easily ac- 
counted for on this theory. 

Moreover it contains passages which seem 
manifestly to belong to an early age. Thus in 
case of quarrels the Christian is recommended 
to seek reconciliation even at a loss to himself, 
iral jR^ ipx^<r9» M KpvH^piov iBwiK^p (book ii. 
c. 4-5} — ^words which at all events savour of a 
time before the empire was Christian. So again, 
the secular judges are said to be 4$wiieol icai ob 
yivAvKovrts St^iyreu So also martyrdom and 
persecution on account of Christianity are spoken 
of as by no means exclusively belonging to the 
past (see Lib. 5, init. et alibi). 

And to mention but one more point, the charge 
of Arianism, which was at one time freely brought 
against the constitutions, and used to prove that 
they had been corrupted, if not forged, by here- 
tics,^ has in later days been sometimes made the 
ground of an opposite inference. It is thought by 
some modem writers merely to show that the 
phrases excepted against date from a time before 
the controversy arose, and when therefore men 
spoke with less of dogmatic exactness. "■ 

Perhaps it is possible to go even a step further, 
at all events, by way of not unreasonable conjec- 
ture. We have seen that Whiston relied on a 
number of places in which the early Fathers 
speak of SiSaxcU , SiScuriraXfeu, Siar^siv rwy &T0- 
a-r6\c»Vt and some years before Whiston wrote. 
Bishop Pearson (in his Vindidae IgnaHanae) 
had suggested the idea that, so far as such ex- 
pressions really referred to any specific works at 
all, they were to be understood of smaller, more 
mcient, and more fragmentary treatises, of a 
kind not rare in the Primitive Church, professing 
to contain the words of the apostles or of aposto- 
lical men on matters of doctrine and Church 
order. Some of these were the production of here- 
tics, some were of an orthodox character. Those 
which related to doctrine were called didascaliae, 

Kirchewreehtt, vol. l p. 68, note). Piearwn takes a some- 
what different view, Vind, tgnai. aM sapn. 

k Oomp. Bickell, i. pp. 67, 68, note. Eplpfaanlns, bow- 
ever, never quotes from the ?th or 8th books, which on 
any theory are doubtlesB of later data 

1 See for instance Le Qerc, in OofeeL Pair. ApotL voL U. 
Apfk p. 492, et seq. ; and Bnmo, lUd. p. Iff, et seq. 
Indeed Photlns and the Trallan Gooncil had Inslnaated 
the same accusation {BOMotk. Can. 112, 113). 

"* See Bkikell, p. 68, note, p. 61. and p. <8, note. Oomp. 
Boll, Dtf. Fid.Nic.\nk2,c9,^9. 

those which gave rules of ritual or disclpliiM^ 
Ztard^tis or Constitutiones. These works, wnttes 
at different times and in different parts of the 
Church, furnished (as Pearson supposes) the mate- 
rials to the compiler, who, with many alteratioM 
and interpolations formed out of them our present 
constitutions (Vindio. Ignat,^ Part i. c 4). 

Other critics have spoken in terms which seem 
rather to point to a gradual accretion, added to 
from time to time to express the Church system 
as developed, and modified at the periods when 
such additions were respectively made. Thus 
Lagarde says, ^ Communis virorum doctorum fere 
omnium nunc inraluit opinio, eas [Constitutiones] 
saccule tertio clam suocrevisse et quum sex ali- 
quando libris absolutae fuissent, septimo et octavo 
auctas esse postea" (BeUq. Juri$ Eocles. Antiq, 

That the work as we have it is a composite 
one is indeed manifest enough *^ from the genersl 
want of internal unity, method, or connexioa; 
the difference of style in the various portions, sad 
sometimes statements almost contradictory ; the 
same topics being treated over and over again in 
different places ; besides a formal conclusion of 
the end of the sixth book, and other indications 
of their being distinct works joined together " 
(Christ, Bememhr, ubi supra). 

In the Paris Library is a Syriac HS. called the 
Didascalia or Catholic doctrine of the 12 Apos- 
tles and holy disciples of our Saviour. It con- 
tains in a shorter form much of the substance of 
the first six books of the constitutions, but with 
very great omissions, and with some variatiosi 
and transpositions. 

Its contents were printed in Syriac by De Ls- 
garde (without his name) in 1854 : and the same 
critic, in the 6th vol. of Bunsen's Christianity and 
Mankind, has published, 1st, our present text, 
with what he states to be the variations of the 
Syriac ; and 2nd, a shorter Greek text or * Dids»- 
calia Purior,' founded on the Syriac. >^ 

Bickell, who, however, when he wrote had 
only seen extracts, thought this Syriac HS. a 
mere abridgement of the krger work, and there- 
fore posterior in date to it, and adding little to 
our knowledge. 

But Bunsen (Christianity and Mankind, vol I p. 
X.), Lagarde (Hei. Jur. EccL Ant. pref., p. iv.), and 
the author of the article in the Qiristian Remem' 
brancer 1854, all agree that we have here an 
older and more primitive, if not the original 
work. Hilgenfeld says, '* Equidem et ipse Syria- 
cam Didascaliam ad hujus operis primitivam 
formam propius accedere existimo, sed eandem 
nunquam mutatam continere valde dubito."* He 
concludes, on the whole, " tertio demum saecnlo 
didascalia apostolica in earn fere formam redacts 
esse videtur, quam Eusebius et Athanasius nove- 
rant, quam recensionem a nostris oonstitutionibns 
apostolicis valde diversam ftiisse antiquissims 
docent testimonia, praecipue Epiphanii. £ji antem 

" It does not aeem, however, that this literally repR- 
senta the Syriac For one of the pasMges given bf ViSr 
gsnfeld (see inAra), which nndonbtedly odets in the Syriac, 
la not to be found in tbe 'Didascalia Parlor.' It is nracfa 
to be regretted that neither Lagarde nor any other Oriental 
scholar has pnblished a literal translation of the S^jniae 

• His own view la that the ApostoUcal OonstitiillaH 
sprang ftom an Ebionlte sonroe^ allied to that vrtdsh pro* 
dooed the Clementine RecognitloDek 



* fl^ilMa dHaiimlfa qnamTis oognata 
Ijnedimt.'* He Hunks that the STriao 
wfjpmn Bot to be ▼err oonnetent on the subject 
rftbt wlwU^i^ of Easter. It 'seems, howerer 
(frn the tnosbtions which he giTSs), that it 
coatainiapBHige agreeing in safastanoe^th what 
Epipbaaras qaotes as to keeping Easter b j the 
JcvUiMtiMd(antcp. 121): '<lhr sollt aber begin- 
■ea diaa, wenn enza BrOder aos dem Yolk [Isnei] 
dMfticfaa halteBy wcily als nnser Herr und Lehrer 
aut am das Fudia ass, er nach dieser Stonde von 
Jaisf Tcnathen wnrda. Und nm dieselbe Zeit 
UbfB wir aagafimgen, bedrllckt an werden, weil 
cr foa VBs geBommen war. Nach der Zahl des 
M«ad«» wie wir sihlen nadi der Zahl der glan- 
b^ H«brier, am sehnten im Monat, am Montag 
kbn ach die Priester nnd Aeltesten des Volki 
nnaaimelt " a. s. w., and subsequently — ** Wie 
tbi dcr Tienchnte dea Pascha ftllt, so sollt ihr 
Am bshea. Denn nieht stimmt der Monat, und 
■nek aicht der Tag in jedem Jahre mit dieser 
Xeit, Madera er iai Terschieden." ' 

TJiis it worthy of serious attention, as an argu- 
■cat for the antiquity of Uus Syriao work. 

It would aeem that it must at all erents be ad- 
mitted tliat the original work from which the 
Sjriac was taken consisted of six books only. 
The 7th sad 8th books, as they now stand, formed 
Bftjartof iL 

ibe same is the case with an Aethiopic yersion 
tnailstcd by Mr. Piatt. This also, though said 
to be Teiy loose and of little Talue as a guide to 
tk original text, is a witness to the £ftct that 
tkere were but six books when it was made. The 
like is true of the Arabic versions, of which some 
ioeooBt was first giren by Grabe, and of which 
two MSS. are in the Bodleian. ^ 

Ket only do these facts tend to isolate the first 
u boob fimn the 7th and 8th ; but the formal 
eoadnsioa which occurs at the end of the 6th 
trea in our present (ireek, and the style of the 
nateats itselC^ furnish internal evidence in the 
■■e direction. 

It has therefore been contended that the 
brael out of which, to a great extent, the first 
nx books sprang was a shorter b<K>k called 
tilesaaXia rwr &«-o<rr^A»r, of which the Syriao 
▼enioa fbraishes a fair idea, if not a really pure 

lad as none of Epiphanius's citations are made 
from the two last books, it is suggested that we 
■aj bare here something like a key to the work 
ai it vas in his time, the 7th and 8th books hav- 
isf been added since. ' 

Coniag to the 7th book, we must notice that 
iU 6nt thirteen chapters or thereabouts exhibit 
a S^eat similarity, both in matter and expression, 
t» the first part of an ancient tract printed by 
ftckell from a Vienna MS., and entitled At 8ia- 
rayal si 8i^ KXiifi4rros icol Kap6wts inieKiiiTuurTi' 

» flBeBltpnleld, iromioi TttL extra Can, reufL Faid- 
calai tr. pi n, St seq. (lipilae. ISM.) 
« There wn Hi the Ar^iie five chapten not In the 

' Tkefaet that there is «o Oriental venkm of tbe eight 
OneiL hooka as • whole, bM beenraUedoo to ahew that 
(hfj had not been ludled together In one wotIe np to 
te year 4S1. when the Eigyptlan, AetfaIople» and Sjilao 
ne oBwied fhem the comnraniai? of the Greeks 
; (jCkrtaL Remembr^ 1864, p. 378). The same 
is hiellBed la Aite lbs DIdascaly in the latter 

Koi r&v hyitnf krom-SKatr, * This tract professes 
to contain short and weighty utterances by the 
apostles (who are introduced as ^leaking suooesa- 
ivelv) on Christian morals, and on the ministers 
of the Church.* An Aethiopic version (for it is 
extant in Coptic, Aethiopic, and Arabic) calls it 
«< canons of the apostles which they have made 
for the ordering of the Christian Church." ■ It 
is the piece which Bickell and others after him 
have called ** Apostolische Kirchenordnung." 
It is assigned by him to the beginning of the 
3rd centurv.* The same date is given in the 
article on the subject in Herzog's JBnoyclqp&Ue, 
where it is treated as a document independent of 
the constitutions. Bunsen, removing the dra- 
matic form and presenting only the substance of 
the piece, considers it to be in fact a collection of 
rules of the Alexandrian Church. This view, 
however, is warmly disputed by the writer in the 
Christian Bemembrancer (1854, p. 293), who 
contends that its whole garb, style, and lan- 
guage show that it was not an authoritative 
work, but was the production of a pious writer, 
who arrayed in a somewhat fictitious dress what 
he sought to inculcate. It is more renuu-kable for 
piety Uian knowledge; for though the number ot 
twelve apostles is inade out, it is by introducing 
Cephas as a distinct person from Peter, and by 
making him and Nathanael occupy the places of 
James the Less and of Matthias. St. Paul does 
not appear at all — a fact, perhaps, not without 
its bearing on conjectures as to its origin. 

It should be observed that the language of the 
first part of this tract, and of the 7th Book of the 
Constitutions, coincides to a great extent with the 
latter part of the Epistle of Barnabas, leaving it 
doubtM whether it was taken thence or whether 
the transcribers of that epistle subsequently in- 
corporated therewith a portion of this treatise. 
Borrowing and interpolation must, it would 
seem, have taken place on one hand or on the 
other, and, as in other cases, it is difficult to de- 
cide the question of originality. 

Upon this state of fiicts the writer in the 
Christ. Bern, argues that this tract furnished 
materials fcr the first part of the 7th Book ot* 
the Constitutions. He also thinks that it is it- 
self the work referred to by £usebius and Atha- 
nasiuB under the name of 9i9ax^ r&y &«-o- 
9r6>iMV, We have seen already that the title 
in the Greek varies from that in the Aethiopic, 
and it is urged that (considering the subject) 
there seems no reason why it may not also be 
suitably designated *■ Teaching of the Apostles.' 
Now in an old stichometry appended to Niceph- 
orus' chronc^raphy,]^ but perhaps of earlier date 
than that work, the number of lines contained 
in certain works is given, and from this it would 
appear that the *Doctrina Apostolorum' was 


■ Bickell, voL L App. I. It will also be found in 
Lagarde's Rd. Jvrit Sod. AnL, p. 74. 

* It ia the former of these points alooe in which the 
Ukeneea appears between tiiis work and the Yth Book of 
the OmstltntioDS. 

<^ See Bickell abi sapra; and i. p. 88. 

« It menttons only " Readers" in addition to the tbree 
orden of the miDiaUry ; and aa TertoUian doea the same 
{De Praetor, ffaer^ c. 41), this Is thought a ground for 
attrfbuting tt io hia epoch (Bickell. voL L p. M). See 
also Hilgenlield, Nov. Test, eatra Can. rtc, Faadcaloa iv 
pp. 93, 94. 

y A prodnetton of the ath cenloiy. 



shorter than the Book of Canticlea, and that a 
book called the ' Teaching of Clement,* was as 
long as the Gospel of Luke. Hence, if the * Doc- 
trina ' of this list be the same as that of Ease- 
bias, it must have been a book rerj much 
shorter than our present constitations, and one 
not far differing in length from the tract of 
which we have ^n speaking; while the 'Teach- 
ing of Clement ' (a larger work) may be a desig- 
nation of the earlier form of our present first 
six books — ^in short, of the Didascalia. Ruffinus, 
in a list otherwise very similar to those of 
Eusebius and Athanasius, omits the * Teaching 
of the Apostles,' and inserts instead 'The two 
ways, or the Judgment of Peter.' Assuming 
that the ' Doctrina ' is the tract we hare been 
discussing, reasons are urged for supposing that 
it reappears here under a different title. We 
haye already seen that the Greek and Aethiopic 
give it two different names, and its contents 
might perhaps render the designation in Ruf- 
finus not less appropriate. For St. John, who 
s}>eaks first, is introduced as beginning his ad- 
dress with the words, "There are two ways, 
one of life and one of death ;" and St. Peter in- 
tervenes repeatedly in the course of it, and at 
the close sums up the whole by an earnest ex- 
nortation to the brethren to keep the foregoing 
injunctions. Such is the hypothesis of the 
learned writer in the Christ, Rein, 

Hilgenfeld, it may be mentioned, has independ- 
ently arriyed at a conclusion in part accordant 
with the abore. He argues strongly that the 
treatise published by Bickell is that spoken of by 
Ruffinus under the name of ' Duae viae yel Judi- 
■ cium Petri,' but does not apparently identify it 
with the ' Doctrina Apostolorum ' of Athanasius. 
He thinks the book was known in some form to 
Clemens Alexandrinus, and agrees that great part 
of it passed into the 7th Book of the Constitu- 
tions (see Hilgenfeld's Novum Test, extra Canonem 
Hecepttmij Lipsiae 1866 ; Fasciculus iv. p. 93). 

We now come to the 8th Book. Extant in 
seyeral Greek MSB. (one being at Oxford) are 
large portions of the matter of the earlier part 
of this book, not however connected together 
throughout, but appearing in two distinct and 
apparently separate pieces. The first of them 
is entitled ' Teaching of the Holy Apostles con- 
cerning gifts ' (xapi<r/iMir»K), the second * Regu- 
lations (Biard^us) of the same Holy Apostles 
concerning ordination [given] through Hippo- 
lytus' (vep) x^^f^^^^^^*' ^^ 'IinroX^ov). The 
two together, as just observed, comprise a yery 
large proportion of the 8th Book, but are not 
without some omissions and several yariations 
from it. In that book as we have it, the two 
portions represented respectively by these sepa- 
rate treatises stand connected by a short chapter, 
containing nothing of importance, and seeming 
to serve only as a link. 

Hence it has been suggested that we haye in 
the treatises in question an older and purer form 
of the 8th Book, or rather the materials used in 
its composition. The * Regulations ' are also in 
existence in Coptic (indeed there are two Coptic 
forms differing from each other and from the 
Greek by additions and omissions and probably 
in i^e), in Syriac, Arabic, and Aethiopic, the 
text being in many cases a good deal modified.* 

■ Tbs Syrisc snd OopUc fonn part of the collecUons 

Bunsen treated these as a onllection of Ala- 
andrian Church rules, and >i«wed the por^ 
tions common to them and to the 8th Book of 
the Constitations as in a great degree derived 
from a lost work of Hippolytus x€pi x^Wf^- 
rwK* {Christ, and Man^ yol. ii., p. 412). 

On the other hand Bickell argues that the 
tracts in question are nothing more thao ex- 
tracts from the constitutions, more or len 
abridged and modified. He relies, for example, 
on the fact that in one of these treatises no Ices 
than in the text of our 8th Book, St. Paul (vho 
is introduced as a speaker) is made to comnumd 
Christian masters to be kind to their servints, 
'' as we have also ordained in what has preceded^ 
and have taught in our epistles." This he con- 
siders to be a clear reference to what has been 
before said in the constitutions on the same snU 
ject (Book yii. c. 13). 

Lagarde expresses a similar yiew, and draws 

mentioned lof^ p. 125. See also CkriiL Rememtr.,p. S8S, 
as to another Qyriso M&, and comp. p. 383. 

* The inacripUon on the statue of HippolyUn at Ran* 
mentions among his works vipl xapurit^ttn^ ianvrokuai 
rapdioa-vt. It is not clear whether the «cpc x^ ^'m 
one treatise and awovr, vapdZ. another, or whether the 
whole is the title of one work. See Bickellp p. 64^ note. 
As regards the vtpl x<^>oroFi«r, Bunsen considere It to 
have been the sulject of much Interpolatloo, and reBsrdi 
its frte In this respect to have been like that of the Ooasti- 
tatfons themselves, the oompoeltion of which he dneribes 
tn words worth qaoting in relation to the goienal watted -. 
- Here we see the very origin of these Gbnstiuitioia. 
Towards the end of the ante-Nlcene period thcj made 
the old simple collections of cniUMns and regnlatiooB into 
a book, by introducing different sets of * oootonie^' l)j a 
literary composition either of their own makiDg; or bj 
transcribtng or extracting a corresponding treatise of some 
ancient Ikther. Thus the man who compiled our Tth book 
has, as everybody now knows, extracted two chapien of 
the ancient epistle which bears the name of Bamabai. 
The compiler of the 8th book, or a predeoeseor In this wrt 
of oompilation, has apparently done the same with the 
work of Hippolytus on the Cbarianata* (Ckritttautf 
and iftmJfcindk voL IL 416). Elsewhere, in the same wmfc, 
he expresKS an opinion that the old coUectioDsof costomi 
here spokm of were themselves made at a much eiriler 
time— perhaps In the 2nd oentoiy— and express the prao- 
tlceof various great churches ; and that the oonsdoiMDeai 
of apostolidty hi that primitive age Justifies, or at leest 
excuses, the fiction l^ which they were attributed to 
A.postlesr-a flcUon which deceived no one, and was only 
meant to express an undoubted ftct. vis., the aposUdidty 
of the InJuncttons as to their substance (voL IL Z9»). 
Asoeodtng atill a step higher, he believes that the male* 
rials employed in these old oollectioDs were of all bot 
apostolic times. The oldest horiaon to which we kwk 
back aa reflected In them is perhaps the age immediate 
posterior to Clement of Rome, who himself repraenta the 
end of the Johannean age, or first century (see voL IL 
p. 402). To Bunsen's mind, ItiU of fUth in the power 
and tact of snttJective criticism, this means mora 
than to the mind of theolofl^ans of the IJkigUiah sdiooL 
He believed in the possibility of applying the cri- 
tical magnet to draw forth the true fragments of sleel 
from the mass in which to oar eyes they seem inex- 
tricably buried. He thus speaks of the sal]|ectlTe 
process by which be makes the first step upwards:— 
" As soon as we get rid of all that belong to the bid 
taste of the fiction, some ethic introductloiis. snd allocca- 
alooal moralisbig condusloDs, and generally evciytiiiag 
manifestly re-written with literary pretensioo ; and lastly, 
as soon as we expunge some IntcrpolatloDS of the 4tti and 
5th centuries, which are easily disoemible^ we find our- 
selves unmistakeably in the midst of the life of the Ghardi 
of the 2nd and 3rd centuries " (voL ii. pi 40ft>. 



to tin qrenmstance that in one part of 
tkt Ifauch MS. of the ve^il x^f^^^^'^'^'^t there 
k a note which expreasly speaks of what follows 
m taken ont of the apostolical constitutions.^ 

la oondosion, it may be remarked that all 
mch PMearches as those we haye been consider- 
iig as to one piece being the basis or original of 
awther^ are beset with mach difficulty, because 
eertaia statementa or maxims often recur in 
KTezal tracts which (in their present state at 
all efeats) are distinct from each other, though 
soBetines bearii^ similar names. Lagarde points 
OQt (RtL Jv, BocL Ant^ preface p. xvii., and 
BmiM&'s ChisUanUy and Mankind, toI. yi. p. S8, 
39)tliat there once was a Syriac collection in 
sigkt books equdly professing to be the work of 
daaeat, yet far from being identical with our 
preaeat Qreek constitutions, though here and 
tJicrc embracing similar pieces. Passages which 
Lagarde deems to be extracts from the 2nd and 
3id Books haTs been edited by him in Syriac 
ft«a fragments found in the same Paris MS. 
^aaserm. 38) which contains the Syriac Didas- 
adia« (see his JUL Jur. Eccl. Ant, Syrian. 1856). 
fle has also translated them into Greek (see his 
ieL Jwr. EccL AjU, Oraece, p. 80, and Pref. 
f. xTii).^ Then again, there is an Egyptian ool- 
iectkn,* also in eight books, the relation of which 
to the aborementioned Syrian Octateuch is dis- 
coand by Lagarde {Bd. Jur. EccL AfU, preface, 
aid Bansen's Okrid. and Mankind, toL yi, p. 39). 

We hare thus endearoured to present a sketch 
«f aane of the leading theories which have been 
pot forward as to the apostolical constitutions, 
bid ^laoe permit it would not be difficult to add 
•then. Sxabbe appears to have thought tliat 
Easebhia, Athanasius, and Epiphanius knew the 
list seven books, and that they were composed 
ia the East not long after the time of Cyprian 
(tb serenth being a kind of appendix to the 
•then), and probably by one author, whose object 
vas to model the Church on a Levitical pattern, 
and who perhaps described not so much what 
cnstfed as what he desired to see. At a later 
period (end of 4th or beginning of 5th century) 
the 8th Book was added, embracing divers pre- 

3ts whieh were commonly supposed to be apos- 
eal, tf^ether with much from the writer him- 

Rd. JuriM Sod. Ant^ Preflioe, p. vili. ; and 
a theory aa to tbe name of Hippolytna, 
with the treatise, 
not be ooofimoded with the Syriac Dldas- 
fhm whidi It is quite 


* Matter ckMdlyagreefaig with these fhigments, though 
aat ta quite the aame order, and oonnected with much 
ihrt iiaddidooa]. Is alao ftyand In a MS. of the 12th cent 
hi tbe Chmbridge Univ. Library. Thia MS. (brought \if 
Bertunan firam Southern India) contained eight ImwIcb of 
Ckaniine OoosHtotlons placed at the end of a Syriac 
BUe; bet it ia now In a dilapidated state. It may be 
tbaa the RhIb firagnMnta are extracta tnai H, or, on the 
«thff hmO, this MS. (aa the Uter of the two hi date) may 
paiAly eooUdn a sabaeqnent development. It may be 
hoped that tartherattentlen wiU be paid to It by Oriental 
atiiolank Its eih t enor seems to have been nnknown to 

• or flrit Egyptian coUectton, the first two bodes are 
fchrted la a Greek vervton by Lagarde in Bunaen'a ChriiL 
mi Maa Wwd , vL 4A1 ; and aee Bnnaen's analysis of the 
eallRtioa. Ibid. viL SK. Another OopUc MS. was trans- 
hlBl by Dr. Tattom in 1848. There la a notke of it fai 
te CIrM. Uemembr, for ISBi, p. 282. 

self, probably an Arian or Macedonian. . Thus 
second writer probably is responsible for many 
interpolations in the previous books.' 

Von Drey again, who spent much labour on 
the subject, advocated the view that the treatises 
of four distinct writers are combined in our pre- 
sent work. The first six books, he thought, 
were written after the middle of the 3rd century, 
to teach .practical religion, and were adapted for 
catechumens. The seventh is probably of the 
date of A.D. 300, and treats of the mysteries for 
the use of the fhithful alone. The 8th Book is 
a kind of pontifical of some Eastern Church, being 
flill of litorgies for the use of the clergy. It 
dates perhaps from the Srd century, but has 
been altered and adapted to the state of things 
in the middle of the 4th. Athanasius, who 
speaks of the 8t5ax^ KdKovfiiyri rwv inroirT6\wy 
as fit for recent converts desirous of instruction, 
is to be taken as referring to the six first books.f 
But before the time of Epiphanius the eight 
books were joined as one work. 

Interesting as such Inquiries are, they cannot 
at present be considered as having removed the 
question of the origin bud date of the apostolical 
constitutions out of the class of unsolved problems.^ 
The majority of scholars will perhaps decline to 
say with confidence more than that the precise 
age and composition of the work is unknown, 
but that it is probably of Eastern authorship,^ 
and comprises within itself fhigments of very 
different dates, which we have no certain means 
for dbcriminating from one another, and which 
have undergone great modifications when in- 
corporated with the rest. The consequence is 
that, as it stands, the work cannot be deemed to 
reflect a state of things in the Church much, if 
at all, pnor to the Nicene age.'' 

Nor can it be said ever to have possessed, so 
far as we know, any distinct ecclesiastical au- 
thority. We are in the dark as to its author- 
ship, and there is no such proof of its general 
and public reception at any period as would 
seem needful to establish its validity as an autho- 
ritative document. There are indeed signs of a 
common nucleus of which various churches seem 
to have availed themselves, but in adopting it into 
their respective systenu they modified it in re- 
lation to their respective needs, with a fireedom 
hardly consistent with the idea that it was en- 
titled to very great veneration. 

Authoritiea, — ^F. Turrianns, Prooem, in Libr, 

' When, however, a very late date Is attempted to be 
assigned, it shonld be remembered e eontra that, aa ob- 
Bterypd by BIckell, metropolitan authority does not af^iear ; 
and If we hear of asoetidsm (in book vili.), there Is no 
mention of monastdclsm. 

c While, on the other haxMl, the 85tJi of the Apoatolical 
Oanons perhaps refers to the f th and 8th when It qpeaka 
of the ApoatoUcal GonstitDtlnns aa SiarayaX tin ov xA 

^ See the words of Lagarde In Bunsen, CkriH, tmd 
Mamk^ vol. vL p. 40. 

i See Bickell, vol. L p. 63, who assigmi several grannds 
for this oonclnalon. It Is worth notice that throni^ioat 
the CoostitnUonB the Church of Rome never oocaplea any 
positfon of priority or pre-eminenoe. 

k The age of the Syriac DldascaUa la of coarse another 
question. It demands fhUer consideration, which it can 
hardly receive from scholars In general nntll It baa been 
literally translated. According to the * IMdaacalia Purior ' 
In Bonsen, it is not fines f^om very hyperbolical language 
In relation to the clergy. 



Clemewti$ Bom, de Coiui, Apost^ &c Anty. 1578. 
Joh. Dallaeofl, De Paeadepigraphis Apott^ lib. 
iii. Harderr. 1653. Jac Usserii, Diss, de 
Ignat. Epitt. (in Gotel. Patr. Ap^ toI. IL app. 
p. 199, &c Edit. 1724). Pearsoni, Vindic. Igmd, 
(in Ootel. Pair. Ap^ toI. ii. app. p. 251). Part I. 
chap. 4. Branonis, JwHoimi (Ibid. p. 177). 
Ck>telerii, Judie, de Const, Apost. (Cotef. vol. i. 
p. 195). J. £. Grabe, SpioHog. Patr. Ozon. 
1711. J. £. Orabe, JEsaay t^pon two Arabic MSS, 
Lond. 1711. W. Whiston, Priautive, Christianity 
Meoivsd, Lond« 1711. Erabbe, tJber dm Ur* 
sprung und den Inhdtt der Ap, Const, Hamb. 
1829. Von Drey, Neue Uhtersuchungen aber 
die Const,y &c Tttbingen 1832. Bothe, Asfif&nge 
der Christl, KircKe, Bickell, GesclwMe der Kir- 
chenreohtSf roL i. Gieasen 1843. tJ'ltzen, Const, 
Apost. Snerini 1853. Bnnaen's Christianity and 
Mankind, London 1854. Christian Bemembrancer 
for 1854. De Lagarde, Bdiqniae Jwris EGdesi- 
astioi AsOiquissimaef 1856. Idem, Syriaoe 1856. 
Hilgenfeld, Novum Testamentum extra Canonem 
rec^atwn. Lip8iael866;Fa8cic.IV. l%eJBthiopic 
Didascalia ; or, the Ethiopic version of the Apos- 
tolical Gonstitntions, receired in the Church of 
Abjesinia. With an English translation. Edited 
and translated by Thomas Pell Piatt, F.A.S. 
London, printed for the Oriental Translation 
Fund, 1834. The Apost, Constitutions; or, the 
Canons of the Apostles in Coptic, with an English 
Translation bj Henrj Tattam, LL.D., &c ; printed 
for the Oriental Translation Fund, 1848. [B. S.] 

APOSTOLICnS, a title once common to all 
bishops (the earliest instance produced by Du 
Cange is from Venantius Fortunatus, 6th century, 
addressing Gregory of Tours, Prdog, to F. 8. 
Martini and elsewhere ; but none of his quota- 
tions use the word absolutely and by itself, but 
rather as an epithet); but horn about the 9th 
century restricted to the Pope, and used of him 
in course of time as a technical name of office. 
It is so used, e. g,, by Rupertus Tuitiensis, 12th 
century {De Divin, Offic, i. 27) ; but had been 
formally assigned to the Pope still earlier, m 
the Council of Rheims ▲.D. 1049, — ** quod solus 
Romanae sedis Pontifez universalis Ecclesiae pri- 
mas esset, et Apostolicus," — and an Archbishop 
of Compostella was excommunicated at the same 
council for assuming to himself ** culmen Apo- 
stolic! nominis'' (so that, in the middle ages, 
ApostolicuSy or, in Norman French, VApostoU or 
VApostoUsy which = ApostoUcusy not ApostoluSy 
became the current name for the Pope of the 
time being). Claudius Taurinensis, in the 9th 
century, recognizes the name as already then 
appropriated to the Pope, by ridiculing his 
being called *' not Apostolus^ but ApostoUcus" as 
though the latter term meant Apostoli custos: 
for which Claudius's Irish opponent Dungal 
takes him to task. (Du Cange ; Raynaud, Contin. 
BaronU.) [A. W. H.] 

APOSTOLIUM ('A«■oaTo^e<or), a church 
dedicated in the name of one or more of the 
Apostles. Thus Sozomen (Hist, Eoel, iz. 10, p. 
376) speaks of the Basilica of St. Peter at Rome 
as rh h^Tpov kvooToXtioVj and the same writer, 
speaking of the church which Rufinus built at 
the Oak (a suburb of Chalcedon) in honour of 
8S. Peter and Paul, says that he called it *A«-o- 
OToXeior from them (hist, JSccL viiL 17, p. 347). 
[MABTntlUM, Pbopheteuii.] [C] 


APOTAXAMENI (&«oraC4^«cMM)— raraa- 
ciantes, renounoers, a name by which the monks 
of the ancient Church were sometimes designated, 
as denoting their renunciation of the world and 
a secular life, e,g, in Palladius ffist, LausittCy 
c 15, and OMsian, who entitles one of his books, 
De Instiiutis Benmoiantiian, (Bingham, book vil 
c 2.) [D. a] 

APPEAL (AppeOatio in referenoe to the 
court appealed to, Prof)ocatio in reference to the 
opponent; l^eo'if in classical Greek, verb, in 
N. T. iirueaX€io-9ai)f a complaint preferred before 
a superior court or judge in order to obtain due 
remedy for a judgment of a court or judge of an 
inferior rank, whereby the complainant all^pei 
that he has suffered or will su&r wrong. We 
are concerned here with ecclesiastical appeals 
only. And they will be most conveniently dis- 
cuned if — distinguishing between 1, appeals 
from an ecclesiastical tribunal to another also 
ecclesiastical, and 2, appeals from an eccle- 
siastical t<) a lay tribunal, or vice vers&t 
and further, as regards persons, between (a) 
bishops and clergy, to whom in some rela- 
tions must be added monks and nuns, and (/3) 
laity — ^we treat successively, as regards subject 
matter, of I. Spiritual DiaeipUne properly so 
called, II. Civil Causes, and III. Criminal ones. 
It will be convenient also to include under the 
term Appeal, both appeals properly so called, 
where tiie superior tribunal itself retries the 
case; and tfaiat which is not properly either 
revision or rehearing, where the jurisdiction of 
the superior tribunal is confined to the ordering, 
upon complaint and enquiry,- of a new trial by 
the original, or by an enlarged or otherwise 
altered, body of judges; and that again which 
b properly a mere revision, where the case is 
redsed by a higher tribunal but without sos- 
pending sentence meanwhile; and, lastly, the 
transference also of a cause from one kind of 
tribunal to another not co-ordinate with it, as 
e,g. from lay to spiritual or vice versd, which, if 
the first court have completed ita sentence, 
practically constitutes the second into a court of 
appeal to its predecessor. It is necessary also 
to bear in mind the difference between a friendly 
interference, such as brotherly love requires on 
the part of all bishops if any fall into heresy 
or sin, but which implies no formal authoritj 
of the adviser over the advised ; and an arbitra- 
tion, where the arbiter, who may be any one, 
derives his authority from the mutual and free 
consent of (properly) both parties, but (as will 
be seen) in certain cases sometimes from the sole 
action of one ; and an appeal, where some defi- 
nite superior tribunal may be set in motion hj 
either party, but has in that case exclusive ss 
well as compulsory jurisdiction ; and the yet 
ftirther step, where (1^^^ ^^^ interoessio o{ ibs 
Tribuni PlXis) the superior court or magistrate 
has the power of calling up the case for revisioD, 
and of suspending sentence meimwhile, smo mote. 
An appeal, however, of whatever kind, implies 
the legality in the abstract, and asrames tlie 
fact, of the jurisdiction of the court appealed 
from as a primary court. And it becomes need- 
fill, therefore, here to assume, although it is 
no business of this article either to detail or 
to prove, the extent and limits of ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction in the first instance; in order olearly 


•iMt fcrtk th« Twions checks In the waj of 
afpml pbeed in such gim upon that original 
janfietioi. On the other hand, the limitation 
•f the nhjeci to the period antecedent to 
nuile—ipii. exdndes fxtnn consideration the 
vhok of the elahorate fiUiric hnilt up by the 
Gun Law of later times, mainly npon the basis 
•fthe False Decretals. And we hare nothing 
to ds, aceordtnglr, with that grand innovation, 
wkreby, in the West, the entire system of purely 
eedcnsUeal appeals (and, indeed, of jnstioe) was 
ia cAct perverted and fmstrated, vis^ the right 
gndaaUy allowed of appealing immediately f^m 
•ay cedesiastical tribunal, high or low, upon 
My subject great or small, to the Pope at once ; 
Bw yet wiUi the elahorate disputes upon the 
Btfare and limits of majcre$ cenuae (the phrase, 
beverer, dating from Innocent I.); nor with 
Ue fMfoaehments of the highest or of other 
eodesissUcal tribunals upon thoee of the State \ 
•or with the celebrated Appel coinme dTAbus in 
■riietal and later France; nor with such 
quBitioiis as the legitimate effect of the clause 
tffdbUom remata or poripotita in a Papal 
kkf ; nor with the appeal from the Pope to a 
Gcaeial Council, present or future ; or from the 
P«pe ilUnfemed, to the Pope well-informed t 
mr again, en another side of the subject, with 
dJwtJMtieos between appeals judicial or extra- 
jaiidal, or from sentences definitiye or inter- 
kcvtory ; nor with the system, at least as sub- 
n^scatly elaborated, of ApodoU (certainly not 
ioired from poet app^lakonern) or letters di- 
■iMoy, whether rererential, reAitatory, repo- 
stoiy, teitimonial, or conventional, whereby 
the ander ooort formally transferred the cause 
to tbe upper one ; nor with the fcUaUa appH- 
rrfiwwaa, sell., the fixed times within whidi an 
sppeal must be laid, carried to the upper court 
^ nesns of ApodoU, prosecuted, and concluded ; 
aor, ia a word, with any other of the elaborate 
details of the later Canon Law upon the subject. 
Oa attention must be confined to the system 
M fu* as it was worked out under the Koman 
Eaqiire, and renewed or modified under that of 



L L Spiritual jurisdiction in matters of dis- 
dpliae orer clergy and laity alike, rested in the 
legiDaiDg both by Scriptural sanction and by 
fraaitirc practice with the bishop, acting, how- 
ever, rsther with paternal authority and in the 
ipirit of mutual lore, through moral influence 
•atiie one side met by willing obedience on the 
ether, than according to the hard outlines of a 
fixed Churdk law laid down in canons ; although 
ncfa canons gradually grew into existence and 
iite fhlnses, ud the ultimatum of excommuni- 
atkn must hare existed all along as the punish- 
BMat of obstinate or repeated transgression. The 
Apostolie canons, howoTer (xxxriL and Ixxiv.), 
neogaiss as the then CShurch law, and the Nicene 
GMBca (A.D. 325) formally establishes, the au- 
tberity of the srnod of each province as a court 
•f (rcTinon rather than) appeal firom a single 
t i itep; enacting, that '^ exctnnmunicate clerks 
ttd Isynen shall abide by the aentenoe of their 
Map," but that, '^to prevent injustice, synods 
ef tbe biahopo of a province {htofx^ti) shall be 
Wld twice a year. In order that questions arising 
« sach subjects mav be enquired into by the 
Miimimity of the bishops; a sentence of excom- 
if ooofirmed by them, to hoM good 

until a like synod should reverse it" {Oomi, Nie, 
can. 5) : such right of appeal being apparently 
the common law of the Church, and the Council 
interfering only to secure it by requiring synods 
to be held wiUi sufficient frequencv. And this 
right, as respects presbyters and all below pres- 
byters, was recognised and confirmed by Cone, 
CartKf A.D. 890 can. 8, and A.D. 398 can. 29, 
66, Cone, Mil&D, AJ>, 416 c 22, for Africa ; by 
Cone Vamta, A.D. 442 can. 5, and Co»ic. Venet, 
A.D. 465 can. 9 (** Episoopomm audientiam, non 
secularium potestatum," in this last instance), 
for Gaul and Armorica; by Cone, Hitpal, A.D. 
590 oc 5, 9, for Spain ; and by Cono, Antioch. 
cc 6, 11, A^. 341, directed both against the Pope 
and against appeals to the Emperor (adopted into 
the canons of the Church Catholic), and by the 
Council of Constantinople in 381, cc 2, 3, 6, for 
the East. The last-named Council also in effect 
limited the right of appeal from above as well 
as below, by forbidding all bishops reui {nr§popiois 
ileicKncUus hriivm, and by establishing eadi pro- 
vince in an independent jurisdiction {Cone, Cbn- 
licaitinop, c 2). 

a. Confining ourselvesfirst to the case of cler^, 
the right of the bishop to judge his brethren or 
his clerks, was further limited, in that part of 
the Church where Church law was earliest and 
most formally developed, vix., Africa, by the 
requirement of twelve bishops to judge a biahop, 
of six to judge a presbyter, of three to judge a 
deacon (fiono, CcHh, a.d. 348 can. 11, ▲.D. 390 
can. 10, A.D. 397 can. 8). And a dispute be- 
tween two bishops was stiU later referred by the 
(African) Council of Mileum A.D. 416 (can. 21), 
to bishops appointed by the metropolitan. In 
the East, and generally, bishops (and presbyters) 
would seem to have been left by the Nicene 
canon merely to the natural resort of an appeal 
from one synod to another and a larger one, vix. 
to the metropolitan and bishops of the next pro- 
vince; which is the express rule laid down In 
Cone. Antioch. A.D. 341, cc 11, 12, 14, 15, and 
in Cone, ConaktnUnop, A.D. 381, can. 6. So also 
canon 13 of the collection of Martin of Braga. 
But between the Nicene and Constantinopolitan 
Councils and tliat of Chalcedon in 451, a further 
modification took place in accordance with the 
settlement of the aeveral Patriarchates, whereby 
the appeal was made to lie from the bishop to 
the metropolitan with his synod, and then from 
him to the Patriarch; with the further claim 
gradually emerging on the part of the Bishop of 
Rome to a right of supreme judicial authority 
over the entire Church. (But whether the sen- 
tence was to remain in force pending the appeal 
seems to have been a doubtftd question, variously 
aettled at different times and places; see Bal- 
aamon in Can, Afrio, 32.) The first step was 
that, in the West, of the Council of Sardica, ▲.d. 
347, intended to be oecumenical but in result only 
Western, and not accepted as authoritative either 
by the Eastern or even by the African Churches^ 
which attempted to make the system work more 
fiurly, and perhaps to escape reference to an Arian 
Emperor, by giving presbyter or deacon an ap- 
peu to tiie metropolitan and the comprovincial 
oishops (can. 14 Lat.), and by enacting with re« 
spect to bishops, in the way of revision rather 
than appeal, that, whereas ordinarily they should 
be judged by the bishops of their own province, 
if a bi&op thought himself aggrieved, either the 



bishops who tried him or those of the neighbour- 
ing proyince should consult the Bishop of Rome , 
and if he judged it right, then the comprovincial 
or the neighbouring bishops should by his ap- 
pointment retry the case, with the addition (if 
the complainant requested it, and the Bishop of 
Rome complied with his request) of presbyters 
representing the Bishop of Rome, who were to 
take their place in that capacity among the 
judges (can. 4^ 5, 7) : no successor to be appointed 
to the deposed bishop pending such new trial. The 
choice of the Bishop of Rome as referee (to decide, 
however, not the case itself but whether there 
ought to be a new trial) has some appearance of 
haying been personal to Julius the then Pope (as 
was Ute subsequent grant of Gratian to Pope 
Damasus), to whom the right is granted by name 
in the Greek version of the canons (so Richerius 
and De Marca) ; but certainly it was determined 
to the see of Rome, not through previous prece- 
dent, or as by inherent right, but as in honour 
of the one Apostolical see of the West, — 'Mn 
honour of the memory of St. Peter." It was in 
fact giving to the Pope the right previously 
possessed exclusively t>y the Emperor, save that 
the latter would refer caaies to a Council. Prior 
to 347, the case of Fortunatus and Felicissimus 
A.D. 252 (striving to obtain the support of Pope 
Cornelius against their own primate St. Cyprian, 
and eliciting from the latter an express assertion of 
the sufficiency and finality of the sentence passed 
upon them by their own comprovincial African 
bishops, St. Cypr. Episk. 59, Fell)— and that of 
Marcian, Bishop of Aries ▲.D. 254 (whom the 
bishops of Gaul are exhorted to depose for Nova- 
tianism, St. Cyprian interfering on the sole 
ground of brotherly episcopal duty to urge them 
to the step, and asking Pope Stephen to inter- 
fere also, but solely on the like ground, Id. EpUt, 
68), — and those of Basileides and of Martial, 
Bishops respectively of Leon with Astorga and of 
Merida, also a.d. 254 (deposed by the Spanish 
bishops as having lapsed, and of whom Basileides, 
having deceived Pope Stephen into re-admitting 
him to communion, and into ** canvassing" for his 
restoration, was rejected nevertheless by the 
Spanish, seconded by the African bishops. Id. EpisL 
67) — suflSciently shew that while tiie Nicene 
canons only confirmed and regulated the pre- 
viously established and natural principle of the 
final authority of the provincial synod, that of 
Sardica introduced a new provision, although one 
rather opening the way for further extensive 
changes than actually enacting them. In 341, 
also, the Council of Antioch, representing the 
East, repudiated the same Pope Julius's in- 
terference on behalf of St. Athanasius (Sozom. 
iii. 8 ; Socrat. ii. 15) and passed a canon 
against the return of a deposed bishop to his see 
unless by decree of a synod larger than that 
which had deposed him (9an. 12); as well as 
against appeals of deposed bishops to emperors, 
unsanctioned by the comprovincial bishops : canons 
adopted into the code of the whole Church. In 
the West, however, the Sardican canon became 
the starting point of a distinctly marked ad- 
vance in the claims of the Bishop of Rome, 
although not without opposition on the part of 
the Church, nor, on the other hand, without 
political support from the Emperors. In 367 a 
Council of Tyana restored Eustathius of Sebastea 
to his see, among other grounds, on the strength 


of a letter of Pope laberins ; but the proceed' 
tng was condemned in strong terms by St. 
Basil the Great {Epist. 263 § 3). In 378, the 
Emperor Gratian added State sanction — at least 
during the Popedom of Damasus, and in reference 
to the schism of the antipope Ursicinus — to the 
judicial authority of the Bishop of Rome, but in 
conjunction witn six or seven other bidiops if 
the accused were a bishop himself, and with an 
alternative of fifteen comprovincial bish<^ in the 
case of a metropolitan, the attendance of the 
accused bishop at Rome to be compelled by the 
civil power (Cone. JRom^ Epiat. ad OraUan^el 
Valentin, Impp, a.d. 378, in Mansi, iii. 624, and 
the Rescript appended to it of the same Em- 
perors ad AquUinum Vtcarituny. In 381, how- 
ever, the epistle of the Italian bishops (including 
St. Ambrose) to Theodosius, claims no more re- 
specting Eastern bishops in the case of Haximns 
(deposed by the Council of Constantinople)^ than 
that the voice ^* of Rome, of Italy, and of all the 
West," ought to have been regarded in the matter. 
But in some year between 381 and 398 (sec 
Tillemont, Mfin. EccL), although Theodoret(r. 
23) seems to place it under Innocent I. in 402, 
Flavian, accepted by the East, but rejected bj 
Egypt and by Rome and the West, as Bidiop of 
Antioch, was summoned by the ^peror to go 
to Rome to be judged there by the Bishop of 
Rome, but refused to submit; and was finally 
accepted by the Pope, to whom he sent a depa- 
tation of bishops, at the intercession of St. 
Chrysostom, but without any pretence of trial 
In 404-406, Innocent's interference to procure 
St. Chrysostom's own restoration to his see, even 
to the extent of withdrawing communion from 
Si. Chrysostom's opponents, proved as great a 
failure as Pope Julius's like attempt on behak* 
of St. Athanasius (Sozom. viii. 26-28, and the 
letters of St. Chrysostom and Pope Innocent in 
Mansi, iii. 1081-1118) ; although the mean pro- 
posed was not a trial by the Pope but a general 
Council. While St. Chrysostom himself at the 
same period affirms the old principle, that causes 
must not ^tpopiovs eXicciF&cu, &XA* 4p rais inf- 
X^ots rit rwy hrapxmv Yvfiy<£(c<r$cu (in Mansi, &). 
But even in the Western CSiurch at the same 
period the Roman claim was admitted with diffi- 
culty, and only gradually and by continual strug- 
gles. Innocent I. indeed declared that, ** d majores 
causae in medium fuerint devolutae, ad sedem 
Apostolicam, sicut synodus statuit" (meaning, of 
course, but exaggerating, the Sardican canons) 
" et vetus sive inveterata oonsuetudo exigit, post 
judicium episcopale referantur " (Epitl, 2 ad 
Victric,'). But in actual &ct, 1. in Africa, A.D. 
417-425, the appeal to Pope ZosimuB of the pres- 
byter Apiarius, condemned by his own Bbhop, 
Urbanus of Sicca, whom the Pope summoned to 
Rome to be judged, and on refusal sent legates to 
auccessive Carthaginian Coundb to enfi>roe his 
claims, was in the first instance provisionally com- 
promised, by a temporary admission of the Papsl 
authority (J^jpis^. Cone. Afric. ad Bcnifac, Papam 
▲.D. 419, in Mansi, iv. 511), on the ground of the 
canons of Sardica, alleged by the Popes (Zocimos, 
Boniface, Celestine) to be Nicene; but on the 
production of the genuine canons of Nicaea from 
Constantinople and Alexandria, was absolntdy 
rejected (^Epist, Cone, Afric, ad Caeledinim aJ). 
425, in Mansi, iv. 515): whilst the canon (23) 
of Mileum, a.d. 416, which is repeated byOuth* 



Opndls down to a J>. 525 (Mansi, viiL 
prtsbytcn and all below them to 
ad transmariBa jndicia sed ad 
ftimtim •narain proyisdaEnun ; ad tranamarina 
aiten qm pntarerit appeUandnm, a nullo intra 
Ifiionn ad coBBmimionem aiucipiatTir ;" and the 
CUL Cm. Afric. 18 Or. 31 (aj>. 419), adds to this 
•-^sieat et de Epiaoopia saepe oonstitntum est,** 
tkt geamMaen of which last clause is supported 
WTUkmoBt, Deliarca, and Bereridge, although 
4aBkd bf Baronins. It seems oertainW to have 
hem iaserted in the canon hr tome African conn- 
cil of this period. At the same time, while the 
gisM of Oratian on the word ** transmarina " — 
**BiB ibrtead Roma nam sedem appellayerit " — 
ii l^ainly of the kind that as exactly as possible 
fsatiadicts its text ; it is erident by St. Augnstin's 
letter to Pope Celestine in 424 (Epist. 209), that 
spplieatioDS from Africa in a friendly spirit to 
EooN in dispates respecting bishops, both to 
jtdgt sad to confirm others' judgments , and this 
Bot ooly dnrii^ the proyisional admission of the 
P^ daim (as in the case of the Bishop of 
PisnlaX bat before it, had been frequent. It is 
faaid to beliere, in- the face of the precisely con- 
ltBi{Niinry and nnmistakeable language of the 
■sfwiMMJ African bishops at tiie close of the 
aa too f eisy respecting Apiarius, that such ap- 
piicsti on s ooold have been in the nature of formal 
appeals; although the ease of Pope Leo I. an9 Lu- 
pconis, AJ>. 444>, shows the Papal claim to have 
fcMB stiU kept up (St. Leo, JSpik. xii. al. i. § 12). 
2. la Dlyria, — ^whereas, in 421, the Emperor 
Theodosins had decreed that doubt Ail cases should 
bcdetennined by a council, "non absque sdentia" 
rfthe Biabop of Constantinople (Cod, TheocL 
tti. tit 3. a. 45), — ^in 444, Pope Leo I., insisting 
Mftan. the canons apparently of Sardica, and as 
|Bit of the Papal measures for securing the 
whole of lUyria to the Roman Patriarchate, 
evnaanded appeala (" caussae graviores yel appel- 
y&nm '^ from Illyria to be brought to Rome 
(St Leo, EpisL r. § 6). And 3. in Gaul, in 445, 
th« sune Pope, OTorthrowing the decree of Pope 
Zenstts in 418, which haid constituted Aries 
the neteopolitan see of the province, insisted on 
lAeiring at Rome in a synod the causes of 
Bnhop At>jectus and of Celidonius Bishop either 
of Teeontio or of Vienne, whom Hilary of Aries 
bal deposed, and carried the point, although with 
ttnag oppoaitioB from Hilary (St. Lee, Epist. 
X.). Pope Hilary, however, 461-462, Epat. xi., 
rMpeetiag the Metropolitan of Yienne and Aries, 
Rfcrs his anthority as Bishop of Rome to the 
" 4eereta prindpnm." And undoubtedly a decree 
of the Emperor Yalentinian III., in the year 445, 
Maitcly assigned to the Pope, not simply an ap- 
pellate jorisdiction, but the right of evoking causes 
to Kene sao tno^ by enacting that " omnibus pro 
lege sit qnidquid sanxit vel sanxerit Apostolicae 
■lis anctoritas, ita nt quisquis Episcoporum ad 
jidieinm Romani antistitis evocatus venire neg- 
kserit, per moderatorem ejusdem provinciae 
adsM oogator" (CM. Thtod, NowU. Ht, xxiv., 
%9tf. p. 12). An ultimate appellate jurisdiction 
VIS also given at the same period, but by Church 
•ithority, viz., by the general council of Chalce- 
4oii in 451, to the Bishop of Constantinople : the 
wder of appeal being there fixed from bishop to 
netropolitan and synod, and from the latter to 
tlM particnlar Patriarch or to the Bishop of Con- 
ctattiaople {Cone. Chale, c. 9> 




The Eastern rule appears to have henceforward 
remained the same ; except that Justinian a.d. 
533, confirming the canon of Chalcedon in other 
respects, dropped all special mention of the 
Bishop of Constantinople, but enacted in general 
that an appeal should lie from bishop to metro- 
politan, and from metropolitan alone to me- 
tropolitan with synod, but that from the synod 
each Patriarch should be the final court of 
appeal in his own Patriarchate, as final as was in 
civil cases the Praefectus Praetorio (Justin. Cod, 
vii. tit. 63. s. 19) ; although no cause was to come 
to him at once unless in the form of a request 
that he would delegate it to the bishop, who was 
the proper primary tribunal (Id. i. tit. 4. s. 29 ; 
7. tit 62. s. 19; Aovell. cxxiii. 22). A law of Leo 
and Constantius in 838 (Leunclav. Jus Gr, Bom. II. 
99) likewise declares the patriarch to be the &px^ 
of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, whose decision, there- 
fore, is final, unless indeed he chooses to review it 
himself. And so also, apparently, the 8th General 
Council of Constantinople a.d. 870 (Act 10, cc. 
17, 26). It is to be added, however, that in the 
case of any one under the degree of bishop, 
and in cases not ecclesiastical, the bishop was 
the primary judge, but from him the case might 
be taken to the civil judge, the Emperor deciding 
if they differed ; but in the case of a bishop, the 
right of appeal to the patriarch enacted by 
Justinian is final (Justin., NoneU, IxxxiiL 12, 
cxxiii. 21, 22). 

In the West, the changes in the matter relate 
to two points, to the fruitless attempts of the Popes 
to obtain appellate jurisdiction over the East, 
and to their more successfHil efibrts to secure their 
Western claim of the like kind nnder the altered 
laws and policy of the new Barbarian rulers of 
Europe; efforts which may be said to have 
finally secured success under the Carlovingians, 
in the popedom of Nicholas I. about 858. and as 
confirmed by the false Decretals, first used by 
Nicholas in 864 (Gieseler). For the former, in 
449, Flavian no doubt appealed from Dioscbrus 
and the Ephesine Latrocmium nominally to the 
Pope, but Leo's own lettei to Theodosius in con- 
sequence (St. Leo, Epist, 43 al. 34, and 44 al. 40 ; 
Liberat. Bret), 12, in Mansi, ix. 379), shows that 
the tribunal of appeal contemplated by even the 
Pope himself, was a general council (see Quesnel 
and Van Espen). In 484, however, Felix II. in a 
synod at Rome, as the issue of a long dispute, 
during which, among other steps, he had sum- 
moned Acacius of Constantinople to be tried at 
Rome upon the strength of the canons of Sardica, 
misnamed Nicene, made an open schism with the 
East, which lasted 40 years, by excommunicating 
and deposing Acacius (Mansi, vii. 1054); a sen- 
tence which, it need not be said, was disregarded. 
In 587, Pelagius II. seems to have confirmed the 
sentence of acquittal passed by a tribunal at 
Constantinople, summoned by the Emperor, in 
the case of Bishop Gregory of Antioch, while 
protesting against the title of universal bishop 
applied by the same authority to the Bishop of 
Constantinople (St. Greg. M., Epist. v. 18 ; Eva- 
grius, vi. 7); a protest renewed, as every one 
knows, by Gregory himself. But this implied 
no formal superiority over Eastern bishops. 
And the claim unhesitatingly advanced by Gre- 
gory — " De Constantinopolitana ecclesia quis eam 
dubitet Apostolicae sedi esse subjectam" (St. Greg. 
M., Epitt, ix. 12) — was aecuredly not admitted by 





the Church of ConstantiDople itself. Farther 
on, the Council m Tttdlo in 691, repeated not 
only the 3rd canon of Constantinople in 381, 
but the 28th of Chaloedon in 451, which latter 
equals Constantinople to Rome (Gone, Qumiaext, 
can. 36) ; and also the 17th of the same Council 
of Chalcedon (ib, 38), which inyolyes the 9th of 
the same council, viz., that which (as above said), 
80 regulates the course of appeals as to put the 
patriarch of a province with an alternative of 
the Bishop of Constantinople as the ultimate 
ti'ibunal. The dispute which a century after 
issued in the great schism, cut short the narrower, 
by absorbing it in the broader, controversy. For 
the West, however, matters proceeded more suc- 
cessfully. Gelasius (492-496), while allowing 
the subordination of the Pope to a general 
council approved by the Church, asserts posi- 
tively (Epist 13), tliat the see of St. Peter '*de 
omni ecclesia jus habeat judicandi, neque cui- 
quam de ejus lioeat judicare judicio," and that 
** ad illam de qualibet mundi parte canones ap- 
pellori voluerint, ab ilia autem nemo sit appellare 
permissuB." In 503, although the Arian Theodoric 
appointed a commission of bishops, under the presi- 
dency of a single bishop (of Altino), to judge of the 
disputed election of Symmachus to the Popedom, 
and although Symmachus in the first instance 
admitted their jurisdiction, and both parties 
appealed to the judgment of Theodoric himself ; 
yet 1. a Roman synod (Synodus Palmaris) both 
sanctioned Symmachus's election without pre- 
suming to make enquiry, and declared the inter- 
ference of laity in Church elections or property 
to be against the canons (Mansi, viii. 201, sq. ; 
Anasta&. Lib, Pontif, inv, Symmachf); and 2.£nno- 
dius of Ticinum, in 511, formally asserted in an 
elaborate document the absoluteness of the Papal 
power, and especially that the Pope is himself 
the final court of appeal, whom none other may 
judge (Mansi, viii. 282-284). And at the end 
of the century Gregory the Great assumes as 
indisputable that every bishop accused is subject 
to the judgment of the see of Rome {Epiat. iz. 
59). Durine; the following period, however, — 
while the suffering African Church, retaining her 
privilege untouched, but as a privilege, under Gre- 
gory the Great, yet practically gave up her an- 
cient opposition a few years later {Epist. Episo, 
Afric. ad Papam Theodorum, in Act, Cone, LaU 
eran, A.D. 649, Mansi, z. 919), — ^the European 
Churches were practically under the government 
of the kings, although the theoretical claims of 
the Popes remained undiminished. The Irish 
Churches, indeed, were still independent of the 
Pope, the end of the seventh century being the 
close of the Celtic schism, except in Wales. In 
Saxon England, the proceedings of both kings and 
synods in the appeals of Wilfrid (678-705), when 
the Pope reversed the judgments of English 
synods on Wilfrid's complaint, showed on the one 
hand a feeliug of reverence for the Pope (e.g. the 
Council of Nidd, ▲.D. 705 [Eddius 58] did not 
repudiate the Pope's decree, but the testimony of 
Papal letters, which might be forged, as against 
the vivd voce evidence of Archbishop Theodore) ; 
but on the other, disregarded such decree in 
practice, by enforcing that precise severance of 
Wilfrid's diocese against which he had appealed. 
And the Council of Cloveshoo, a.d. 747, pointedly 
limits ajipeals to the provincial council, and no 
further (can. 25). In Spain, although Gregory 

the Great interfered by a legate antlori- 
tatively in favour of deposed bishops, viz., 
Stephanus and Januarius, on the ground, first, 
of Justinian's law as being their Patriardi, and 
if that was refused, then by the right of the see 
of Rome as head of the Church (Epitt, ziiL 45^ 
yet in 701 or 704, King Witiza, in a Council of 
Toledo, expressly forbade appeals to auy^foreign 
bishop {Cone, Tolet, xviii.). And a little earlier, 
admission into Church communion was declared 
dependent on the will of the Prince {Cone. Tokt. 
A.D. 681 c. 8, and 683, c. 9). The Kings in effect 
were in Spain supreme judges of bishops (Cenni, 
De, Antiq, Ecct, ffiap. iL 153, quoted by 
Gieseler). In Gaul, the cases of Saloniui, 
Bishop of Embrun, and Sagittarius, Bishop ot 
Gap, deposed in 577 by a synod of Lyons, re- 
stored by Pope John IIL on appeal, but by per- 
mission and power of King Guntram, and ^en 
again finally deposed in 579 by a Council of 
Chftlons (Greg. Turon., ffist, /Vonc. v. 21-28), 
leave the Papal claim in a similar state of half 
recognition to that in which it stood in Englaxid. 
And in the ensuing century the Royal authority 
here also practically superseded the Papal. Id 
615, the administration of ecclesiastical disci- 
pline is made subservient to the king's interces- 
sion {Cone. Paris, c 3, as confirmed by Chlotariiu 
II.). And many instances of depositions of bidu^ 
occuf without appeal to the Pope, beginning 
with that of Saftaric of Paris, deposed by s 
second synod there, to which he had appealed 
from a former one, under King Chilperic, A.a 
555. Gregory the Great, indeed, renewed the 
ingenious expedient of appointing the Bishop of 
Aries his vicar to decide such causes in Ganl, in 
conjunction with twelve bishops ; and yet eveo 
so, most of such causes were decided without 
even the presence of the Papal vicar (De Marca, 
vii. 19). The CapittUa of Hadrian I^ sent to 
Ingilram of Metz in 785, introduced the first 
great innovation upon preceding rules, by enact- 
ing (c 3) that no bishop should be condemned 
unless in a synod called ^ Apostolica aucto- 
ritate;" and again, that, if a deposed bishop, 
whose primary tribunal was the comprovincial 
sjmod, appealed from it to Rome, "id observandum 
esset quod (Papa) ipse oensuerit" (c. 20, 23, and 
Epitome Capit. A.D. 773). But they contamed 
also the Afncan prohibition of appeals ad tnau' 
marina judida (see Gieseler). And while the Ca- 
pitulary of Aix in 789, repeated more expressly 
by the Council of Aix in 816 (cc. 73, 74), repeaU 
the Nicene and Antiochene (341) canons wljthont 
the addition of those of Sardica, the Capitularies 
as collected by Benedict Levita contain also the 
Sardican canons. For bishops, then, Charlemagne 
allowed the appeal to Rome for a new trial, 
the comprovincial synod being still held to be 
the proper tribunal for such cases : and an appeal 
being also allowed to more numerous epis(.t>pal 
judges if dissatisfaction were felt with those 
originally appointed by the metropolitan, and, 
again, from them to a sjrnod {Capit, vii. 413), 
or again, from a suspected judge to another (t6. 
vii. 240, and Add, iii. 25, iv. 18, sq.): — «« 
Capit, V. 401, 410, vi. 300, vii. 102, 103, 314, 
315, 412, Add, iii. 105 :— but left the ordinary 
and direct right of a proper appeal to the Pope, 
and the condition of his prior consent to the trial 
of an accused bishop, sufficiently unsettled to lead 
to the great disputes of the following period, of 




wkidi tbc tarn of Hincmar and Bishop Rothad 
tt the primarj case. The Carloyingian Princes, 
iadced, deposed biahope in sjnods, just as they 
cttcted them, without anj reference to the 
Pope: Bvt the Papal power gradually in- 
cRSMd. And while Gregory lY., in 835, and 
Leo IV^ about 850, expressly claim a proper 
appsUste jurisdiction. Pope Nicholas I., 858-867, 
«B Um strength of the False Decretals, may 
U said to haye finally established the claim 
IB Its fnlneas. Eren in 791, however, the synod 

of Frinii asserted for the Patriarch of Aquileia 
the right, that even no presbyter, deacon, or 
irdiiiundrite be deposed, in his Patriarchate, 
witkoot consolUng him (can. 27) : the same right 
wkidi Hadrian claLned onirersally for the Bishop 
of Rome. As regards all below bishops, the 
Couicil of Frankfort in 794, can. 6, re-enacts the 
order of appeal from bishop to metropolitan, i.e., 
to tiie pronncial synod, but no further ; and, in 
addition, orders the ciTil magistrate (Comes) to 
act as asBsesor, and to refer to the Emperor all 
eisB too hard for the metropolitan. And Capit, 
m. I, A.D. 812, includes bishops also among those 
vke are to bring their disputes to the Emperor 
ki tettlement. 

la sum, appeal from a bishop or bishops to his 
■cifhbouring brethren, under their metropolitan, 
iA, from one or few bishops to many, was 
Ike Oiurdi's common law; the appeal terrai- 
Bstiag there, until the law of Valentinian in 
445 lor the Bishop of Rome, the canon of Chal- 
eedoB in 451 for the Bishop of Constantinople 
sad patriarchs generally, and the law of Jus- 
tanan in 533 for all patriarchs without dis- 
tiaetJon, allowed further appeal from bishops to 
tkeir patriarchs: the Bishop of Rome, however, 
sDegiag also for hb right the narrow and in- 
soSeient basis of the canons of Sardica, and cus- 
teBi,aBd in time also the broader and sentimental 
grand of the privilege of St. Peter. The Fal»e 
Decretals first established in the West, In its full 
lawwing, the absolute both appellate and imme- 
diate juisdiction of the Popes as of Divine right, in 
the 9th century, during the Papacy of Nicholas 1. 
tt remaias to add, that the Cyprian, the Armenian, 
the Georgian, the Bulgarian, and the Ravennate, 
to be autocephalous, were simply rem- 
of the older condition of things before the 
■ce of patriarchates, differing from each 
ether eidy in the fact that the Cyprian right 
actually tried and confirmed by a general 

B- The above canons for the most part leave 
lajmcB to their original right of appeal to a 
pwindal synod, according to the canon of Nice. 
Aad this was plainly their right, generally 
^cakiBg, throughout ; and is confirmed (as above 
aid) by the Council of Frankfort in 794. In 
Afria, however, where the right of appeal was 
■Mie jealously guarded than elsewhere, it was 
w a c t id at one time (^Cono. Garth. A.D. 397 can. 
8, aad AJ>. 398 can. 22, 23) that the bishop of 
the |daoe ** agnoscat et finiat*' the causes of all 
Mow presbyters, although in no case ** absque 
prasentia clericomm suorum." Hincmar, in the 
9th century, limits the same class of appeals to 
the nrovincial synod, protesting only against any 
tertaer right of appeal in such cases to the Pope. 

I. 2. The interference of lay tribunals in causes 
■piritoal, after the Emperors became Christian, 
beleigs properly to other articles. Questions of 

faith and such as were purely ecclesiastical, as it 
is sufficient here to state upon the unqualified 
testimony of Gothofred {Comment, in Cod, Tfieoi. 
16. tit. 2. s. 23, quoted by Bingham), were left 
ordinarily to bishops and ^nods, by laws reach- 
ing from Constantius to Justinian (e. g. Novell, 
Ixxxiii., czxiii. 21). And the law of Honoriu& 
in 399 (Cod, Theod, 16. tit. 11. s. 1), among others, 
which expressly denies any proper right of 
Church courts to civil jurisdiction, affirms also 
that causes of religion as properly belong to 
them. When, however, either questions of faith 
or private causes became of political importance, 
a qualified and occasional practice of appeal to 
the Emperors from spiritual tribunals naturally 
grew up. Our business is with the latter, i.e. 
with judicial cases. And here it may be said in 
brief, that the Emperors throughout claimed and 
exercised a right of ordering a new trial by 
spiritual judges; the choice of whom so far 
rested with themselves, that they took them if it 
seemed good from another province than that of 
the parties accused or accusing. So Constantino 
dealt with Caecilianus in the Donatist contro- 
versy, appointing first Melchiades of Rome and 
three Gallic bishops to judge the case at Rome, 
and then, upon the dissatisfaction of the Dona- 
tists, commanding a synod to rehear it at Aries 
(without the Pope at all) in 314. The precise 
question, however, was one of discipline more 
than of belief. And Constantine disclaimed all 
right of appeal from the episcopal tribunal to 
himself. So also Bassianus of Ephesus, and 
Eusebius of Dorylaeum, asked letters from the 
Emperor Marcian, that the Council of Chalcedon 
In 451 might judge their appeals. And at a 
somewhat earlier period Theodosius in a like 
case transferred causes from one province to 
another (De Marca, De Cone, Sac. et Imp, iv. 
3). So also Theodoric appointed bishops to de- 
cide the case of Pope Symmachus c. A.9. 500, 
although, after commencing the case, they ulti- 
mately refused to judge the Bishop of Romo, 
save by a merely formal judgment. And the 
Council of Mileum in 416, while condemning to 
deprivation any appellant to a civil tribunal, 
excepts the case of those who ask from the 
Emperor ** episcopale judicium." On both sides, 
however, this middle course was occasionally 
transgressed. Bishops sometimes asked the 
Emperors themselves to decide their appeals: 
e.g., even St. Athanasius, while in his Apol, 
ii. expressly repudiating the Emperor's power 
to decide such a cause, yet, after the Coun- 
cil of Tyre had deposed him, requested the 
Emperor nevertheless, not only to assemble a 
" lawful" council of bishops to rehear the case, 
but as an alternative, ^ koI abrhw 8c(our9ai 
rijv d»o\oylay (Socrat. i. 33). And the Council 
of Antioch accordingly, in 341, took occasion (as 
above said) to prohibit all applications to the 
Emperor except such as were backed by lettei*s 
of metropolitan and provincial bishops, and to 
insist upon the restriction of fresh trials to '* a 
larger synod:" canons repeated down to the 
days of Charlemagne, and adopted by the Church 
at large, although repudiated as Arian by 
St. Chrysostom and by Pope Innocent I., when 
quoted against the former. And about a.d. 380, 
Sulpicius Severus, again, affirma that he himself 
and his fellow bishops had done wrong in allow- 
ing Priscillian to appeal to the Emperor, and 

K 3 



lays it down thai he ought to hare appealed to 
other hishops. Tet both Pope STmmachua and his 
opponent Laorentins requested the Arian Lom- 
bard Theodoric to decide between them. On 
the other side, when mentioning a verj late 
case, where the Emperor transferred a cause of 
a spiritual kind from the Patriarch Lulce of Con- 
stantinople, A.D. 1156-1169, to a civil oourt, 
Bnlsaroon (in can. 15 Syn, Carthag.)y while 
affirming this to be against the canons, 'yet ad- 
mits that a laj co-judge might rightly be asked 
of the Emperor. And Justinian (NoceiL cxxiiL 
21) reserves indeed a right upon appeal of as- 
signing judges, from whom an appeal lay ''se- 
cundum legum ordinem," i.e. ultimately to the 
Pmefechu Prastorio and Quaestor Palatii {Cod. 
7. tit. 62. s. 32); but ecclesiastical causes are 
expressly excepted from such appeal. On the 
other hand, Arcadius and Honorius expressly 
prohibit appeals from councils to themselves; 
unless, indeed, this refers only to civil and 
criminal causes. The Carlovingian Emperors 
(as we have seen above) reserved an appeal to 
themselves in difficult cases from the metro- 
politan, in causes of presbyters and all below 
them ; besides appointing the civil magistrate 
as assessor to the metropolitan in the first in- 
stance. And in the case of Leo IIL A.D. 800, 
when Charlemagne convened a synod at Rome to 
investigate accusations against that Pope, the 
bishops appointed declined to act, on the ground 
that it waa the Pope's right to judge them, and 
not theirs to judge the Pope (Anastas., in F. 
Leon, IIL). 

' II. We pass next to civil causes: and the 
jurisdiction of bishops in these, whether lay or 
clerical, is of course, as a coercive jurisdiction, 
purely a creation of municipal law. As founded 
upon 1 Cor, vi. 4, it could not have been until 
the time of Constantine more than a voluntarily 
conceded power of arbitration, whereby both 
plaintiff and defendant, being Christians, agreed 
to be bound (see Estius, ocf Ax;.). But upon prin- 
ciples of Christian love and of avoiding scandal, 
the decision of such cases became the common 
and often the inconveniently troublesome busi- 
ness of bishops : e.g., of Paphnutius (see Ruffi- 
nus), Gregory Thaumaturgus (St. Greg. Nyss. in 
Vita), St. Basil the Great (St. Greg. Naz. Orat 
20), St. Ambrose {Epist. 34), St. Augustine (Pos- 
sid. in Vftd% St. Martin of Tours (Snip. Sev. 
Dial, iL): and is recognized as their work by 
St. Chrysostom (De Sac, iii. 18). The Aposi, 
Constit, ii. 45-47 regulate the process. St. 
Cyprian (Adv, Jvdaeos iii. 44), speaking of resort 
to the bishop and not to the secular court as the 
duty of Christians, may serve as a specimen of 
the feeling upon which the practice rested. And 
while Socrates (vii. 37) speaks of Bishop Syl- 
vanus of Troas as declining it either for himself 
or his clergy, it is recognized even by the Council 
of Tarragona in 516 (c 4) as extending to pres- 
byters and deacons also. The practice was 
changed from 9 precarious to a recognized and 
legal institution by Constantine. Either party 
to a suit was allowed by him, not in form to 
appeal from magistrate to bishop, but to do so 
in eflfbct ; in that he gave to either the power to 
choose the bishop's court in preference to the 
magistrate's^ the bishop's sentence to stand as 
go<d in law as if it were the Emperor's (Euseb., 
J)e T. Constcmtini, iv. 27 ; Sozom. i. 9) ; and if 


the law at the end of the Theodoeiaa code ii 
(as Selden, and, among later writers, Haend 
and Walter [see Robertson's Becketj p. 80] think, 
but Gothofred denies) his, then took the still 
further step of empowering either, without tht 
other's consent, and whether the cause wen 
actually pending or even already decided by tb 
civil court, to claim a rehearing in the court of 
the bishop {Extrav, de Elect. JwUc, Episc. Ckd. 
Theod. vi. 303). 

a. This power was enlarged in the case of the 
clergy into a compulsory jurisdiction, the Chnrdi 
forbidding clergy to take civil eases in which 
they were concerned before any other tribnntl 
than the bishop's (Cone, Carth, AJ). 397 e. 9, 
Ckmc. MUevit, A.D. 416 c 19, Cone Chalc. A.a 
451 c 2, Cone, Venetic, A.D. 46^ c. 9, Oonc 
CabiUon, i. a.d. 470 c 11, Cone. Matiacon. ajk 
582 c 8), while the Emperors permitted sad 
ratified episcopal jurisdiction between clergy in 
dvil cases, and where both parties agreed to the 
tribunal (Valentin. III., NoveU. de Epiac JvdkiOy 
xii. Gothofr.). And Justinian in 539 gave dvil 
jurisdiction outright to the bishops over the 
clergy, the monks, and the nuns, subject to an 
appeal to the Emperor in case the civil judge 
decided differently to the bishop (Novell, hizix., 
Ixxxiii., cxxiii. c. 21). The law also of Constao- 
tius, in AJ>. 355, refers all complaints against 
bishops without distinction, and therefore dril 
as well as criminal, to an episcopal tribunal 
(Cod, Theod. 16. tit 2. s. 12); which' JustimsB 
specifies into a regular chain of appeal to metro- 
politan and patriarch, unless in one excqitionsl 
case, where either the Praefectus Piaetorio per 
Orientem, or ^* judges appointed by^he Emperor," 
are to dedde (Novell, cxxiii. cc 22, 24> If a 
layman, however, were a party to the suit, it 
rested with hun to choose the tribunaL 

jS. With respect to laymen, indeed, generally, 
the law of Constantine, if it ever dM go to the 
length of allowing a transfer of the cause at the 
will of either party, and at any stage of the suit, 
was soon limited. Arcadius and Honorius AJ). 
408 require the consent of both parties (God 
Justin, 1. tit. 4. s. 7, 8). And both they, and 
Valentinian III. A.D. 452, expressly allow a lay- 
man to go if he chooses to the dvil court, and in 
all cases and persons require the ^ vinculum oom- 
promissi," and the '^voluntas jurgantium," ai a 
prior condition to any episcopal (coerdve) juris- 
diction at all ; expressly laying down also that 
bishops and presbyters ** forum non habere needs 
aliis causis praeter religionem posse cognosoere " 
(Cod. Theod, 16. tit. 11. s. 1 ; and Valentin. III., 
as before dted). Justinian, however, appears to 
have gone further. 1. He granted to the dergy 
of Constantinople a right to have all their pe- 
cuniary causes, even if a layman were con- 
cerned, tried in the first instance by the bishop; 
and only if the nature of the case hindered him 
from deciding it, then, but not otherwise, before 
the civil court (NooeU, Ixxxiii.) ; and 2. he ap- 
pointed the bishop generally 00-judge with the 
dvil magistrate, and with an appeid from tht 
latter to the former (Novell. Ixxxvi.). And both 
in Cone. Cariliog, A.D. 399 c 1 (Cod, Can, Afrie. 
5), and in Justin. Novell, cxxiii. § 7, Cod. 1. trt. 
3. s. 7, and Cod, Theod. 11. tit. 39. s. 8, provi- 
sion is made to protect a bishop or dergyman, 
who had thus acted as judge, &om being snhK- 
quently molested by a discontented party to the 


nit, whn flhoBld summon him to gire acoount 
»fiiii jttlgmeiit before a secular tribunal. 

The law of Coostantine in its widest form, and 
tt spplrinf to laitj aa well as clergy, is alleged 
to ^v< been rerired hj Charlemagne (Capit, vi. 
28 IX eipretslj as a renewal of the (extreme) 
tlwodofiui enactment, but very serious doubts 
ire thrown on the genuineness of the re-enact- 
BKSt : TiXf that **Quicunque litem habeat, sive 
pssteMorsiTe petitor fuerit, yel in initio litis yel 
deeanb temporum curriculis, sive cum negotium 
perontiir sire^um jam coeperit promi sententia, 
fi jodidum elegerit sacroeanctae legis Antistitis, 
Ulieo dne aliqua dubitatione, etiam si alia pars 
R^agator, ad Episcoporum judicium cum ser- 
moae litigantium dirigatur: . . . omnes itaque 
oitae, quae rel praetorio jure yel dvili tractan- 
tu, Epbooporum sententiis terminatae, perpe- 
tMstabllitatis jure firmentur : nee lioeat ulterius 
letrsctari negotium, quod Episooporum senten- 
tia decideiit:'' — ^thus interposing an abaolute 
right of appeal in dyil causes for either party, 
whether lay or clerical, at every stage of the 
ciTil suit, from the dvil judge to the bishop, and 
forbidding a[q)eal from the latter (see also Capit, 
Tu. 906, and Gratian, Decrtt, P. II., c. xi. qu. 1 
oc 35-37; and Hallam, Middle Ages, u. 146, 
nth ed.)L At the same time it is obvious, by 
Ome, frtmoof. A.D. 794 c. 6, above referred 
to, that an appeal to the Emperor himself was 
allowed, even from the metropolitan, in all dvil 
aan. The joint jurisdiction of bishops and 
ddennen in Saxon England belongs to a different 

UI. Is criminal casea, this article is not con- 
cened to define the limits and nature of the 
ciempti<»s or privileges of clergy, beyond the 
brief statement that, 1. Clergy, and in particu- 
Ur Uiheps, were exempted from dvil tribunals 
kj the Emperors in criminal cases, provided that 
fiat the deUcta were levia, and next th^ con- 
■oft of the plaintiff if a layman were -obtained ; 
aad %, Episcopal intercession for criminals, all 
akof looked upon as a duty and regarded with 
hroar, received a dvil sanction at the hands of 
JMtiBian; while Heraclius A.D. 628 formally 
nimitted jurisdiction over the criminal offences 
of dcrgy to the bishopa, to be judged " Korr^ 
r«^ 9flmn Ktofipas" (Leunclav. Jtu Graeoo- 
Jbm. L 73). In relation to appeals, we have 
cilj to mention, that Justinian, in criminal 
oaei of derks, appoints the bishop and dvil 
jad^ to act together, with' an appeal to the 
Eaijieror (JSooeiL cxxiii. c. 21); the dvil judge 
to try the case, but within two months, and 
the bahop then (if the accused is condemned) 
U deprive {SooeU, IxxxiiL) ; and that in the law 
rf HffMflins, jost mentioned, occurs the well- 
haowB phiaae — that if the case were beyond 
flnwnicil pumahment, then the bishop should 
he directed, "rhr rotovrov rots iroXt- 
Y<coif ipx^vtrt irapa9t96ff9aif riks 
t*?r ^l§igT4p9*s 9impurfUras w6fuiis rifiMf^as 
^•^ifX^ipj^mr And in such cases, therefore, 
the cuK was thenceforth transferred from the 
^iritual to the lay tribunaL So also Justinian 
(JibfdL Ixxxiii.) requires the convicted criminal 
chrk to be first deposed by the bbhop, and then, 
^ Mi before, ^n^ rha rAw ¥6iuov 'x^PtoBcu 
V*p9s, Under the Gurlovingian empire, the 
'iptchtiarim m ArehioaptUamm acted as the 
SBftnir's deputy in the final dediion of derical 



causes of all kinds, the Emperor being the ulti- 
mate judge in these as in secular ones (^Ccnc, 
Franco/, a.d. 749 c. 6 ; and see for Cappeliam 
under the Franks, Walafr. Strab., De Reh. EccL 

(Besides the works of De Marca, Richerms, 
Quesnel, Thomassin, Van Espen, and Church 
Historians, such as Fleury, Neander, Gieseler; 
and Beveridge, Bingham, &c. among ourselves, 
the works of Allies and of Hussey, on the Papal 
Supremacy, and Greenwood's Cathedra Petri, 
Lend., 1856, sq., may be referred to ; also, He- 
benstreit, Hist. Jtui^i. Eccl. tx legg, utriusque 
Cod, iUtutrata, (Lips. 1773), Schilling, De Origins 
Juried. Secies, in Causis Civilibus (Lips. 1825), 
and Jungk, De Originibus et Progressu Episcop, 
Judicii in Caueis Civilibue Laicortun usque ad 
Justinianum, Berlin 1832-8, referred to by 
Gieseler.) [A.W. H.] 

SHIP OF Books.] 

APBONIANUS, martyr at Rome, comme- 
morated Feb. 2 (Mart Bom, Vet). [C] 

APSE, the niche or recess which terminateb 
a church at the end near which the high altar 
is placed. This feature existed in the basilicas 
or halls of justice constructed by the Romans, 
the tribunal for the presiding magistrate having 
been placed ih the centre of the arc forming the 
apse. ' 

In the earlier centuries the apse was almost 
invariably semidrcular, in some churches and 
particularly in those which would appear to 
date from the third or early part of the fourth 
century the apse is internal, so that the building 
has a rectangular termination. Sta. Croce in 
Gerusalemme, at Rome, has this plan, though it 
is doubtful whetliiii; this was the plan adopted 
when it first became a church ; but in Italy it is 
very rarely found ; in AiVica and in Asia it seems 
to have prevailed, particularly in the earlier 
period : the basilica of Reparatus at Orleansville, 
in Algeria, believed to date from a.d. 252 ; the 
churdxes at Deyr Abu-iFaneh near Hermopolis 
Magna, at Hermouthis (Erment) in Egyp^ at 
Ibrihm in Nubia, at Pergamus, and Ephesus, are 
all thus planned* [Chubch.] 

In the basilica of St. Reparatus there is a se- 
cond apse^ also internal, at 'the other end of th» 
buildins; this is believed to have been added 
about the year 403. 

In the churches built in the fiflh century in 
the East three apses are often found, the aisles 
as well as the central nave being so terminated ; 
in the following century this plan, the so-called 
parallel triapsal, was introduced into Italy and 
churches at Ravenna, as St. Apollinare in Classe, 
built A.D. 538-549, (though with a peculiar mo- 
dification), and the Duomo at Parenzo (a.d. 542), 
exhibit it. In the eighth and ninth centuries it 
appears at Rome, as in St. Maria in Coemedin (a.d. 
772-795), and a few other churches. 

The transverse-triapsal plan, that in which 
there are three apses, one projecting f^om the 
end, and one from each side of the building, is 
rarely found in churches of the usual basilican 
plan, or in any anterior to the sixth century. It 
occurs (with some modification) in St. Sophia^ 
Constantinople, and in other churches for which 
that building served in some degree as a model, 
and in the eleventh and twelfth centuriefc is com- 




mon in Gennany. It Is, however, found at Borne 
in oratories, even in the fifth century, as in that 
of St. John the Baptist opening fVom the bap- 
tistery of the Lateran, built by Pope Hilarus, 
cir. A.D. 461, and that of Sta. Croce, built by the 
same pope, but now destroyed. 

About the year 800 churches in Germany were 
constructed with an apse at each end : the greater 
church at Reichenau, in the Lake of Constance, 
begun in 816, has a semicircular apse at one 
«nd and a square recess at the other ; the plan 
prepared for the church of St. Gall in the begin- 
ning of the ninth oeutury shows a semicircular 
apse at each end. 

The altar was usually placed in the chord of 
the arc of the apse, the cathedra or chair for the 
bishop in the centre of the arc against the wall, 
while a stone bench, or a series of such, one 
above the other, afforded places for the clergy. 
At Torcello, near Venice, there are six such 
ranges. Apses so fitted appear to have been 
called "apsides gradatae." [Chuboh.] [A. N.] 

APTONIUS, commemorated May 23 {Mart 
ffieron.). [C] 

APUI>EIUS, disciple of Peter, martyr at 
Rqme, commemorated Oct. 7 (Mart. Bom. Vet^ 
Bedae) ; in Rheims MS. of the Gregorian Sacra- 
mentary (see Moiard's ed. p. 418). 

AQUAMANILE (other forms, Aqmrnani- 
Hunt, AquamantiSj Gr. Xtpyifioy), the bason 
used for the washing of the hands of the cele- 
brant in the liturgy. The aquamanile with the 
urceus ai'e thp bason and ewer of the sacred 

In the Statuta Antiqiux called the ** Canons of 
the Fourth Council of Carthage " {Canon V.), it 
is laid down that a subdeacon should receive at 
his ordination from the handsof the archdeacon 
an aquamanile (corruptly wrl|P& ^ aqua et man- 
tile ") as one of the emblems of his office. Com- 
pare Isidore, De EccL Off. ii. 10. And these di- 
rections are repeated verbatim in the office for 
the ordination of a subdeacon in the Gregorian 
Sacramentary (p. 221). In the Greelc office, the 
subdeacon receives x^P^^^^^*'^^^ ^^^ fJuwfiitXiov^ 
where the word x^P*'^^^^^^^^^ perhaps includes ^ 
both urceus and aquamanile (Daniel's Codex Lit, 
iv. 550\ 

In the Ordo Bomanus I. (p. 5), the acolytes 
are directed to carry an aquamanus (among other 
things) after the Pope in the great procession of 

Aquamanilia of great splendour are frequently 
mentioned in ancient records. Desiderius of Aux- 
erre is said to have given to his church ** aqua- 
manile pensans libras ii. et uncias x. ; habet in 
medio rotam liliatam et in cauda caput homi- 
nis;" and Bininhilda, qaeen of the Franks, offered 
through the same Desiderius to the church of 
St. G^iTaanus " aquamanilium pensans libi'as iii. 
et uncias ix. ; habet in medio Neptunum cum tri- 
dente ** (Krazer, De LiturgiiSy p. 210). Compare 
Urceqs. [C] 

AQUILA (1) Wife of Severianus, martyr, 
commemorated Jan. 23 (Mart. Bom. Vet.). 

(2) Husband of PrUcilla, July 8 (/&.); July 
14 (Cal.^Byzant.). 

(3) Martyr in Arabia, Aug. 1 (Mart, Bom. 
Vet). [C] 

CONGOJUM). I., A.D. 381, provincial, although 

the Easterns were invited, St. Ambross being the 
most important bishop present ; summon^ by 
the Emperor Gratian, to try the cases of Bidiop 
Palladius and Secundianus, who were there con- 
demned for Arianism (Mansi, iii. 59d-632). 

II. A.D. 553, Western or rather provincial, on 
behalf of the three chapters. It rejected the 
Oecumenical Covicil of Constantinople of aj>. 
550, and thereby severed the Aquileian Chuith 
from the Church Catholic for over 100 yean 
(Baed., De VI. Aetat, ; Mansi, ix. 659> lU. 
A.D. 698, a like Synod for a like purpose (Baed., 
ib. ; Paul. Diac., v. 14 ; Sigebert in an. ; Mans, 
xii. 115). * [A.W.H.] 

AQUILINAl, martyr, commemorated Jane 13 
(Col. Byzant). [C.] 

AQUILrNTJS. (1) Martyr in Africa, Jan. 4 

(Mart, ffieron., Bedae). 

(2) Commemorated Feb. 4 (M. ffieron.), 
(8) Of Isauria, commemorated May 16 (Jforl 

Bom. Vet, Hieron.^ Bedae). 
(4) Presbyter, May 27 (M. ffieron.^ 
(6) Saint, July 16 (A); July 17 (JC 

ffieron.). [C] 


ARABICUM (X)NCILin^~A oonndl 
was held, A.D. 247, in Arabia against thoee who 
maintained that the soul died with the body. 
Origen went to it, and is said to have reclaime>l 
tHem from their error (Euseb. vL 37). [£.SlF.] 

ABATOB, commemorated April 21 (Mart. 
Hieron.). [C] \ 


ABCA, ABOULA. 1. A chest intended to 
receive pecuniary offerings for the service of the 
church or for the poor ^ertullian, Apotogetitau, 
c. 39). Of this kind was probably the *'arca 
pecuniae," which Pope Stephen (an. 260) is said 
to have handed over, with the sacred vessels, to 
his archdeacon when he was imprisoned (XAer 
Pontif. c 24); and such that which Pbolinns 
Petricordius says (in Vita 8. Martini^ lib. iv. ap. 
Ducange) was committed to the charge of s 
deacon chosen for the purpose. The box from 
which priesti received their portions is described 
as " arcula sancta" by Marcellus (Vita 8. iWicti, 
c 3). 

2. It is used of a box or casket in which the 
Eucharist was reserved: thus Cyprian (i>tf Xopnt, 
c. 26, p. 486) speaks of an ** area in qu& Domini 
sacramentum fuit," from which fire issued, to 
the great terror of a woman who attempted to 
open it with unholy hands. In this case, tbe 
casket appears to have been in the house, and 
perhaps contained the reserved Eucharist for tbe 

3. Among the prayers which precede the Etbi- 
opic Canon (Benaudot, Lit. Orient L 501) is 
one ^ Super arcam sive discum majorem." The 
prayer itself suggests that this area was used 
for precisely the same purpose as the pates, 
inasmuch as in both cases the petition is that 
in or upon it may be perfected (perficiatur) the 
Body of the Lord. Renaudot (p. 525) seems to 
think that it may have served the purpose of aa 
Antihensium (q. v.). 

It does not appear, however, that its use was 
limited to the case of unconsecrated altars ; and 
when we remember that the Copts applied the 
term iXeurT'tipioy to the Christian oltai- (Renaib 


iok, L 183) it docs not seem improbable tbai 
tUs aiti was an actual chest or ark, on the lid 
of vUeh, the If ercy-Seat, consecration took place. 
It is vorth noticing that chests are said to have 
hea sBdeBtlr used as altars in Rome [Altar]. 
Dr. Netle {EasUrm Church, Iwtrod, p. 186) says 
tbst the taixmi or ark of the Ethiopic Chorch is 
■Md for the reserration of the Sacrament. Major 
Harm's informant {Highiands of Ethiopia, iii. 
1J8) declared that it contains nothing except a 
ptrdmeDt inscribed with the date of the dedi- 
otiM of the bailding. [C] 

ABCADIUS. (1) Martyr, commemorated 
Jsi. 12 {MarL JZom.. VetX 
(S) Martyr in Africa, Not. 12 (Jb.y [C] 

ABCANI DI8CIPLINA [Disciplina Ab- 

ABGHANEBIS, commemorated at Rome 
lac. 1^ {^oH, Nienm.). [C] 

ARCHBISHOP.— The earliest use of this 
title vss probably the same as that with which 
ve sre (smiliar in the Modern Church, viz., as 
deagnating a metropolitan or chief bishop of a 
prorinee. Afterwards, however, as. the hierar- 
cUcsI system of the Chnrch was further extended 
to eorrespMid with the civil divisions of the 
Isaan empire, it became appropriated to the 
higher dignity of patriarch. Thus, according to 
B^ham (ii 17X Liberatus {Breviar., c. 17) gives 
sll the patriarchs this title <^ archbishops, and, 
hi a^(^ so does the Council of Chalcedon fre- 
qiently, speaking of the patriarchs of Rome and 
Cbnstsntinople under the name of archbishops 
sbo^ About the time of Constantine the empire 
«Bs divided into dioceses, each of which contained 
Bsny provinoea. This division, like the earlier 
one of provinces, was also adopted by the Church ; 
sad as the State had an exarch or vicar in the 
capital dty of each civil diocese, so the Church, 
in proeess of time, came to have her exarchs or 
pstriarchs in many, if not all, the capital cities 
of the empire. These patriarchs were originally 
called archbishops, which title had therefore a 
Bach more extensive signification than it has at 
present. The principal privileges of the arch- 
hiihopsof that period were — 1. To drdain all the 
■Ktropditans of the diocese, their own ordination 
beiig received from a Diocesan Synod ; 2. To con- 
vene Diocesan Synods and to preside in them ; 
3. To receive appeals from metropolitans and from 
Vetropolitan Synods ; 4. To censure metropoli- 
tsB^ and also their suffragans when metropolitans 
were remiss in censuring them. The Patriarch or 
Archbishop of Alexandria had from very early 
tinef some peculiar privileges within his diocese, 
hat origiBally all patriarchs were co-ordinate, as 
well as mutually independent as regards actual 
pover, though some had a precedence of honour, 
asthoK of Rome, Constantinople, Alexandria, and 
Jemasleni, to whom the canons gave precedence 
•fall others. 

Far ** Archbishop " in its later and present sig- 
aifiestion, see METBOK)LrrAif. [D. B.J 

ABCHDEAGON. — 'A/»x<SuC<coirof, 'Apx** 
hixm, *Afx<Ae1>{n|t (CataL Patriarch. Constant. 
1030«, 41^ Mai Script. Vet. iU. 243, though per- 
haps somewhat late), Archidiaamusj Archidia- 
OMtXtfottsa^itwitcf (Joannes Secundus, Vit, Oreg, 
Mu. lie 25> 

i Origim cf Ifame catd Oj^.— That there was 



ftam. the first a primacy among deacons, as there 
appears to have been among presbyters, and as 
there was afterwards among bishops, is more a 
matter of conjecture than of historical certainty. 
It is reasonable to suppose that some one deacon, 
either the senior in oflSce or the most eminent in 
ability, took the lead of the rest, as St. Stephen 
appears to have taken the lead of the seven first 
deacons (whence the Menologium gives him the 

title *Apxi'MU<>>'<'0 ) ^^^ ^^ ^ uncertain when 
this became a part of the regular ecclesiastical 
order. The name is sometimes given by later 
writers to prominent deacons of the first four 
centuries ; for example, St. Lawrence, who had 
evidently some precedence over his brother 
deacons, is called archdeacon by St. Augustine 
(Serm. de DiversiSj cxi. cap. 9 ; Sanctua Lanwentiw 
archtcUaoonw ftUt) ; and Caedlian of Carthage b 
called archdeacon by Optatus (1. i. p. 18, ed. 
Paris, 1679)w But other writers describe the 
office by a periphrasis ; for example, Theodoret 
(ff, E, i. 26) uses the phrase 6 rov x^^^ '''^'^ 
9uuc6yvr 4tyoifi€vof to describe the position — 
which was evidently equivalent to that of an 
archdeacon— of Athanasius at Alexandria ; and 
there is the negative evidence that neither the 
name nor the office is mentioned in the Aposto- 
lical Constitutions (although some have supposed 
the phrase 6 irapc<rr^9 r^ hpx^^P*^ 9tdKoros, in 
il. 57, to refer to it), and that Cornelius (ap. 
Euaeb, H. E. vi. 43) omits the archdeacon from 
his list of Church officers at Rome. The first 
contemporary use of the title is, in the Eastern 
Church, in the old version of the acts of the 
Council of Ephesus (Labb^ Supplem, Goncil. p. 
505), and, in the Western Church, in St. Je- 
rome (tf.^. Ep, xcv. ad Butticum). After that 
period it is in constant use. 

In both East and West the title appears to 
have been restricted to the secular clergy ; the 
first in rank of the deacons of a monastery 
seems to have had, in the East, the title of 
iTfWToiidKovos (but not universally, for Joannes 
Climacus, Seal. Parad. p. 58, also uses the title 
tipx*^^^^^ ^^ ^ monk) ; a deacon in a similar 
position in the West seems to have had, at least 
in early times, no special designation. 

II. idode of Appointment, — ^The mode of ap- 
pointment varied with particular times and 
places. At first, and in some places perma- 
nently, the deacon who was senior in date of 
ordination appears to have held the office, with- 
out any special appointment, by right of his 
seniority. That this was the usual practice at 
Constantinople is clear from the answer of Ana- 
tolius to Leo the Great in the case of Andrew 
and Aetius. Leo, probably having the use of 
the Roman Church in his mind, assumes in hib 
letter of remonstrance to Anatolius that the 
latter had appointed {coMtituiaae) Andrew arch- 
deacon. Anatolius replies that, on the ordina- 
tion of Aetius as presbyter, Andrew had suc- 
ceeded him as archdeacon in regular order (non 
provecttu a nobis aed gradu faciente Archidiaooni 
dignitate honoratus—S. Leon. Mag. Op. vol. L p. 
653, ed. Paris, 1675). But, on the other hand, 
Sosomen speaks of Serapion as having been ap- 
pointed by Chrysostom (Pv hpxi^tdicovoif aibrov 
Korr^onie'c — R. E. viii. 9), and Theodoret notices 
that Athanasius was at the head of the deacons, 
though young in years-(Wot r^r ^KikIom), which 
could hardly have been the case in so targe a 




church as that of Alexandria if the rule of 
senioritj had been followed. St. Jerome has 
indeed been sometimes quoted to show that the 
practice at Alexandria was for the deacons to 
elect their archdeacon, but the hypothetical 
form of the sentence (** quomodo si ... . 
diaconi eligant de se quem industrium noverint 
et Archidiaoonum yocent ") makes it difficult to 
use the passage as an assertion of an existing 
fact. In the West there appears to have been a 
similar dirersitj of practice. The phrases which 
are sometimes used (e^. bj Joannes Secundus, 
Vit, S, Greg, Max. i. 25, ^Wevitam septimum 
ad suum adjutorium constituit ") seem to show, 
what might also be expected from the nature of 
the case, that when the archdeacon became not 
so much the first in rank of the minor officers 
of the Church as the bishop's secretary and dele- 
gate, the bishop had at least a yoice in his ap- 
pointment. But there is a canon of a Gallic 
council in a.d. 506 {Cone, Agath, can. xxiii., 
Mansi, viii. 328) which strongly asserts the rule 
of seniority, and enacts that even in cases in 
which the senior deacon, propter simplicioretn 
naturamj was unfit for the office, he was to have 
the title (loci aui noinen teneat), although the 
burden of the duty devolved upon another. In 
later times, however, it is clear that the right of 
appointment rested absolutely with the bii^op. 

III. Number J andDuroHon of Office, — It is clear, 
both from the statement of St. Jerome (Ep, xcv. 
ad Busticumj " singuli ecdesiarum episcopi, sin- 
guli archipresbyteri, singuli archidiaconi ") add 
from the invariable use of the singular number 
in the canons of the councils which refer to the 
office, that for several centuries there was but 
one archdeacon in each diocese. When the 
number was increased is not altogether clear. 
The increase seems to have been a result partly 
of the increase in the number of rural parishes, 
partly of the difficulty of dividing dioceses 
which were coextensive with civil divisions. 
The fact of the Council of Merida (a.d. 666) 
having directly prohibited the appointment of 
more than one axx^deacon in each diocese seems 
to indicate that such a practice had been con- 
templated, if not actually adopted (Cone, Emerit, 
can. X., Mansi, xi. 81) ; but the first actual re- 
cord of a plurality of archdeacons occurs a 
century later in the diocese of Strasburg. In 
774, Bishop Heddo divided that diocese into 
three archdeaconries (archidiaainatua rwalesy, 
and from that time there appears to have been 
throughout the West — except in Italy, where the 
dioceses were small — a general practice of re- 
lieving bishops of the difficulties of the admi- 
nistration of overgrown dioceses by appointing 
archdeacons for separate divisions, and giving 
them a delegatio (ultimately a delegatio perpetud) 
as to the visitation of parishes. Thence grew 
up the dbtinction between the " Archidiaconus 
magnus" of the Cathedral Church and the 
**■ Archidiaconi rurales." The former was at the 
head of the cathedral clergy, whence in much 
later times he was known as the provost (pi*ae- 
positus) of the cathedral, ranking as such before 
the archpresbyter or dean. The latter had a 
corresponding status in their several districts; 
they were usually at the head of the chapter of 
a provincial town, and they had precedence, and 
perhaps jurisdiction, over the " Archipresbyteri 
rurales," who were at the head of subdivisions 

of the archdeaconries, and corresponded to moden 
*' rural deans." There was thia further differ- 
ence between the two classes, that the miai 
archdeacons were usually priests, whereas the 
cathedml archdeacon, even so late .as the 12tb 
century, was usually a deacon. 

Originally, the office was limited to deacons; 
an archdeacon who received priest's orden 
ceased thereby to be an archdeacon. Proofs and 
examples of this are numerous. St. Jerome 
says (in Ezech. c xlviii.) that an archdeaooa 
** injuriam putat si presbyter oi-dinetur." Anato> 
liui made his archdeacon Aetius a presbyter in 
order to get rid of him, of which proceeding 
Leo the Great, in a formal complaint to the 
Emperor Marcian on the subject, says *'dejeo> 
tionem inuocentis per speciem provectionis in- 
plevit " (S. Leon. Magn. Epist, 57, a/. 84) ; and 
Sidonius ApoUinaris speaks of an archdeacon 
John who was so good an archdeacon that he was 
kept from the presbyterate in consequence (**dio 
dignitate non potuit augeri ne potestate poset 
absolvi " — lib. iv. ep, 24). It is not certain at 
what date presbyters were allowed to hold office 
as archdeacons; probably the earliest certain 
evidence on the point is that which is afforded 
by Hincmar of Rheims, who (a.d. 874) addresses 
his archdeacons as *' archidiaconibus-presbyteris " 
(Mansi, xv. 497). 

IV. Functions. — ^At first an archdeacon dif- 
fered only from other deacons in respect of pre- 
cedence. In the churches of the EbsI he %v 
probably never much more. Individual arch- 
deacons attained to eminence, but not by rirtae 
of their office. Their office gave them such 
privileges as the right of reading the Gospel in 
the cathedral (e.g. at Alexandria ; Sozomen, til 
19), and of receiving the sacred elements before 
the other deacons (Joannes Citri, Besp. ad C<jbatil. 
ap. Meunius, Gl, Graeco-Barb, s. v.) ; but they 
appear to have had no administrative functions, 
and at Constantinople, so unimportant' did the 
office become, from an ecclesiastical point of view, 
that at last the archdeacon became only an offior 
of the Imperial court (Codinus, De Off. Constakt, 
c. xvii. 38). 

It was different in the West. Partly from the 
&ct that the deacons, and especially, therefore, 
the senior deacon, were the administrative offi- 
cers of the Church ; partly from the fact that 
the senior deacon had been from early times es- 
pecially attached to the bishop, the office, which, 
even in the time of St. Leo, was called the " offi- 
dorum primatus " (S. Leon. Magn. Ep, 106, a/. 
71), assumed an importance which at one period 
was hardly inferior to that of the episcopate 

The frinctions of the office may conveniently 
be distributed under two heads, according as thef 
grew out of the original functions of the diaco- 
nate, or out of the special relation of the arch- 
deacon to the bishop. 

(1) The archdeacon seems to have had charge 
of the funds of the Church ; e.g, both St. Am- 
brose and St. Augustine, in speaking of St Law- 
rence, speak of him as having the ** opesecdesiae" 
in his custody (S. Aug. Serm, de Divers, ai. 
c. 9) ; and St. Leo describes the appointment of 
an archdeacon by the phrase ''quem eodesias- 
ticis negotiis praeposnit" (S. Leon. Mags. J^ 
85, al. 58). 

This involved the distribution of the funds to 




tfct poor; St Jerome speaks of the archdeacon 
m 'iMOiarnm et Tidoanun minister '* (S. Hie- 
tm ia £ie6h. czlTiiL)» and the 4th Council of 
Carthage prohibits a bishop from attending to 
tkt *^ gabernataonem Tidnarum et peregrinanun " 
Uflielf; bat orders him to do so **per archi- 
fnAjtaum ant per archidiaoonnm " (IV. Cone. 
Cvtk. can. xriL ; Mansi, iii. 952). 

Afterwards, if we are to trust the letter of 
bdsre of SeTille to the Bishop of Cordova, 
te appears to hare distribnted to the clergy of 
tbs leTend orders the monej which was oflered 
Cor their support at the communion (Isid. Hisp. 
Ep,adlmdifr^ Op. ed. Paris, 1601, p. 615> 

(2) The archdeacon had the ^ ordiuitio eccle- 
■«,** that is, the superintendence of the arrange- 
BKBti of the cathedral church and of divine 
wrrice. He was ^ master of the ceremonies." 
Is nch he had (a) to keep note of the calendar, 
tad to announce the &rts and festivals (Isid. 
Bi^ UriiL; cL the phrase '* concionatur in po- 
pdn'* of Jerome in Ezech. c. xlviii.). (3) He 
had to correct offences against ecclesiastical order 
dariag divine serrlce ; for ejample, at Carthage 
s woman who kissed the relics of an unrecog- 
liaed mart jr was reproTcd (porrepid) by Caeci- 
liu (Optat. i. p. 18). Probably this was a duty 
ef tJie archdeacon in the East as well us in the 
West ; at least it is difficult to account for the 
erijin of the unseemly scuffle between Meletius 
sad his arehdeaoon at Antloch (Soxom. Jff, E. iy. 
tt) uless we suppose that the latter was ezer- 
dsag a supposed right. (7) He had to see that 
the amngements of the Church for divine ser- 
Tiet were properly made, and that the ritual 
VIS properly observed. Isidore of Seville (ibid.') 
sngns to him in detail, ^ cura vestiendi 
altaiis a levitis, cura incensi, 4t sacrificii 
■eeetssria sollicitudo, quis levitarum Aposto- 
luB et Evangelium legat, quis preces dicat." 
(I) 1^ same authority, or quasi-authority, may 
W qooted for his having also charge of the 
Cibric of the cathedral church t *' pro repa- 
laadk dioffsanis basilids ipse suggerit saoerdoti " 

(3) The archdeacon had to superintend and to 
discipUne over the deacons and other 

clergy, lliis was common to both East 
West ; and as early as the Council of Chal- 
we find it stated that a deacon (Maras of 
i) had been excommunicated by his arch- 
(ijcecriinrr^f kori r^ I9i^ Apx^''^'^^'^^ ■ 
hit the bishop, Ibas, who is speaking, goes on to say, 
Mi 4fMl dwrtr iuMtw^niros, which seems to im- 
ply that the bishop and the archdeacon had co- 
•cdiaate jurisdiction over deacons : Mansi, vii. 
232^ A curious instance of the extent of their 
sathority is afforded by a canon of the Council 
sf Agdc, in Gaul, wliich enacts that ''Clerid qui 
SHnm nutriunt ah archidiacono etismsi nolu* 
ennt invita detondeantur " (Cane, Agath. can. xz. ; 
viiL 328). This ordinary jurisdiction of 
over the inferior clergy must be 
from the delegated jurisdiction 
vhidi he peasessed in later times. The canon 
•f the Omadl of Toledo whiph is cited in the 
lANrctals as giving him an ordinary jurisdiction 
presbyters is confessedly spurious (Mansi, 

(4) This power of exercising discipline was 
with the duty of instructing the in- 

fkrgy in tke duties of their office. The 

4th Council of Carthage enacts that the ostia- 
rius before ordination is to be instructed by 
the archdeacon. Gregory of Tours identities the 
archdeacon with the '* praeceptor " (H, F, lib. 
vi. c. 86), and speaks of himself as living at the 
head of the commnnity of deacons (ViU Pair, e. 
9). The house of this community appears to 
have been called the ^ diaoonium " (** lector in 
diaoonio Caeciliani "-~Optat. lib. i. c. 21), and is 
probably referred to by Paulinus when he says 
that he lived *'sub cura " of the deacon Castus 
(Paulin. Vit. Ambras. c. 42> 

(5) As a corollary from these relations of an 
archdeacon to the inferior clergy, it was his office 
to enquire into their character before ordination, 
and sometimes to take part in the ceremony 
itself. Even in the East it is possible that he 
had some kind of control over ordinations, for 
Ibas is said to have been prevented by his arch- 
deacon from ordaining an unworthy person as 
bishop (icMAvdels irapk rov rriviKovra &f»x ''<<>* 
k6vov vArov-^^Ckmc. Chaic, act x., as quoted by 
Labb^ iv. 647, e^ but Mansi substitutes irp^c* 
fivripo V — ^vii. 224). In the African Church the 
archdeacon was directed to take part in the 
ordination of the subdeacons, aoolytus, and 
ostiarius (IV. Cone, Cctrthag.; Mansi, iii. 951> 
Throughout the West his testimony to charac- 
ter appears to have been required. At Rome 
this was the case even at the ordination of pres- 
byters ; bat Jerome speaks of it as '* unius urbis 
consuetudinem " (S. Hieron. Ep, ci. ai, Lxzxv. ad 
Evang.^ In later times the archdeacon enquired 
into the literary as well as into the moral quali- 
fications of candidates for ordination ; but there 
is no distinct authority for supposing this to 
have been the case during the first nine cen- 
turies ; the earliest is that of Hincmar of Rheims, 
in 874, who directed his archdeacon-presbyters 
to enquire diligently into both the "vita et 
acientia " of those whom they presented for ordi- 
nation (Mansi, xv. 497). In one other point they 
appear in some places to have conformed to latei 
practice, for Isidore of Pelusium (Ep, i. 29) re- 
proves his archdeacon for making money from 
ordination /ses (iirh ri/u^5 x«P<^<>i^(^>')- 

2. The second class of an archdeacon's Amo- 
tions were those which ,grew out of his close 
connection with the bishop. The closeness of 
this connection is shown as early as the 4th 
century by St. Jerome, who says of the " primus 
ministeriorum," ue, the archdeacon, that he 
never leaves the bishop's side ("a pontificis 
latere non recedit " — Hieron. in Ezech. c. xlriii.). 
This expression has, without any corroborative 
evidence except the indefinite phrase of the 
Apostolical Constitutions (quoted above), been in- 
terpreted exclusively of his attendance upon the 
bishop at the altar. It is probable that this is 
included in the expression, but it is improbable 
that nothing else is meant by 'JiL The mass of 
evidence goes to show that while the arch-pres- 
byter was the bishop's assistant chiefly in spi- 
ritual matters, the archdeacon was his assistant 
chiefly in secular matters. 

(1) He was attached to the bishop, probably 
' in the capacity of a modern chaplain or secre- 
tary. He transacted the greater part of the 
business of the diocese ; for example, St. Leo 
speaks of the office as involving ^'dispensationem 
totius causae et curae ecclesiasticae " (Ep, Ixxxiv. 
oL Ivii.). He conveyed the bishop's orders to the 



dergj ; for erample, when John of Jenasalem 
prohibited £piphaiiiiis from preachiog, he did 
so **per archidiaconum" (S. Hieron. Ep, xxxviii. 
ai. Ixi.). He acted as the bishop's substitute at 
sjmods ; for example, Photinos at the Council of 
Chalcedon (Mansi, vi. 567). Compare the canon 
of the Council of Trullo, in 692 (Mansi, xi. 943), 
which forbids a deacon from haying precedence 
oyer a presbyter, except when acting as substi- 
tute for a bishop, and the canon of the Council 
of Merida, in 666 (Mansi, xi. 79), which expressly 
disapproyes of the practice. Ordinary deacons 
were sometimes called the ''bishop's eyes," 
whence Isidore of Pelusium, writing to his arch- 
deacon, says that he ought to be ''all eye" 
{t\oi 6^a\/ihs 6^i\9is ^dpx*u^ — Isid. PeL 
Ep, i. 29). 

(2) In somewhat later times he was dele- 
gated by the bishop to yisit parishes, and to 
exercise jurisdiction oyer all orders of the clergy. 
There is no trace of this in the East-. It grew 
up in the West with the growth of large dio- 
ceses, with the preyalence of the practice of ap- 
pointing bishops for other than ecclesiastical 
merits, and with the rise of the principle of the 
immunity of ecclesiastical persons and things 
from the jurisdiction of the secular power. But 
it is difficult to determine the date at which 
such delegations became common. The earliest 
eyidence upon which reliance can be placed is 
that of the Council of Auxerre in 578, which 
enacted that, in certain cases, a parish priest 
who was detained by infirmity should send " ad 
archidiaconum simm," implying a certain official 
relation between them. More definite testimony 
is affonied by the Council of Chfilons in 650, 
which exjpressly recognises his right of yisiting 
priyate chapels (" oratoria per yillas potentum " 
—/. Cone. Gabili. can. 14 ; Mansi, x. 1192). A simi- 
lar enactment was made at the second Council 
of Chilons, in 813, which, howeyer, censures the 
exacting of fees for yisitations (" ne census exi- 
gant "— //. Cone. CabUL c. 15). In later times 
this " delegatio " became a " delegatio perpetua," 
not reyocable at the pleasure of the bishop who 
had conferred it ; but that such was not the case 
during the first nine centuries is clear from the 
letter of Hincmar to his archdeacons (quoted 
aboye), and also from the fact that Isidore of 
Seyille, whose authority, or quasi-authority, 
was so frequently quoted to confirm the later 
pretensions of the archdeacons, only speaks of 
their yisiting parishes " cum jussione episcopi." 
The rise of the separate jurisdiction of the 
archdeacon is still more obscure. In the 6th 
century we find him named as the bishop's as- 
sessor in certain cases (I. Cone. Matitc. can. 8, 
Mansi, ix. 933 ; II. Cone, Matiac, can. 12 ; Mansi, ix. 
954); but there is no trustworthy eyidence in 
fayour of the existence of an "archdeacon's 
court " within the period of which the present 
work takes cognizance. 

(3) In the East, during the yacancy of a see, 
the archdeacon appears to haye been its guardian 
or co-guardian. Chrysostom writes to Innocent 
of Rome, complaining that Theophilus of Alex- 
andria had written to his archdeacon " as though 
the church were already widowed, and had no 
bishop "(c^cnrcp f|8i} xVpo^^fV^ f^f ixicKriirlas ical 
ovK ix^^^^ MiTKOwov — Mansi, iii. 1085) ; and in 
the letter which the Council of Chalcedon wrote 
to the clergy of Alexandria to inform them of the 


deposition of their bishop Diosooms, the arch- 
deacon and the oeconomus are specially named. 
In the West it is not clear that this was the case; 
hut sometimes the archdeacon was regarded as 
haying a right of succession. Eulogius {ap. Phot 
Bibl, 182) says that it was a faw at Rome for the 
archdeacon to succeed ; but the instance which 
he giyes, that of Cornelius making his arch- 
deacon a presbyter, to cut off his right of suc- 
cession, is yery questionable, the date being 
earlier than the existence of the office. Ko 
doubt, many archdeacons were chosen to succeed, 
but the most striking instances which are some- 
times quoted to confirm the statement of Eulogius^ 
those of St. Leo and St. Gregory, were probably 
both exceptional. 

(An amusing blunder identified the archdeacon, 
who waa sometimes called not only " oculns epis- 
copi," but ^oorepisoopi,** with the chorepiscopus 
or sufiragan bishop; the blunder, which has been 
not unfrequently repeated, seems to be traceable 
in the first instance to Joannes Abbas de tnms' 
latione reliquiarwn 8, Glodesindis, quoted in H. 
Vales. Adnot. ad Theodora, I. 26.) [E. H.] 

memorated Aug. 23 (^Mart. Rom, Vet.'). [C] 

ABGHIMANDBITE (fipx*^ r^' iiuiwhpv, 
praefecttu ooenobu), lit. ruler of "the fold" 
— ^the spiritual fold that is — a fityourite me- 
taphor for designating monasteries in the East, 
and yery soon appli^. As early as a.i>. 376 
we find St. Epiphanius commencing his work 
against heresies in consequence of a letter ad- 
dressed to him by Acacius and Paul, styling 
themselyes "presbyters and archimandrites," 
that is, fathers of the monasteries in the parts of 
Carch^on and Beroea in Coele-Syria. Possibly 
St. Epiphanius omits to style them " archiman- 
drites ' in his reply, because the term was not 
yet in general use. ■ But at the time of the 
Council of Ephesus the Emperors Theodoaius and 
Valentinian receiyed a petition from " a deacon 
and archimandrite," named Basil (Mansi, torn. iy. 
p. 1101). At the Council of Constantinople, a.d. 
448, under Flayian, 23 archimandrites affixed 
their signatures to the condemnation of Eutydies, 
himself an archimandrite. Sometimes the same 
person was styled archimandrite and h^^umen 
indifferently ; but, in general, the archimandrite 
presided oyer seyeral monasteries, and the hegn- 
men oyer but one. The latter was therefore sub- 
ject to the former, as a bishop to a metropolitan 
or archbishop. Again, there was an exarch, or 
yisitor of monasteries, by some thought to haye 
been inferior to the archimandrite, by some supe- 
rior, and by some different only from him in 
name. But if it is a fact that archimaudrit«s 
were admitted to their office by the patriarch 
alone, though he, of course may haye sometimes 
admitted the others as well, it would seem to 
suggest that they occupied the highest rank in 
the monastic hierarchy, analogous to that of pa- 
triarch amongst bishops. According to Goar 
{Euc/ioL p. 240) archimandrites had the pririlege 
of ordaining readers, which the ordinary hegumea 
had not ; but he has omitted to point out where 
this priyilege is conferred in the form of admis- 
sion giyen by him further on (p. 492). Eiag 
(p. 367), in his history of the Gi^ Cbnrch, re- 

* Bolh letters are pnflzed to hfa woik. 


|udi udumandiite as the eqaivalent for abbot, 
aad begvnwii for prior, in the Western monaa- 
uriai ; but he can onl j mean that the offices in 
«idi esse were analogous, Rarelj, bat occaaion- 
tUy, bishopa and archbishops themselres were 
de^gaated archimandrites in the West and East. 
Far follcr details, see Soicer, TKeactur, EccL s. y. ; 
Dq Frcsne, Glon^ Oraec, s. y., itivlpa ; Habert's 
fa^fcaL EcoL Onuc p. 570, ei seq, [£. S. F.] 

ABCBIKI1CU8, confessor, conmiemorated 
Ihidi 29 {Mart. Sonu Vet). [0.] 

nnk^), a principal officer of the Boman 
*'SehoU Ganiomm,'* [Camtor] called also 
MQoaitiu Sf^olae." It belonged to his office to 
laas the chanters who were to sing the seyeral 
ptrts of the aeryice in a Pontifical Mass {Ordo 
Eoaiamt, I. c 7 ; 111. c. 7) ; to go before the pope, 
aad pUee for him a prajer-desk before the altar 
{0. R. L c. 8); and to bring to the sob-deacon 
tbe water for nae in the celebration of mass 
(0. E,Uc 14). [C] 

ARCmPPUS, the fellow-laboorer of St. Paul 
eoflUBemorated March 20 (Mart, Bom. VeQ; as 
"Apostle,** Feb. 19 (Cb/L Byzatd.). [C] 

ASOmSUBDIAOONUSw— This is a word 
wliidi oeeors in the canons of the sjnod of Anx- 
tn« {Synod. Autiasiodor. can. 6 ; Mansi, ix. 912), 
Wt apparently not elsewhere. If the reading be 
geaaiae, it would appear that in some dioceses 
the sabdeaeona aa well aa the deacons had their 
pfuaate; but it is probable that the reading 
tboald be wiiharchidiaoofaat, which may have 
beei another name for the officer known to the 
Gncks as h S«vr«pc^r, and to some Western 
difloews as seciMdarnia. [E. H.] 

ABCHPRESBTTEB. (hpxnrptfrfiintpos, 
SoMOL H. E. yiii. 12 ; bat the ordinary Greek 
tenn was wpttrowp€4f$6TfpoSf which is found ap- 
plied to the same person in the corresponding 
pissagc of Socrates, Jf. E.yi. 9 ; cf. also Phot. 
BM. 59, in the aoooant of the irregular synod 
ifaiait ChiTBcetom, and Mansi, yii. 252, from 
which it appears that the word was found in 
Bome ttesiotts of the acts of the Council of Chal- 
cedoa; in later times = wpteraw^as^ Codin. De 
0/. EceL Omd. c. i. ; archipretbyter, S. Hieron. 
E^ xcr. ad Buslie.') 

The origin of the office is not clear ; after the 
perBaoeat establishment of the distinction be- 
tween the episcopate and presbyterate it appears 
that the senior presbyter had certain recognized 
ri^bis in yirtue of his seniority ; but there is no 
crideace of his haying had a distinct name until 
the dose of the 4th century, when we find it, as 
qcotcd aboye, in Socrates. 

For some time the name, when giyen at all, 
Hems to haye been giyen as a matter of course 
t« the presbyter who was senior \a date of ordi- 
aatioQ. But the assertion of Gregory Nazianzen 
{Orat. zliii. 39) that he refused rj^v ray irpttr- 
fivriptim wporl/t^n^tw, which Basil offered him, 
sad the fdirase of Uberatns (Brev. c. xiy.) *' qui 
[«e Diet, cf (^. Biopr, art. DioacORUS OF 
Alexaxdru] et eom ^Dict. cf Chr. Biogr, art. 
Pkotcbiub] archipresbytemm fecerat ** seem to 
•how that in some places in the East the bishop 
had thepower of making a special appointment. 
la the IVcst, howeyer, this was regarded as a yio- 
ktioft of the regular order, for St. Leo (Ep. y. 
oL xriL) finds great fault with Doras of Bene- 



yentum for giying precedence (he does not nse 
the word archpresbyter) to a newly ordained 
presbyter over his seniors. 

At first there appears to haye been only one 
archpresbyter in a diocese (cf. S. Hieron. Ep. xcy, 
ad Bustic, " singuli ecclesiarum episcopi, singuli 
archipresbyteri, singuli archidiaconl '*). He took 
rank next after the bishop, all of whose functions 
he performed during the yacancy of a see, and 
some of them, 9.g. baptism, during the bishop's 
temporary absence. It has been held that he 
had also a right of succession, but this is hardly 
proyed. With the increase in the population in 
the large dioceses of the West and the growing 
difficulty of subdiyiding them, on account of their 
identification with clyil diyisions, began the sys- 
tem of placing an archpresbyter (arch, rvralu) 
in each of the larger towns, who stood in the 
same relation to the clergy of the surrounding 
district as -the archpresbyter of the cathedral to 
the rest of the clergy of the cathedral. The 
first mention of these rural archpresbyters it^ in 
Gregory of Tours (J/iroc. i. 78, ii. 22). Their 
duties may be gathered f^om yarious canons of 
Gallican and Spanish councils. The Council of. 
Tours, in 567, enacted that subpresbyters were to 
be liable to penance if they neglected to compel 
the presbyters and other clergy of their re- 
spective districts to Uye chastely (Mansi, ix. 797). 
The Council of Auxerre, in 578, inflicted a similar 
but heavier penalty on them if they neglected 
to inform the bishop or the archdeacon (the first 
instance of such a subordination of rank) of 
clerical delinquencies; and aLw enacted that 
** saeculares " who neglected to submit to the 
'* institutionem et admonitioncm archipresbyteri 
sui " were to be not only suspended from ecclesi- 
astical privileges but also to be fined at the king's 
discretion (Mansi, ix. 797). From Can. 19 of the 
Council of Rheims, in 630, it would appear that 
certain feudal rights of seigniority had begun to 
attach to the archpresbyters, in consequence of 
which the office was being held by laymen 
(Mansi, x. 597> The Council of ChAlons, in 650, 
enacted that lay judges were not to visit mona^- 
teries or parishes, except on the invitation in the 
one case of the abbot, in the other of the 
archpresbyter (Mansi, x. 1191). 

The name deccmua, which was given to the 
archpresbyter of the cathedral, and decanua ru- 
raUs, which was given to the archpresbyter of a 
country district, as also the struggle for pre- 
cedence between the archpresbyters and the 
archdeacons, in which the latter were ultimately 
victorious, belong to a later period. [E. H.] 


ABCOSOLIUM. This word is derived by 
Martigny {Did. des Antiq. Chr A,) from " areas, 
an arch, and ** solium," which according to him 
is sometimes used in the sense of sivrcophagus. 
Some inscriptions, and particularly one now in 
the cortile of the Palazzo Borghese (March i, 
Mon, dette Arti Christ. primU, p. 85), which runs 
thus, ** Domus etemalis Aur. Celsi et Aur. Ilari- 
tatis compari mees [leg, oomparavimus] fecimus 
nobis et nostris et amicis aroosolio cum parieti- 
culo suo in pacem," make mention of it, and it 
has been supposed to denote those tombs hewn 
in the living rock of the catacombs at Rome (and 
elsewhere), in which there is an arched opening 
above the portion reserved for the deposition oi 




thi bodj to be int«iTe<], tbe graia being dng 
trom sbon dowDwards ioto tba rcserred porti 
belav the arch. 

There seeing, however, lonxt reasoa for doubt- 
ing whether the attribution of the word ii 
Goirect, and whether ws ongbt not nth 
andenUnd by it Che Mpalchrel chamhgn i 
bicalm in which the great majoritj of th<M 
tombs ar« fonnd. 

It iadifficaltlAandcntandhDwona tomb of the 
liind could contain mora than sboat fire bodiea 
ereo if two were placed in the graie below, aqd 
Chrea In locnll cut in the wall under the arch; 
while the inscription qnotsd abare wonid Been 
to impi; that a mach larger aamber were to be 
placed in the arcoBoliam made by Aareliaa Cel- 
■us; hnt it mafbe that these pemom were all men- 
tioned in ordcT that tbe right of InteimeDt af rela- 
tioM or friends might not b« disputed if claimed. 

It is not clear how or where the parieticuli 
or partition could be placed. Hartigny eaje 

partmenti by these walls, but doei not explain 
is what way. If the word meao merely the 
tomb, parieticuiam would probably mean " 
wall Included under the arch, 

The word may reallj be derived from " ■ 
a sarcophagus, and " soliuin," which among other 
meacinga hai that of a piscina or reserroir in a 
bath, and in mediaeval l^tin of a chamber gene- 
rally j it may thus denote a- vault contatmug 

In the tombe of this kind the receptacle for the 
corpse wai WDietlmes covered byatlab of marble, 
or eometimei a marble sarcophagus is inserted. 
In a few casei the tarcophagtu projects forward 
into the chamber, and the sides of the ardi are 
ooDtinaed Co the ground beyond the sarcophagus. 

Such ilahg or sarcophagi have been supposed 
to have served as altars dnriag the period of per- 
secution, a* being the resting-places of saints or 
martyrs, and in some instances thia may have 
been the case ; bnt the &i greater number of these 
tombs are no doubt of later date, and simply the 
monumenla used by the wealthier claaa. The 
Efitthops and martyrs of the 3rd century were, as 
may be seen iu the cemetery of Calliitns(on the 
Via Appia near Rome), placed, not In these "ar- 
cniolla or " monnmenta arcnata," but in simple 
" loculi," excavationi in the wall Just large 
enough to receive a body placed lengthwise (v. 
De Rossi, Kama SaU. Cria. t. ii. Uv. i. ii. Hi.). 
It seems hardly probable that, when such illns- 
trioos martyrs were interred in eo humble a 
nianner, more obscore suffererx shonld he more 

afford ground for the supposition that, where a 
saint or martyr of the first three centuries has 
been placed in a decorated tomb, such a memorial 
u to be attributed not to the period of the ori- 
ginal interment, bnt to the piety of a later time. 
In the 4th and Sth centuries the humble "locu- 
lus" was altered into the decorated "monu- 
menium arcoatnm," and the whole sepulchral 
chamber in many cases richly adorned with in- 

uintings. An excellent eiample of this is afforded 
by the chamber in the cemetery of Calliitus, in 
which the remains of the Popes EuseUus (309- 
311) and Hiltiades (or Helchiades, 311-314) 
were placed, a part of which is represenM in 
the Bsneied woodcnt. ! 

pL lvii,-lii. One of tl 

it rvmaifcaU* !■■ 




k the tomb of St. Hermes in the cata- 
«HBbs Bear Rome oUied by his name. 

TIm tombs of thitf class are more nsually found 
ia the ** coMciila,'* or small chambers, than in 
tlwgaUezies of the catacombs: in the former, two, 
tkrw, or more are often found. Martigny seeks 
to draw a distinction between those foond in the 
"calMcola," which he thinks may often or gene- 
nlly be those of wealthy iadiTidiLils made at 
tber own cost, and those in the so-called chapels 
ff larger excsTations, which he thinks were con- 
stracted at the general chai^ of the Christian 
cwnmnnity. In one sach chapel in the cemetery 
ef St. Agnes near Rome there are eleren such 
tanbi. RosUll {BeKkretinmg von Som, by Bunsen 
sad othcrsy toL L p. 408) giyes it as his opinion 
tbst soch chapels, specially connected with the 
Tooation of martyrs, do not nsually date from 
SB earlier period than the 4th or 5th century. 
The work of the Cay. de' Rossi on the catacombs 
{Soma CrisL Sotterraned) will no doubt when 
conpleted throw great light on all these ques- 
taoBs, which cannot be satisfactorily solved except 
bf that union of the most careful and minute in- 
wstigstiow, and candid and impartial criticism, 
which tiiat learned archaeologist will bring to 
bsu- upon them. 

Eiam|des of tombs of the same form may be 
fmad in structures above ground at a much later 
date: two such are in the walls of the entrance 
ts the baptistery at Albenga, between Nice and 
GcMa, a bailding probably not later than the 
7th eentury. One tomb is quite plain, the other 
dscented with plaited ornaments in the style 
prmJent drea 800. [A. N.] 

AREA. L A space within which monuments 
itaod, which was protected by the Roman law 
frsB the acts of ownership to which other lands 
w«n liaUe. Such areae are frequent by the 
nie ef most of the great roads leading into Rome, 
sni letters on the monument describe how many 
6k of frontage, and how many in depth, belong to 
it The formula is, IN-FRP. . . . IN-AGP. . . . 
le^ "In frtHite pedes — ": "In agro pedes — ." 
The fiixe of these areae varied much; some were 
16 Act square, some 24 feet by 15 ; a square nf 
aboat 125 feet each way seems to have been 
caoBBoa; the example in Horace {Sat, i. 8, 12) 

S' rti OS 1000 feet by 300 ; and some appear to 
ve been even larger than this ; one of Grater's 
Aser^pfinws, for instance, (i. 2, p. cccxcix. 1), 
im, ** Hoie monumento cedunt agri puri jugera 
So large a space was required, not for the 
»lenm which was to be erected, but in some 
caisi fer the reception of many tombs, in others 
bt the performance of sacra, which were often 
aaa i ttuus ly attended (Northoote and Brownlow's 
Soma SaUerraneOj pp. 47 f.). 

On a monument or a boundary stone of the 
ana waa engraved a formula indicating that this 
plat was not to pass to the heirs of him who set 
it spart for sepulture. This was generally 
H-M'H'N'S. ftA, **Hoc monumentum haeredes non 
laqiHnr " (Orelli's Ifucriptionea, No. 4379). The 
ebnaapooding Greek form was, "rois K\ripov6- 
fm* CSV o6k iwaicoKovBiiff^i rovro rh ftyiyjucior '* 
(Eockh's Corpus Intcripticnwn, No. 3270). 

la the Roman catacombs care has evidently 
been taken lest the subterranean excavations 
ibofsld transgress the limits of the area on the 
wfece (Northoote, u.a. 48). 

This reverence of the Roman law for burial- 
places enabled the early Christians, except in 
times of persecution or popular tumult, to 
preserve their sepulchres inviolate. The areas 
about the tombs of martyrs were especially so 
preserved, where meetings for worship were held, 
and churches frequently built. Tertullian {Ad 
ScapvU, 3) tells us that when Hilarianus, a perse- 
cutor, had issued an edict against the formation of 
boch areae, the result was that the areae (thresh- 
ing-floors) of the heathen lacked corn the follow- 
ing year. So the Acta Proconsularia of the trial 
of Felix (in Baronius, ann. 314 §24) speak of the 
areae,'* where you Christians make prayers "(ubi 
orationes facitis). These areae were frequently 
named from some well-known person buried 
there; thus St. Cyprian is said to have been 
buried *Mn area Candidi Procuratoris" {Acta 
Mart. S. Cypriani in Ducange's Glossary s. v.). In 
the Oetia Prtrgationis Caeciliani {Ibid,), certain 
dtixens are said to have been shut up " in area 
martyrum," where, perhaps, a church is intended. 
Compare Cemetebt, Marttrium. 

U. The court in fi'ont of a church [At&ixtm.] 
(Bingham's Antiquities, viii. 3 § 5.) [C] 


AHETHAS and companions, martyrs, com- 
memorated Oct. 24 {Col. Byxant.). [C] 

ABGEUS, martvr, commemorated Jan. 2 
{Mart, Bom, Vet.), ' [C] 

ABIGIOK, of Nicomedia, commemorated 
June 23 {Mart, ffieron,), [C] 


ABISTAROHUS, disciple of Apostles, com- 
memorated Aug. 4 {Mart, Rom. Vet.); '* Apostle," 
April 15 [14, NealeJ (CW. Byzant,). [C] 

ARISTIDES, of Athens, commemorated Aug. 
31 {Mart. Rom. Vet.), [C] 

ARISTION, one of the Seventy Disciples of 
Christ, commemorated Oct. 17 {Mart, Rom, 
Vet,), [C] 

ARISTOBULUS, "Apostle," commemorated 
Oct. 31 {Cal. Byzant.), [C] 

ABISTOK, and others, martyrs, comme* 
morated July 2 {Mart. Rom, Vet.). [C] 

ABISTONIGUS, martyr, commemorated 
April 19 {Mart, Rom, Vet.), [C] 

ABISTONIPPUS, commemorated Sept. 3 
{Mart, ffieron.), [C] 

ABISTUS, commemorated Sept. 3 {Mart, 
Bedae), [C] 

ABLES, CX)UNCIL8 OF (Arelatensia 
Concilia). — I. a.d. 314, summoned by the 
Emperor Constantino to try afiresh the cause 
of the Donatists against Caedlian, Bishop of 
Carthage, — a cause **' de Sancti Coelestisque 
Numinis cultu et fide Catholica ;*' because 
the former complained that the judgment given 
at Rome in 313 by the Pope and certain Gallic 
bishops (whom Constantino had appointed to try 
the case there), was an unfeir one. The emperor 
accordingly summoned other bishops, from Sicily, 
Italy (not the Bishop of Rome, he having been 
one of the former judges), the Gauls (which 
include Britain), and Africa itself^ to the number 
of 200 according to St. Augustin, to come to 
Aries by August 1 to retry the case. Thp sum- 



mom to Chrestns of Syracuse (Mansi, ii. 466, 
467, from Euseb. z.) desires him to bring two 
presbyters and three servants with him at the 
public expense. And the letter of Constantino 
to the Vicarius Afrioae (ib. 463-465) claims it 
as the emperor's duty to see that such conten- 
tions are put an end to. The sentence of the 
Council, adverse to the Donatists, is likewise 
to be enforced by the civil power (Reacript. 
Constant, post Synodum, ib. 477, 478). But Con- 
stantine in the same letter expressly disclaims all 
appeal to himself from the " judicium sacerdotum" 
(ib. 478). The Synod also announces its judg- 
ment and its Canoiu to Pope Sylvester, in order 
that ^ per te potissimum omnibus insinuari," re- 
gretting also the absence of their *' frater dilectis- 
simus," who probably would have passed a 
severer sentence. The canons begin with one 
enacting that the observance of Easter shall be 
**> uno die et tempore," the Bishop of Rome *' juxta 
eonsuetudinem " to make the day known. They 
include also among other regulations a prohibi- 
tion of the rebaptizing of heretics if they had 
been baptized in the name of the Holy Trinity ; 
an exhortation (*' consilium *') to those whose 
wives had been guilty of adultery, not to marry 
another '^yiventibus uzoribus;" a requirement 
to the consecration of a bishop of eight bishops, 
if possible, but of three at the least ; and a con- 
demnation of those '* sacerdotes et Levitae," who 
do not abstain from their wives. The Council 
was purely a Western one, and of the emperor's 
selection, although St. Augustine (De Baj^. cont, 
Ikmat., ii. 9, and elsewhere) calls it '^ universal." 
Among the signatures to it, according to the 
most authentic list, are the well-known ones of^ 
^ Eborius Episcopus de civitate Eboracensi pro- 
vincia Britannia; Restitutus Episcopus de civi- 
tate Londinensi provincia suprascripta ; Adelfius 
Episcopus de civitate Colonia Londinensium " (t. e. 
probably, Col. Legionensium i.e. Caerleon on Usk); 
'* exinde Saoerdoe presbyter, Arminius diaconus " 
(Mansi, ib. 476, 477). There were present, ac- 
cording to this list, 33 bishops, 13 presbyters, 23 
deacons, 2 readers, 7 exorcists, besides 2 presby- 
ters and 2 deacons to represent Pope Sylvester. 

II. A.D. 353, of the Gallic bishops, summoned 
by the Emperor Constans to condemn the person 
of St. Athanasius (but without discussing doc- 
trine) under penalty of exile if they revised, 
Paulinus, Bishop of Treves, being actually exiled 
for refusing (Sulp. Sever., ii. ; Hilar., LibelL ad 
Constant, ; and Mansi, iii. 231, 232). 

III. A.D. 452, called the second, which com- 
piled and reissued 56 canons of other recent Gallic 
Councils respecting discipline (Mansi, vii. 875). 
Possibly there had been another in 451 (Id. i&. 

IV. A.D. 455, commonly called the third, pro- 
vincial, determined the dispute between Bishop 
Theodorus and Faustus abbat of Lerins, by de- 
creeing that the right of ordination, and of 
giving the chrism, &c., pertain to the bishop, 
but the jurisdiction over laymen in the monas- 
tery to the abbat (Mansi, vii. 907). 

V. A.D. 463, provincial, convened by Leontius, 
Archbishop of Aries, to oppose Mamertinus, 
Archbishop of Vienne, who had encroached upon 
the province of Aries (Mansi, vii. 951, from St. 
Hilary's EpUA,), 

VI. A.D. 475, provincial, under the same Leon- 
tius, to condemn the error of ** predestination." 


The books of Faustus, De Gratia Dei, ftc, wew 
written to express the sense of the Council, and 
the Augustinians condemned it as semi-Pelsgiao 
(Mansi, vii. 1007). 

VII. A.D. 524, commonly called the fourth, 
provincial, among other canons on discipline, sp- 
pointed 25 as the age for deacons' orders, and 30 
for priests' (Mansi, viii. 625). 

VIII. A.D. 554, commonly called the fifth, pro- 
vincial, chiefly to reduce monasteries to obedience 
to their bishop (Mansi, ix. 702). 

IX. A.D. 813, under Charlemagne, enacted 26 
canons respecting discipline, and among others, 
tliat the Bishop ** circumeat parochiam suam 
semel in anno"(c 17), and that "Comite6,judices 
seu reliquus populus, obedientes sint Episcopo, et 
invicem consentiant ad justitias fadendas" (c. 
13 ; Mansi, xiv. 55). [A. W. H.] 

ABMARIUS, in monastic establishments, the 
precentor and keeper of the church books. Ar- 
marius is continually used by Bernard (in Ordine 
Cluniacensi, &c.) for Cantor and Magister Cei«- 
moniarum.* [J. H.] 

was held in Armenia, simultaneously with an* 
other at Antioch, a.d. 435, condemning the 
works of Theodorus of Mopsuestia, and Diodonis 
of Tarsus, lately translated into the language 
of Armenia and circulated there (Mansi, v. 
1179). [E. S. F.] 

ABM0GA6TES, confessor, commemorated 
March 29 (Mart. Horn, Vet,). [C] 

ABMOBICA. COUNCIL IN, a.d. 555, to 
excommunicate Maclou, Bishop of Vannes, who 
had renounced tonsure and celibacy on the death 
of his brother Chanao, Count of Brittany (Gr^. 
Tur., ffist. iv. 4 ; Mansi, ix. 742). [A. W. H.] 

ABNULPHUS, confessor, Aug. 16 (Mart 
Bedae) ; July 18 {M. Hieron.). [C.] 

ABONTIUS, commemorated Aug. 27 {Mart 
Hieron.). [C] 

ABBIANUS, martyr, commemorated Dec 14 
(Cal. Byzant.). [C.] 


ilso ArrhabOy Arraboy earnest money on be- 
trothal. The practice of giving earnest money 
on betrothal, of which traces are to be found in 
all parts of the world, has its root evidently in 
the view, common yet to many savage races, of 
marriage as the mere sale of a wife, to which 
betrothal stands in the relation of contract to 

Among the Jews, as will be seen from Selden's 
treatise, De Uxore Ifehraicd (Book ii. cc. 1, 2, 
3, 4), betrothal was strictly a contract of pur- 
chase for money or money's worth (although 
two other forms were also admitted) ; the coin 
used being, however, the smallest that could be 
had. The earnest was given either to the wift 
herself, or to her parents. It could not be of 
forbidden things or things consecrated to priMtly 
use, or things unlawfully owned, unless such as 
might have been taken from the woman herself; 
but a lawfully given earnest was suffident to 
constitute betrothal without words spoken. In 

• Praeoentor et Armarius : Ajmaril nomen obtiniiit. eo 
qiiod in ^Jus mann aolet esse Bibliotheca, qnae et in alio 
nomine Armarium appellator.— ZHtamas. 




itzkk QSBMtenej with the view of marriage as a 
fndiut hj the man, it was held that the giving 
•f mnert hj the woman was Toid. And when, 
St s Utcr period, the use of the ring as a Bjrmbcl 
«f tke eaniest crept into Jewish betrothals from 
Gentile prsctice, so carefiillj was the old view 
p meit e d that a proTions formal inquiry had to 
be made of two witnesses, whether the ring 
§BtttA wss of equal value with a coin. 

The firrt legal reference amons; the Romans 
!o the arrka on betrothal, and the only one in 
the Di^y belongs to the 3rd century, — 1>. to a 
period when the Roman world was already to a 
gnst extent permeated by foreign^ influences, — 
st this time chiefly Oriental. It occurs in a 
pHB^e from Paulas, who flourished under 
Alenader Serenis, 223-235 (Dig, 23. tit. 2. 
s. 38). The jurist lays it down that a public 
ftrndiflnsry in a province cannot marry a woman 
from that province, but may become betrothed 
tD her; and that if, after he has given up his 
office, the woman refuses to marry him, she is 
oily bound to repay any earnest-money she has 
reoeived, — a text which, it will be observed, 
spplies in strictness only to provincial function- 
sries, and may thus merely indicate the ex- 
iitnee o€ the practice among subject nations. 
Certain it is that the chapter of the Digett on 
betrothals {De SpomsaUbus, 23. tit. 1) says not a 
vard of the arrka ; Ulpian in it expressly states 
thst '^baxe consent suffices to constitute be- 
trothal,'' a legal position on which the stage 
betrothals in Plautus supply an admirable com- 

Aboot eightv years later, however — at a time 
vikea the northern barbarians had already given 
cBpeiors to Rome — the arrha appears in full 
de^iopment. Julius Capitolinus — who wrote 
■adcr Constantino — in his life of Maximinus 
the younger (killed 313), says that he had 
beea betrothed to Junia Fadella, who was 
sftcrwaids married to Toxotios, *'but there 
raniBed with her royal orrAo^, which were 
thcN, ss Junius Gordus relates from the testi- 
noay of those who are said to have examined 
into these things, a necklace of nine pearls, a net 
of devcB emenlds, a bracelet with a clasp of 
ter jadnths, besides golden and all regal vest- 
■CBic,and other insignia of betrothal."* Am- 
brose indeed (346-^97) speaks only of the 
synbolicsl ring in relating the story of St. Agnes, 
vhom be represents as replying to the Governor 
ef Rome, who wished to marry her to his son, 
that she stands engaged to another lover, who 
has ofiered her fiur Mter adornments, and given 
her for earnest the ring of his afiiance (et 
saanlo 6dei suae subarrhavit me, Ep, 34). To 
a oGBtemporary of Ambrose, Pope Julius I. (336- 
352) is sscribeid a decree that if any shall have 
cfpoosed a wife or given her earnest (si quis 
deopoQSKverit uxorem vel subarrhaverit) his 
brother or other near kinsman may not marry 
her (Labbe' and Mansi, CancU, iu 1266^ About 
a century later, the word arrha is used flgura- 
tiTilT in reference to the Annunciation, considered 
ss s iMtiothal, by Peter Chrysologus, Archbishop 
ef Rsvesna in 433, as quoted by Du Gauge, in 

la the days of Justinian, we see iVom the Code 
* A few words of tlie above pssssn have greatly exer- 

that the earnest-money was a regular element m 
Byzantine betrothal. It was given to the in- 
tended bride or those who acted for her, and 
cwas to be repaid in the event of the death of 
either party {Cod. 5. tit. 1. s. 3, Law of Gra^ 
tian, Valentinian, and Theodosius, A.D. 380), 
or or breach of promise by the woman ; in 
the latter case, indeed, the woman sw' jttria, or 
the father, mother, grandfather or great-grand- 
father of one under age having to pay an equal 
additiooal sum by way of penalty ; thoagh a 
woman under age was only bound to simple re- 
payment, as was also the case in the event of 
any unlawful marriage, or of the occurrence 
of some cause unknown at the time of betrotlial 
which might dispense the woman from fulfilling 
her promise. The fourfold penalty of the earlier 
law was still, by the one now quoted, made 
exigible by special contract {Pnd. 5, Law of Leo 
and Anthemius, a.d. 469). Simple restitation 
was sttffident in case, after betrothal, either party 
chose to embrace a. religious life (1. tit. 3. s. 
56 ; Nov. 123, c. xxxix.) ; or in case of diversity 
of religious faith between the betrothed, if dis- 
covered 01* occurring after betrothal, but not 
otherwise iOode, 1. tit. 4. s. 16, law of Leo and 
Anthemius, A.D. 469). 

It is difficult not to seek for the reason of this 
development of the arrha within the Roman or 
Byzantine world of the 6th century in some 
foreign influence. Accordingly, if we turn to 
the barbarian races which overran the empire 
from the end of the 4th century, we find almost 
everywhere the prevalence of that idea of wife- 
buying, which is the foundation of the betrothal 
earnest ; see for instance in Canciani, Legea Bar" 
barorvm Arttiquae, vol. ii. 85, the (reputed) older 
text of the Salic law, tit. 47, as to the purchase of 
a widow for three solidi and a denarius, vol. iii. 
17, 18, 22 ; the Burgundian Law, titles xii. 1 
and 3, xiv. 3, and xxxiv. 2; vol. v. 40, 50; 
the Saxon Law, titles vi. 1, 2, 3, xii.'xvili. 1, 2, 
&C., or (in the volume of the Becord Commission^ 
our own Laws of Ethelbert, 77, 83; Ine, 31. 
And in the regions overspread by the Prankish 
tribes in particular, the arrha, as a money 
payment, is visible as a legal element in be- 
trothaL Gregory of Tours (544-595) repeatedly 
refers to it (L 42 ; iv. 47 ; x. 16> 

In the earlier writers there is nothing to 
connect the betrothal earnest with a religious 
ceremony. Nor need we be surprised at this, 
when we recollect that, in the early ages of 
Christianity, marriage itself was held by the 
Roman world as a purely civil contract ; so that 
Tertullian, enumerating those ceremonies of 
heathen society which a Christian might inno- 
cently attend, writes that "neither the virile 
robe, nor the ring, nor the marriage-bond (neque 
annulus, aut conjunctio roaritalis) flows from 
any honour done to an idol " {De idoiol., c. 16). 
And indeed the opinion has-been strongly held, 
as August! points out, whilst disclaiming it, that 
church betrothals did not obtain before the 9th 
century. The earliest mention of a priestly 
benediction upon the sponsi appears to occur in 
the 10th canon of the Synod of Reggio, a.d. 850 
(see Labb^ and Mansi, doncil. xiv. p. 934) ; and 
it is not impossible that that confusion between 
the sponsus and maritus, the sponsa and uxor^ 
was then already creeping into middle ase Latin, 
which has absolutely prevailed in French, where 



^jpoustf ipovae^ are sTnonymoaB with mari and 
fenwie in the sense of uxor. In a contemporary 
document, the reply of Pope Nicolas I. (858 •• 
867) to the consultation of the Bulgarians, the 
question whether betrothal was a ciril or reli- 
gious ceremony remains undecided; but as he 
professes to exhibit to them **a custom which 
the holy Roman Church has receired of old, and 
still holds in such unions,*' his testimony, though 
half a century later than the death of Charle- 
magne, desenres to be here recorded, bearing wit- 
ness as it does expressly to the betrothal earnest. 

^ After betroUial," he says, '* which is the 
promised bond of future marriage, and which 
is celebrated by the consent of those who enter 
into this, and of those in whose authority they 
are, and after the betrother hath betrothed to 
himself the betrothed with earnest by marking 
her finger with the ring of affiance, and the be- 
trother hath handed over to her a dower satisfiio- 
tory to both, with a writing containing such con- 
tract, before persons inrited by both parties, 
either at once or at a fitting time (to wit, in 
order that nothing of the kind be done before the 
time prescribed by law)^both proceed to enter 
into the marriage bond. And first, indeed, they 
are placed in the Church of the Lord with the 
oblations which they ought to ofier to God by the 
hand of the priest, and thus finally they reoeire 
the benediction and the heavenly garment." 

Tt will be seen from the above passage that 
whilst Pope Nicolas recognises distinctly the 
practice of betrothal by arrha^ symbolized 
through the ringj yet the only benediction 
which he expressly mentions is the nuptial, not 
the spousal one. 

It has been doubted in like manner whether 
charch betrothals were practised at this period 
in the Greek Church, and whether the form of 
betrothal in the Gh*eek Euchologium is not of 
late insertion. That at the date of the last quoted 
authority, *or say in the middle of the 9th cen- 
tury, the Greek ceremonies appertaining to mar- 
riage differed already from the Roman appears 
from the text of Pope Nicolas himself; his very 
object being to set forth the custom of the Roman 
Church in contrast to that of the Greek (consue- 
tudinem quamGraecos in nnptialibus contuberniis 
habere dicitis). Now the striking fact in refer- 
ence to the form of the Euchologium is that in it 
the earnest or kf^afiitv is not a mere element in 
betrothal, but, as with the Jews, actually consti- 
tutes it— a practice so characteristic that it can 
hardly be supposed to flow otherwise than from 
ancient usage. Here, in fact, the words kf^afiitVt 
ili^a0vyi(ta0u, can only be translated "be- 
trothal," '* betrothing.** The formula, repeated 
alternately by the man and the woman, runs : 
'* So and so, the servant of God, betroths to him- 
self (i^^oLfiMyiitrcu) this handmaid of God in the 
name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the 
Holy Ghost, now and ever, and world without 
end. Amen." The prayer is in like manner: 
*' Look upon this Thy servant and this thine 
handmaid, and confirm their betrothal ((rr7}pi|ov 
rhy k(^pafiiova avr&v) in &ith and concord, and 
truth, and love. For thou, Lord, didst show us 
to give the earnest and thereby to confirm all 
things.*' And the heading — which may indeed 
well be more modem — is ** service for betrothal, 
otherwise of the earnest." 

The most therefore that can be concluded on 


this still doubtful subject seenas to be this^ 
1st. That the earnest-money on betrothal, sjia- 
bolizing as it clearly does the barbarous cnston 
of wife-boying, must essentially have been erery- 
where in the first instance a civil, not a religiou 
act. 2. That the practice was unknown to sn- 
dent Greek and Roman civilization, and mi 
especially foreign to the spirit of the older 
Roman law. 3. That it was nevertheless fimilj 
rooted in Jewish custom, and may not impro- 
bably have passed from thence into the ritntl 
of the Eastern Church, where, as with the Jews, 
the giving of earnest constitutes the betrothtl. 
4. That it was very generally prevalent amoig 
the barbarian trib^ which overran the Romaa 
empire, and seems from them to have psssed into 
its customs and its laws, making its appesranoe 
in the course of the 3rd century, and becoming 
prominent by the 6th century in JnstiDiaa's 
Code, at the same time when we also find its 
prevalence most distinctly marked in Ganl, and 
as a Prankish usage. 5. That no distinct trace 
of It in the ceremonies of the Church can how- 
ever be pointed out till the later middle age, 
although it may very likely have prevailed in 
the Eastern Church from a much earlier period. 

It follows, however, from what has been aaid 
above that whatever may have lingered in later 
times of the betrothal carrha must be ascribed 
to very ancient usage ; as in the formula qaoted 
by Selden iVom the Parochial of Ernest, Arch* 
bishop of Cologne and Bishop of Li<%e, whiek 
includes the use, not only of the ring, bat also, 
if possible, of red purses with three pieces ot 
silver, ^ loco arrhae spouse dandae." Onr own 
Sarum ordinal says in reference to betrothal: 
^ men call arrae the rings or money or other 
things to be given to the betrothed by the be* 
trother, which gift is called wharratiOy particn- 
larly however when it is made by gift of a ring." 
And the two forma of Sarum and York respec- 
tively run as follows : (Sarum) '* With this ring 
I thee wed, and this gold and silver I thee give;** 
(Tork) '< With this ring I wed thee, and with 
this gold and silver I honour thee, and with 
this gift I honour thee." The latter fbrmvla 
indeed recalls a direction given in one of the two 
oldest rituals relating to marriage given by Kar- 
t^e, De Antiquis EocMae HUilms, voL ii. p. 127 
(extracted from a Rennes missal, to which he 
ascribes about 700 years of antiquity, or say, of 
the 11th century), entitled, '*Ordo ad sponsnm 
et sponsam benedioendam," which says that 
^ after the blessing of the ring in the name of 
the Holy Trinity .... the betrother shall hon- 
our her (the betrothed) with gold or silver ao> 
cording to his means " ^onorare auro vd argeoto 
pront poterit sponsus). 

As respects the use of the ring in betrothali 
see further under Ring, and also Betrothal. 

(August!, Benkwiirdigkeiten, vol. ix. 295, and 
foil, may be consulted, but is fiir from satis- 
factory. Bingham, Antiquities^ book xxiL eh. 
iii., confounds together everything that can be 
confounded. Selden, Uxor HtbraUxk, book iin 
remains by far the best single source of re- 
ference.) [J. M. L] 

ARSENIUS. (1) 6 lUyas, May 8 (Obt ^ 

(2) Confessor, July 19 {Mart, Bedae), 
(8) Martyr, commemorated Dec 14 (JTort 
R(mL Vet,\ [C.1 


ABTEimJB. (1) Hiubaiid of Candida, 
■■rtyr, «l Borne, eoDunemoraUd Juno 6 (Mart, 
Mpm, ViUy 

(S) MrfmKtfidfTup of Antioch, Oct. 20 (Ob/. 
BfunL), [C] 

ABTBHOH, oommemoraied Oct. 24 {Cal. 
Amm.y [C] 



A8CEN8IOK DAT: (AntMio and AxenM 
bmatt; diet festits AKensiomu: iopr^ rris 
A i«\ ^ w f ; 4 ia^ff^ts and 4ifi4pa &yaX^i^ifu>f> 
nk ftitiTal, asaigncd, in Tirtue of Acta 1. 8, to the 
frrtieUi day after Eaater-day, is not one of those 
wUek fron the earliest times were generally ob- 
tnttL No mention of it occurs before the 4th 
ecataiy, unless an earlier date can be made good 
ht the «* Apostolic Constitutions," or for the pas- 
■^ in which mention is made of this festiyal — 
lib. ▼. 19 : '^ Fron the first day (Easter-day) num- 
ber y forty days to the fifth day (Thursday), and 
eplsbrsle the Feast of the AnlXii^is rov Kvplovy 
Bsf V «Aiif6Mras vaaor ohtopofiiaif kqI 9idra^w 
hn^U, K. r. X." : TiiL 33, ''On what days serr- 
siU are to rest firom work : r^y &ydXt|^(y kpy^i- 
mMr Ilk rh ir4pas r^i jcot^ JLpurrhy oixovo- 
fdu." Origcn (c. CeU. viii. S62), names as holy- 
dsTs jpaer^y observed, besides the Lord's Day, 
ealy Pknsoeiw (Good Friday), Pascha (Easter- 
&yX and Penteoost. No others than these are 
■eatjened hj TertnlUan. Of sermons preached 
M this fotitvl, the oldest seems to be one extant 
nly in a Latin yersion, ap. Sirmondi Opp, Varia, 
L L pi 39, which he and Valeaius, on insufficient 
pvaads, sssign to Enaebius the Church historian ; 
CsTe, and later writers, to Eusebius of Emesa. 
Iti title is da Returrectione et Aaomsione Domini^ 
sad the preacher dwells chiefly on the Resurrec- 
tisa; bat the opening words show that it was 
prached on Ascension Day : ** Laetantur quidem 
esali de fetHmtate praeaentif in qua Dominum 
•weepers yictorem." Next, perhaps, in point of 
satiqaity, is one by Epiphanius (t. ii. 285, ed. 
PeUr.X In the opening, he complains that the 
fRatasM of this festiyal is not duly appreciated, 
thoagh it is, to the others, what the head is to the 
body, the crown and completion. First, he says, 
ii the Fesst of Incarnation ; second, the Theopha- 
■is; third, the Passion and Resurrection. ^ But 
cy«B this iistiyal brought not the Ailness of joy, 
beeaaae it still left the risen Lord fettered to this 
eirth. The Penteooet, also, on which* the Holy 
Gheit was communicated, oratains a great, un- 
fpeskaUe joy. But to-day, the day of the 
Ajocasioa, sll is filled with joy supreme. Christ, 
•peaiag highest heayens, wc." It is, of course, 
oaly with a rhetorical purpose that Pentecost is 
bete named before Ascension. There were in- 
detd heretics, Valentinians and Ophites (Iren. 
i. 1, 5, sad 34 adfn.\ and other Gnostics (repre- 
sated by the Akmkaio Esaiae, Aethiop.^ who 
iHiSBsi a period of eighteen months to our 
Lenf 8 sojoun on aarih after the Besurrection ; 
■ad besides, there are traces of a belief among 
the orthodox that the bodily presence of the 
TiMn Lsid with hb disciples, from time to time, 
WM eontinuad during three years and six 
■eaths (Ens. Dem. Ev. viii. 400 B. ; Browne's 
OrdaSaeehmm, p. 82 £); bnt certainly the day on 
wUdi the Aioenidon was celebrated was, in all 

the chordiea, the fortieth after Easter-day. Of 
CBusr. Airr. 



about the same time, is a sermon by St. Gregory 
of Nyssa, remarkable for its title: Els r^v 
\eyofUpriv r^ drix«pty r&y KennraMKww fSu, 
*Einffw(o/i4irnv, llris itrriv 4 &ydAi|^is rov IL 
il/uiy *I. X. Bingham, Augnsti, Rheinwald, Alt, 
and others, explain this as hfnii rris ^ncwCo- 
fi^ir^s if>6a€ws it^Bpcairiyris (or M aotfofUvQ ^^vu 
iuf$p«tviifp\ with reference to the crowning work 
of redemption in the glorification of the Manhood 
The name, marked by Gregory as local to Cap- 
padoda, is not retained in the Greek calendar, 
bat it occurs in the title of St. Chrysostom's 
19th Mrmon on the Statues (/ad pop, Antioch^ t, 
ii. 188 Ben.), rf Kvpiaic^ rris *Eiriat»(oiji4yfis, al. 
lSi»iojjAviis, Leo Allatius (jie Dcmm, et IMdom, 
Gramsorwn, § 28), who eyidently knows th< 
designation only from these two places, says that 
the Sunday is the fifth after Easter, the Sunday 
of Ascension week. Tillemont (see the Bene- 
dictine Pi-aefat. t. iL p. xi. sqq.) infers from the 
place of this sermon in the series between S. 18, 
preached after mid-Lent, and S. 20, preached 
at the end of the Quadragesima, that it was 
deliyered on Passion Sunday, 5 Lent. But 
Chrysostom's own recital in the first seimon d$ 
Anna (t. iy. 701 A.) clearly shows that the 19th 
sermon, is later by *' many days " than the 
2ls|t, (preached on Easter-day: see the Bene- 
diotine Monitwn, prefixed to the sermons on 
Anna, and also (for Montfaucon's final conclusion) 
Vit. Chryaost. t. xiii. 128 sqq. ed. Par. Ben. 2. 
Hence it appear* that the Sunday 'Eri(r«(o- 
fiivris cannot be, as Sayile (t. yiii. 809) supposes, 
the octaye of Easter, dominica in cUbia, and it 
seems most probable that Leo Allatius is right in 
making it the Sunday of Ascension week. In 
this case, the term 'EirurttCoH^i^ belongs to the 
Feast of Ascension. Baumgarten (Erldut. das 
ChristL Alterthum8f p. 299 ap. Augusti) takes 
it to mean any day specially retained for solemn 
celebration oyer snd aboye the great festiyals ; 
in this sense, or rather, perhaps, in that of ^a 
holiday gained or secured in addition," it will be 
suitable to the Feast of Ascension as one of recent 
introduction, regarded as a welcome boon espe- 
cially to senrants and labourers. On the Feast 
itself, Chrysostom has one sermon (t. ii. 447), of 
uncertain date. The celebration was held l(ai r^s 
ir6\tms : this, which was the established rule for 
Good Friday (Serm. de Coemet, et de Cruce^ t, ii. 
397), was here done on a special occasion, in 
honour of the martyrs whose remains the bishop 
Flayian had rescued from impure contact, and 
translated to the martyrium called Romanesia 
outside the walls. It does not follow that an 
extramural celebration or procession was the 
established practice at Antio<^ on Ascension-day, 
as some writers haye inferred from this passage. 
In the sermon de b. PhUogoniOj preached 
20th Dec. 386, St. Chrysostom (t. i., 497 C), 
extolling the dignity of the approaching Feast of 
Natiyity (then of recent introduction), says : 
''From this the Theophania and the sacred 
Pascha, <md the Ascensionf and the Pentecost 
haye their origin. For had not Christ been bom 
after the flesh. He had not been baptised, which 
is the Theophania; not crucified, which is the 
Pascha; had not sent the Spirit, which is the 
Pentecost." Here the words koI 4i ivakjn^is are 
clearly an interpolation. The three ancient 
festiyals, he would say, are Theophania, Fas* 
oha, Pentecost: they require Natirity as their 





groiind. So in Senxi. 1 de Penteooate (t. i. 458) 
— also of onknown date — he enumerates as the 
three leading festivals, Epiphany, Pascha, Pen- 
tecost, with no mention of Nativitj or of 
Ascension, although p. 461 he refers to the As- 
cension as an event : **• for, ten days since, our 
nature ascended to the royal throne," &c. But 
in another, the second de Pentecotte (t&. 469), he 
says : " Not long since we celebrated the Cross 
and Passion, the Resurrection, after this, the 
Ascension into heaven of our Lord Jesus Christ." 

On the whole, it would seem that, so far as 
our sources of information go, the institution of 
this festival, in the East, dates at eai'liest from 
the middle of the 4th century. 

Nor do we find it earlier in the Western 
Church : there is no mention of it in Tertullian, 
SS. Cyprian, Ambrose, Hilary, or in the canons 
of the early councils. In St. Augustine's time, 
indeed, the usage was so well-established that he 
speaks of it as universal, therefore of Apostolic 
institution. In the Epistle to Jannarius, liv. [al. 
czviii.] (t. ii. 123, sqq. Ben.), he ranks it with 
Pascha imd Pentecost. ^'lUa autem quae non 
scripta sed tradita custodimus, quae quidem toto 
terrarum orbe servantur, datur intelligi vel ab 
ipsis Apostolis vel plenariis oonciliis. . . oom- 
mendata atque statu ta retineri, sicuti quod 
Domini passio et resurrectio et aacensio in caelum, 
et adventus de caelo Sp. sancti, anniversaria 
solemnitate celebrantur," &c. (He does not 
name the Nativity, this was well understood to 
be of recent institution.) Beverege, Cod. Can. 
Vindic. c. ix. puts the argument thus : — " What- 
ever is universal in the Church must be either 
Apostolic or ordained by general councils; but 
no general council did ordain these festivals, 
therefore they come to us from the Apostles 
themselves.** On the authority of this passage 
of St. Augustine, liturgical writers, Martene and 
others, have not hesitated to conclude that the 
Feast of Ascension is as old as Pascha and Pente- 
cost. In the silence of the first three centuries, 
we can, at most, accept the passage as testimony 
to matter of fSiict, that at the end of the 4th 
century Ascension-day was generally kept ; as in 
the second of his five Ascension-sermons (261- 
265, t. V. 1065 sqq. Ben.X St. Augustine says, § 3, 
**Ecce celebratur hodiemus dies toto orbe ter- 
rarum." From this time, certainly, the observ- 
ance of the day was general in East and West. 
But it does not appear to have ranked with the 
highest festivals, which were Nativity, Easter, 
and Pentecost {ConciL Agathenae, a. 506. can. 63, 
and AurelianeTise 1, a. 511, can. 25). As a feast 
of secondary order, it ranked, in the Latin Church 
with Epiphany and St. John Baptist's-day (comp. 
Condi, Agath. can. 21). In the Eastern Church 
it was celebrated with solemn extra-mural pro- 
cessions—possibly as eai'ly as St. Chrysostom's 
time at Antloch, though, as before observed, 
this is not necessarily implied in the passage 
cited ; in Jerusalem, to the Mount Olivet, on 
which the Empress Helena had erected a church. 
Bede says that the celebration there was almost 
as solemn as that of Easter; it began at mid- 
night, and with the multitude of tapers and 
torches the mountain and the subjacent land- 
scape were all ablaze (de loc. mcr. c. 7). Else- 
where, the procession was to the nearest hill or 
rising ground, from which at the same time a 
benediction was pronounced on the fields and 

fruits of the earth. In the Western Chnrch this 
procession and benediction were transferred to 
the Rogation-days ; and when Gr^ory of Tours, 
ob. 595 (ZTtst. Franc, v. 11), spe^ of the 
solemn processions with which Asoension-day 
was every^where celebrated, perhaps he means 
only processions into the churches. Martene 
describes one such as held at Vienne, in France. 
The archbishop, with deacon ax^ subdeaoon, 
headed it : on their return to the church, they are 
received by all standing in the nave ; two can<ns 
advance towards the cantors : Cant. Qusm qwtt' 
ritiai Canon. Jeswn qui reaurrexiL Cant. 
Jam aaogndit, aicut dixit Canon. AlkhUa. 
Then all proceed into the choir, and mass is cele- 
brated. There was also, on this day, in some 
churches (in others reserved for Pentecost) a 
service of benediction over loaves provided for 
the poor, and also over the new fruits of the 

The vigil of Ascension was kept by some as a 
fast, as an exception to the ancient rule, rigidly 
maintained by the Greeks, and long contoided 
for by many of the Latins. "Hoc [jpaschali] 
tempore nullius festi vigiliam jejunare vel 
observara jubemur, niai AsostiMcmM et Pentt' 
ooatea.** (Micrologus, de EccL Obaervat c 55.) 
Isidore of Seville (610) (de Ecclea. Off. c 37) 
acknowledges no fast whatever between Easter 
and Asoension-day : he holds that all fifty days 
to Pentecost are days of rejoicing only ; but sraoe, 
he says, on the ground of our Lord's words, St. 
Matt. ix. 15, *^Can the children of the bride- 
chamber mourn," &c, kept fast on the ei^t 
days from Ascensii-n to Pentecoet. The extended 
fast of three days before Ascension, whidi 
Amalarius (de Ecd. Off. iv. 37) calls Mdwantm 
vigiliae Aacaia. jejunium (apologising, as do other 
early liturgical writers, for that institution as 
an innovation upon the known ancient rule of 
East and West) came but slowly into general 
observance in the Western Church. Especially 
was this the case in Spain. ** Hispani, propter 
hoc quod scriptum est," says Walafrid Strabo 
(823) (de rebua Eod. c. 28), ** < Non possunt filii 
sponsi lugera quamdiu cum illis est sponsna,' infra 
quinquagesimam Paschae recusantes jejunare, 
litanias suas post Pentecosten posnemnt, quiata, 
sexta et septima feriis ejusdem hebdonudis eas 
facientes." Accordingly, in the Spanish oollectiaD 
of the Canons, the wording of those relating to the 
Rogation fast is altered. In Cone. Aurelian. i. can. 
27, the title, " De Litaniis ante asc. Domini eele- 
biandis," is made, " Ut Litaniae poat Dom. aic 
celebrentur;" and in the body of the Canon, 
for " Rogationes, ue.^ Litanias ante asc Dom. ab 
omnibus ecclesiis placuit celebrari ita ut prae- 
missum triduanum jejunium in Dom. ascensumis 
festivitate solvatur," the Spanish oodex has, 
" Rog., i.e,, lit. poat Asc Dom. placuit celebrari, 
ita ut praem. trid. jej. poat Dom. asc aolemm- 
tatem solvatur;" and the next canon which 
pronounces censure *' de dericis qui ad Utaxias 
venira contempseript," is made to affect only 
clerics who refuse to come ad offioium^ ad opfia 
aacrum generally. 

The Mosarabic Order does not even reoogniss 
a vigil of Ascension, thou^rh it has one for 

There was no octave of Ascension; the fbU 
lowing Sunday is simplj Dominioa pimt Atoea^ 




(Biidtxim,J>it vorx^lkhstenI>enkw, der Christ- 
fffliML JTcrdU, B. y. Th. L 253-256. Angusti, 
Dfkm. der ChrisiL ArchSologie, B. iL 351 sqq. 
Rh«nwaM, Die Kirehlkhe Archdologie, 204 sq. 
Hon, Gdir das AUer dee MbnmeifcJtrtafestes, in 
Lit»rg,Jimnia^ t. J. H. Wagnitz, 1806.) [H. B.] 

AflCEnCISM. The difficulty of tracing the 
•irtorrof Moetidsm in the early ages of Christi- 
iflitT ariMS in part from acantineae of materials, 
Vnt diieflf from the circomstance that this and 
tk oegnate terms have been used in two senses, 
•M general, one